The Seeds of Dialogue in Justin Martyr

Australian eJournal of Theology 7 (June 2006)

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The Seeds of Dialogue in Justin Martyr

Cullan Joyce

Abstract: The Early Church Fathers had varied perspectives on whether philosophy

could help or hinder the Christian tradition. Justin Martyr (100-165 CE) represents a

school that saw the encounter with philosophy as a potentially helpful and valid area of

dialogue for Christian theology, resonating with the present day. The complexity and

number of philosophical views within the context of the Roman Empire in the second

century shows that the postmodern challenge to Christianity presented by the presence

of ancient religious traditions is not a new situation. Therefore examining how Justin

conversed with philosophy will give us a context for a discussion on inter-religious

dialogue. Justins approach to pagan philosophy is thought to correspond to Paul

Knitters fulfilment model of inter-religious dialogue, I examine this position and assess

whether it is an appropriate label for Justin. I then briefly consider whether the

fulfilment model is appropriate for inter-religious dialogue today.

Key Words: Justin Martyr; middle Platonism; conversion; inter-religious dialogue;

pluralism; Roman philosophy; eclecticism

espite the human desire to find stability and peace, change and complexity have

come to define contemporary Western society. Complexity has marked Christian

History. There are several elements of the Roman Empire in the Second century that bear

close resemblance to our own historical context.

(1) Christianity could not assume ideological dominance;

(2) Christianity in the second century exists within an environment where diverse philosophies and religions compete;

(3) The second century framework for the reception of truth in the case of Justin, was often developed in reference to and dialogue and debate with, various other philosophical traditions; and

(4) The struggle to present Christian truth to non-Christians may involve the assumption, incorporation of, or adaptation to, non-Christian forms in some way without necessarily condoning them (though Christianity was not monolithic).1

The early apologists were primarily concerned with the defence of Christianity and the

converting of non-Christians. To introduce the topic and context I briefly examine the

second Century CE and offer some brief comparisons to the present day. After I have

described the context and shown some common ground between the periods I briefly

1 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, in Thomas B. Falls (trans.) The Fathers of the Church, A New Translation (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1965). Justin himself points out that there are many pure and pious Christians who do not share our opinion (276). This passage affirms that there was no monolithic practice or concept of Christianity even in the mind of the apologist.

AEJT 7 (June 2006) Joyce / Seeds of Dialogue

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discuss the fulfilment model in comparison to the mutuality model discussed by Knitter.2

Then under the section entitled: Conversion and Tradition, I examine Justin Martyrs description of his conversion to Christianity to identify how the context of philosophy

influenced that conversion. To clarify the ground I employ some of Clements statements on the relationship between philosophy and Christian thought. Within this section I assess

aspects within the thought and conversion of Justin that may be helpful when engaging in

inter-religious dialogue. Before briefly considering whether the fulfilment model

represents an appropriate motivational framework for inter-religious dialogue.

PLURALITY AND CONFLICT

Conflict within the context of the second century Roman Empire can be seen in two ways:

(1) actual persecution within the Roman Empire being systematic, or sporadic and local;3 and

(2) religious or philosophical discrimination, through intellectual or social means, against Christians or Christianity.4

The open hostility of the Roman persecutions was sporadic and rarely widespread but

they were a manifestation of an undercurrent of distrust. However even in its earliest days

the Church witnessed to and interacted with non-Jewish groups. The influence of Greco-

Roman Religions and Cults on the audience of Christian preaching and Church life is well

attested (Acts 14:11-18).5 Though we should not overstate pagan influence on Christian

practices, Turcan references some echoes of influence in Clements works.6 The Christian interaction with pagan religious practices was occasional and not systematic in this

period. However, the general instinct of eclecticism within the context of the second

century did affect the Church in a variety of ways.7 The philosophical conflict that this

essay is concerned with may have considered itself to be above the clamour of the ignorant masses though it was seen as a real threat to the early church.8 Justin chose this ground to defend Christianity.

2 Paul Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions (New York: Orbis Books, 2002), 125-134.

3 Bronwen Neil, Christians in the Early Centuries, in Foundations of Christian Faith, An introduction for Students, ed. Damien Casey, Gerard Hall and Ann Hunt (Melbourne: Social Science Press, 2004), 32-33.

4 Michael Bland Simmons. Graeco-Roman Philosophical Opposition, in Philip F. Esler (ed.), Encyclopedia of The Early Christian World (London: Routledge, 2000) 2:840-1. Simmons makes the point that though there were periods of cooperation that could be concluded to resemble a sympathy and syncretism of pagan culture to Christianity (2:861) until sometime after the edict of toleration. (Simmons says that the period of literary hostility mostly ceases by 363). Overall his assessment of the period is sensible and helpful as he does not dismiss the presence of an occasional cooperative spirit.

5 Angelo Di Bernadino and Basil Studer (eds.), The Greco-Roman World: Challenge and Response, History of Theology, vol. 1, trans. Matthew OConnell (Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1997), 83-84. 6 Robert Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, trans. Antonia Nevill (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 52, 53, 76, 77. Though Turcan believes the passages from the apologists support his thesis that Christians absorbed those Pagan practises into common worship, his argument may be undermined by the possible explanatory function of some of Clements work. Also the highly Semitic character of early Christianity was still prevalent during Justin and Clements time, though Alexandria was especially Hellenised. In order to find evidence of absorption he exaggerates the presence of those practices in the liturgy for which there is only very limited textual support in Clement.

7 Hans- Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco- Roman Religions, trans. Brian McNeil (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000), 345, 353, 355.

8 Simmons, Graeco-Roman Philosophical Opposition, 2:845.


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The Eclecticism of the Period

Eclecticism is that collection and integration of a variety of practises, beliefs or philosophies into a unique or modified tradition. The Middle Platonists who are often

labelled eclectic flourished from the beginning of the reign of Hadrian in A.D. 117 ... (until) 180.9 The variety of views that were gathered under the label of Middle Platonism influenced the way in which Justin appropriated and communicated philosophy.10 His (Justins exposure to and learning of a variety of philosophical forms) was a typical experience born of the eclecticism of the age.11 Gnosticism is also an example of eclecticism as a practise.12 The church responded to this complex variety of viewpoints

through an internal dialogue with Gnostic Christians and other parties through such

figures as Irenaeus. It also defended itself to the non-Christian audience through the reasoned defence of belief or behaviour.13 This reasoned defence forms a broad description of apologetics. Inevitably both the corpus of the Gnostics and Greek

philosophy influenced Christian self-understanding.

The philosophy of the Hellenistic imperial period provides the most important and

wide-reaching body of comparative material to help identify the position of early

Christianity in intellectual and religious history.14

The foundations of Christian self-identity were developed in dialogue and dialectic

with Hellenism. What were the principle philosophical forms that influenced Justin?

The Middle Platonists

The conflict between the Roman world and Christianity was complex. The second century

was marked by multiplicity of philosophies. Middle Platonism was a particularly

important development of that time. Middle Platonism is no unified school of thought, but a label put on various Platonically inspired thinkers at different places during this

period.15 The main characteristic of this movement was the speculative nature of its philosophical investigations.16 Although Plotinus operated during the third century,

Emilsson points out that he was as much a systematiser of the eclectic forms of Middle

Platonism into a single corpus as an original thinker.17 Many of the elements in Origen and

other Christian thinkers after this period contain elements that were derived from Middle

Platonism.

Platonism generally maintains that material reality is at best a reflection or

participation in the intelligible pure reality of the forms. At its worse it takes on a dualistic

9 J.O. Riedl, Platonism, in New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (Catholic University of America, Washington, 2003), 11:413.

10 Riedl. Platonism, 11:413. 11 L. W. Barnard. Justin Martyr, His Life and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 11.

12 Stuart Hall. Doctrine and Practice in the Early Church (London: SPCK, 1991), 39-44.

13 M. Pellegrino, Apologetics, in Encyclopaedia of the Early Church, ed. Angelo Di Berardino, (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992), 1:60. Leo ODonovan and T. Howland Sanks (eds.), Faithful Witness: Foundations of Theology for Todays Church (New York: Crossroad, 1989), 14-15.

14 Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 427.

15 Eyjolfur Emilsson, Neo-Platonism, in Routledge History of Philosophy, ed. David Furley (London: Routledge, 1997), 2:357.

16 Emilsson, Neo-Platonism, 357.

17 Emilsson, Neo-Platonism, 357-358.


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framework, where knowledge through the senses is thoroughly deprecated.18 However the transcendence of the forms was an important link with Christian theology. The

doctrine of the forms amounted to an insight into the indivisibility and transcendence of

God which was retained in the dialogue with early Christian thought.19 God is eternal, ineffable, completely perfect. He is divinity, being, truth and the Good.20 God is good and unchangeable. Humanity through various means is able to know God, but is unable to

effectively describe him. It was the theology of Middle Platonism and some aspects of its

anthropology that Christian thinkers found most related within their dialogue. Osborn

points out that Clements difficulty in adequately reconciling Gods eternal One-ness and Gods own presence in creation corresponds to the Platonic problem of reconciling the one and the many.21 Justin and Clement found areas where there was fundamental agreement

between Greek Philosophy and Christian teaching. Lilla notes that both Justin and Clement

praise Plato highly.22 There are terminological echoes of the spermatikoi logoi in Justins work which reference Stoic thought.23 Stoicism was an important element that was also

placed under the umbrella of Middle Platonism.

The Stoicism of the day contained a mythological description of what, for the Stoics,

was essentially the Imagio Dei which marked the basis of their ethical practise:

The souls of men were an expression of the divine fire that burned in the heavens. Every man possessed his life as a sacred trust from God. If he followed the divine plan and fate, his soul would return to heaven and rejoin the eternal fire.24

Acting toward the natural end of beings was to be united to the divine plan for humanity.

Eclectic philosophers before him (Clement) had remarked that the ethical ideal of Platos Theaetetus, assimilation to God as far as possible, is in meaning identical with the Stoic ideal of life according to nature (the divine plan).25 Osborn also notes that the instinct of the Stoic thinkers was to focus on Gods immanence.26 There was an instinct that the two streams of platonic theology and Stoic ethics were compatible and as such there was a

marked influence of Stoicism on the philosophy appropriated by the early apologists.

Overall, Middle Platonism retained the basic Platonic Metaphysics, but melded the

ethics of Stoicism and Aristotelian logic together to form a style of philosophy that became

systemised into Neo-Platonism. In a similar melding, for Justin and Clement, creation,

ethics, knowledge (gnosis) faith and reason, are all inter-related elements.27 The pluralist

instinct within the early Christian apologists was less a matter of choice so much as the

reality of the second century. The diversity of the different philosophical traditions that

are encompassed by the term Middle Platonism is testament to that. Although the

18 P. Merlan, Greek Philosophy From Plato to Plotinus, in A.H. Armstrong (ed.), The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 56.

19 Chadwick, Philo and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, in A.H. Armstrong (ed.), The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970),161.

20 E.F. Osborn, The Philosophy of Clement of Alexandria (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1957), 22.

21 Osborn, Philosophy of Clement of Alexandria, 17.

22 Salvatore Lilla, Clement of Alexandria, A Study of Christian Platonism and Gnosticism, (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1971) 41. Lilla also notes the principle divisions which mark their ideological divergence with Pagan philosophy.

23 Barnard, Justin Martyr, 86.

24 Eric Osborn, The Greco-Roman World, Challenge and Response, in History of Theology, 85.

25 Chadwick, Early Christian Thought, 41.

26 Osborn, Philosophy of Clement of Alexandria, 19.



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relationship with philosophy and philosophers was not always amicable, there were areas

of agreement between these views and Christian thought.

Comparison to the Present Day

The cultural context of the Greco-Roman empire contained institutions and principles that

were not in contradiction to Christian life. Philosophers are likened to religious seekers

teaching a religious philosophy, as Gilson argues: To the Stoics and to the Epicureans in particular, but hardly less to the Platonists, philosophy was a way of life as much as a doctrine.28 Therefore the seeker after truth was concerned as much with aspects of experience as doctrine. This has relevance to today with the influence of the eastern

religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism. The similarity between the dialogue with early

philosophers and the present day phenomena of inter-religious dialogue has been pointed

out by Sullivan.29 So to take this general context as a basis for discussing inter-religious

dialogue is not farfetched and has been discussed by contemporary thinkers.

The Roman Empire could be described as pluralist, encompassing diverse cultures,

religions and philosophies. In a similar way we are exposed to a variety of cultures and

ancient religious traditions in our contemporary consumer context.30 Australia the late 20th and early 21st century is described as being defined by an increased diversity and

gradual decline in the predominance of one form of religious belief.31 Within the milieu of

any given culture wherein one is situated the structures and ideology within that culture

provide the basis for ones most basic identity and behaviour. The phenomenon of Justin Martyrs conversion shows his practise when interacting with Greco- Roman thought is both assumption and critique of this culture and philosophy but without being marked by

the sense of hostility of Tatians work.32

APPROACHING JUSTIN THROUGH INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE

Before moving onto a discussion on the influence of philosophy on Justins conversion it would be helpful to describe the context of inter-religious dialogue that this essay

assumes. The general interpretation of Justin occurring here falls under a framework of

inter-religious dialogue that is described by Knitter as the fulfilment model.33 Knitter

actually includes the early apologists, including Justin and Clement, as the fore-runners of

this dialogue structure.34 The fulfilment model states that other religions and philosophies

may participate in and declare truth, arguing that they thereby participate in Christ

actually, but anonymously. The model accepts the presence of truth within those faiths

encountered, affirming that Gods love is universal and present within various cultures and religions. However in Knitters description of the model he maintains that the fullest

28 Etienne Gilson, History of Christian Medieval Philosophy (London: Sheed and Ward, 1972), 12.

29 Francis Sullivan, Clement of Alexandria on Justification through Philosophy, cited in In Many and Diverse Ways: In Honor of Jacques Dupis, ed. Daniel Kendall and Gerarld OCollins (New York: Orbis Books, 2003).

30 Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 5.

31 Roger Thompson, Religion in Australia: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 139, 144-145; Hillary Carey, Believing in Australia: A Cultural History of Religions (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1996), 173-174, 177, 179.

32 Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages, 14-15.




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expression of truth is particularised in Christ.35 Some of the other frameworks, which

theorize as to what truth is and query the validity of certain mediations, approach the

issue differently. A comparison to one other framework known as the mutuality model

may clarify whether the fulfilment model may be validly placed on Justin.

Panikkar, whom Knitter describes as the major figure of inter-religious dialogue in

the 20th century is representative of the mutuality model. The model assumes an

interdependent world and sees the various religious traditions as constantly in

relationship with one another, to the point where each of them receive from, and give to,

each other abundantly.36 The mutuality model emerges from this basic preposition. There

are deep resonant similarities between the religions of the world that are mediated

through various means. The ultimate reality, God, who is common to all humanity, is

directly present within the various faiths. The different mediations of this one reality

when they are involved in dialogue mutually recognise the presence of this same God in

each other. Nevertheless different mediations amount to different salvations.37 Diversity of

practices and beliefs are not relegated to unimportance by the imposition of a monolithic

eschatology.

The figure of Christ within the mutuality model tends to become a more cosmic

figure representative of the existential yearning for God and unification with the Cosmos.

Panikkars Cosmotheandric experience is reminiscent of some early figures such as Maximus the Confessor, for whom Christ is the salvific mediator and unifier of God,

humanity and the universe. But such a figure though particularised in Christ Jesus, may

also be manifested in a variety of possible ways which represents a diversity of salvations.

When reading Justins account of his conversion, as discussed below, the possibility of salvation outside of explicit knowledge of Christ is possible but partial. Both models allow

for salvation but the mutuality model would maintain that there is no need to appropriate

a non-Christian soteriology into a Christian framework. The fulfilment model maintains

that the presence of truth in religion is the mediated Logos. Whether there is full salvation

within other faiths is the sticking point between the two models. Within the context of his

conversion, Justin would acknowledge salvation most explicitly and fully as being within

the Christian encounter. Still he would not dismiss the real presence of truth and salvation

within philosophy. But this point needs further discussion. Before labelling Justin with a

contemporary model we should look at his description of his conversion to see which

interpretation corresponds to the text.

Conversion and Tradition

In the second Century conversion to Christianity presupposed the existence of contexts

through which the gospel was received.

In the daily life of the newly converted Christians, codes that they had brought with them and that were presupposed as something taken for granted continued in force, thanks to their inherent plausibility.38

Justins methodological approach to assuming Christianity within Greek culture is akin to appropriation through pre-established frameworks. This is illustrated by Justin arguing


36 Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 126; Wayne Teasdale, Catholicism in Dialogue: Conversations Across Traditions (New York: Sheed &Ward, 2004), 110.

37 Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 128-129; quoting from, Raimon Panikkar, The Unknown Christ of Hinduism (New York: Orbis Books, 1981), 24, 19.

38 Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, 427-428.


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that Christianity represents the true philosophy, thus appropriating the term.39 Justin attempted to retain his Christian identity without discarding Greek thought. One image

used by him to describe the presence of truth within Greco-Roman culture is the logoi spermakoi the seeds of the word that are present within all philosophical cultures.40 The philosophy of the Greeks in this way was seen to partially participate in the Logos, and was

viewed as a preparation for the gospel. This theology has been carried through to the

modern day through Vatican II and contemporary theologies of inter-religious dialogue.41

The Fathers of the Church rightly saw in the various religions as it were so many reflections of the one truth, "seeds of the Word", attesting that, though the routes taken may be different, there is but a single goal to which is directed the deepest aspiration of the human spirit...42

The Seeds of the word argument comes out of Justins experience of Greek culture as containing elements of definite goodness and truth. The knowledge of truth is akin to a

deeper participation in the Logos. However it is clear that Justin regards philosophy as a

preparation for the Gospel. He argues that the fullness of truth has been given fully only in

Christ, the word made flesh.43 This leads to a perspective that validates philosophy or

other religious traditions against Christian revelation. Yet Dupuis, employing Danielou,

argues that the revelatory quality of the Logos within philosophy is not the product of human reason.44 Sullivan also argues that Clement has allowances for a limited salvation in Non-Christian traditions because some of their practices lead to the Logos.45

The Conciliar documents have frequently been embraced with enthusiasm in Catholic theology on the basis that now ... the Church officially recognises an extra-ecclesiastical way of salvation through other religions.46

However, we must be careful in applying the term salvation especially when Justin and

Clement clearly argue that Christ is the fullness of salvation. The early sources are very

careful. Clement says:

When a crew of men haul on their boat, we do not say that they constitute a large number of causes. There is one cause comprising several elements. In the same way, philosophy makes a contribution to grasping the truth- it is a search for truth. It is not of itself the cause of the grasp. It is a contributory cause...47

39 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 160.

40 Henry Chadwick, Philo and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy, 2:162.

41 Gerard Hall, The Call to Interfaith Dialogue, The Australian eJournal of Theology 5 (August 2005): aejt.com.au, accessed 18 October 2005; Jacque Dupuis, Jesus Christ at the Encounter of World Religions, trans. Robert Barr (New York: Orbis Books, 1991), 133.

42 John Paul II, Redemptor Hominis, par. 11, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_04031979_redemptor-hominis_en.html, accessed 18 October 2005.

43 Justin Martyr, 2nd Apology VIII. cited in Jacques Dupuis, Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism (Orbis Books, New York, 1997), 58. Dupuis argues that Justin identifies three kinds of knowledge, the most basic being possessed by the Pagans, the second level of Judaism and finally Christian insight (59).

44 Dupuis, Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism, 59-60.

45 Francis Sullivan, Clement of Alexandria on Justification through Philosophy, cited in In Many and Diverse Ways: In Honor of Jacques Dupis, 112.

46 Miikka Ruokanen, The Catholic Doctrine of Non-Christian Religions According to the Second Vatican Council (New York: E.J. Brill, 1992), 92-93.

47 Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, I. 20, in Fathers of the Church, A New Translation, vol. 85, ed. Thomas Halton, trans. John Ferguson (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1991), 96. The sentence It is a contributory cause... shows Clements precision when discussing the issue of the presence of salvific truth within the Greek traditions.


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Yet Justins conversion attests to some real benefit within other religions, it also offers substantial insight into his approach to philosophy in relation to Christian revelation. It

will offer greater precision for the discussion on Justins view of other religions.

Justins Conversion

Justins conversion attests to truth being radically present in Greco-Roman society in the second century. In The Dialogue with Trypho, chapters 2 to 8 were spoken in response to

Tryphos question: What is your idea of God and what is your philosophy?48 The chapters discuss the context and content of Justins conversion to Christianity. After a period of searching Justin settles down in a city to learn with a Platonist philosopher

whose reputation was great.49 The choice for a Platonist teacher was one of theological reasoning over logic and ethics. As Justin says:

The perception of incorporeal things quite overwhelmed me and the platonic theory

of ideas added wings to my mind, so that in a short time I imagined myself a wise man.50

The fruits of Justins labour in Platonism were clearly present to him though not fully ripened. It was after a period of learning under this teacher that Justin, on a walk one

day, encounters an old man on the edge of the sea. It is during his conversation with the

old man (Christ) that Justin comes to experience the truth that he was seeking, in a new way.51

When he entered dialogue with the Christian on the beach Justin is converted

through the old mans ability to engage Justin on his own philosophical ground. When Justin puts forward an answer, usually from his Platonic learning, he is quickly mastered

through being shown the inconsistency of his statements.52 Gilson describes the

conversion of Clement as one of fuller reason of Christianity over the partial reason of

philosophy.53 However the example of the prophets and Christ himself are the most crucial

elements in his conversion. It would seem that these figures embodied both the ethical

and philosophical attributes that Justin felt was lacking in his previous teachers.54 They alone knew the truth and communicated it to men, whom they neither deferred to nor

feared.55 The dialogue with the old man shows us that above all Justin despised worldliness in his teachers, hence his choice for the theological bent of Platonism, but he

also sought philosophical consistency. Justin is converted by the philosophical skill of the

old Christian, his admiration for the stout rejection of worldliness that the prophets

represent and the mediation of truth through Christ which he experiences personally.

The basic philosophical framework of Middle Platonism without doubt leads Justin

to Christianity. However it is the logic of relationship between humanity and God, and the

Christian language of salvation described by the old man, that Justin believes brings him to


49 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 150. 50 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 150-151.

51 There are several theories on the identity of the old man in the dialogue with Justin. The most sensible and convincing put forward by Andrew Hofer is that the old man represents Christ. As Hofer discusses, the consciousness of the period was often symbolic and metaphorical and the text has many echoes of the Gospels. See Andrew Hofer, The Old Man as Christ in Justins Dialogue with Trypho, Vigiliae Christianae 57 (2003): 1-21.

52 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 154-155, 156-157, 158.

53 Gilson, History of Christian Medieval Philosophy, 29.




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the fullest truth. The old mans knowledge and critique of philosophy shows us that the language of philosophy had a very special role in the conversion of a particular Pagan

philosopher, Justin. In this case one may infer the appropriateness of philosophical

language in declaring Christian truth, however Justin describes his experience affectively.

But my Spirit was immediately set on fire and an affection for the prophets, and those who are friends of Christ, took hold of me; while pondering on his words, I discovered that his (the old man) was the only sure and useful philosophy.56

Always balanced with this central conversion experience is Justins philosophers robe and his reiteration that there is truth partially present in Greek philosophy. As he says in

almost confessional terms: We have declared above that he (Christ) is the Logos of whom every race of men were partakers; and that those who live reasonably [according to

reason/logos] are Christians though they have been thought atheists.57 Notice the strong resemblance between Justins statement and Rahners anonymous Christian. Gilson, specifically referring to the time after initial conversion to Christianity, says that the

same Logos inspires the reform of character. Ethical reform through adherence to

the Logos is thus likened to the Stoic obedience to nature and the divine spark discussed

previously.58 However, Barnard argues that disagreements between philosophies are a

proof that philosophers participate in the Logos in only a partial way.59 Yet by granting

even a contingent validity to Pagan Philosophy, Justin is laying the groundwork for

Clements use of Pagan philosophy in his defence of Christian truth.60 Philosophical truth is valid as a pre-evangelism but it is superseded by the Christian philosophy.

Finding a Model for Justin

These chapters on Justins conversion in the Dialogue with Trypho show us three things:

(1) Justin identified philosophy as valid base for seeking truth;

(2) His inclination to theology found partial satisfaction in the Platonism of the day; and

(3) the actual experience of the truth he sought was found in dialogue with a Christian.

This shows us that Justin felt there was no fundamental conflict between Greek philosophy

and Christian faith but his experience of a specifically Christian truth was considered by

him to be its fulfilment.

Justins experience of truth, though mediated through and partially encountered in Platonism, was revealed as Christ centred. Any model of dialogue that emerges from this

conversion would have to balance the real presence of truth within Justins encounter with philosophy, with the fuller truth experienced in Christ. In contrast to the mutuality model, a fulfilment model notes that the participation of other faiths in transcendent truth

occurs through anonymous participation in the Logos. In the mutuality model truth is

mediated independently of even an implicit Christian transcendent. Yet Justins experience of truth is particular and Christocentric. It clearly falls under the description of the

fulfilment model given previously.

56 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 160. My parentheses.

57 Barnard, Justin Martyr, 89. Authors parentheses, my square brackets.

58 Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy, 31.

59 Barnard, Justin Martyr, 89.



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However, is the particularisation of truth necessarily an assumption of superiority?

Could it not be the acknowledgement of an experiential truth mediated in a particular

way?61 We may be able to place Justins conversion within a particular model of dialogue but still the basic questions preceding inter-religious dialogue remain. Why dialogue?

What is the desired outcome?

What is a Positive Motivation for Undertaking Inter-Religious Dialogue?

Wayne Teasdale has quoted the Dalai Lama on the aim of inter-religious dialogue: We should (as persons involved in the process of Dialogue) have our focus on the far horizon

of history where we want to lead humanity. This should be the aim of our dialogue today

as far as I can see.62 Dialogue between religions is more than just a theological symposium but represents a challenge to greater understanding and tolerance.63

Panikkar makes the point that the proper outcome of dialogue is inward conversion and

greater respect for the other.64 He envisions dialogue as not just a friendly conversation

but as promoting both parties to conversion of heart and mind. Hans Kng notes that the

outcome of dialogue must be peace between peoples.65 This follows the position given

by Nostra Aetate.66 If peace is the desired outcome then polemic or aggressive apologetics,

if they are to be elements within a conversation, must be evaluated within that hope for

peace.67 Ideally a climate of total respect and openness will allow self identity and the

identity of the other to be preserved.

For Justin, truth is not just a proposition but a liberating event which is mediated of

necessity and this mediation is salvific. Justins search for truth is the main motive accompanying him and motivating him to converse with the old man. So although Justins description of his conversion lends itself to a fulfilment model, his encounter with Christ

came about through his desire to experience the truth in the fullest possible way. Justin

found partial satisfaction in Platonism but then encounters it most fully in Christ,

thereafter, bringing out treasures old and new, reinterprets the philosophies he had met

as seeds of the word, bubbles of Christ floating up through culture.

CONCLUSION

A major similarity between the second century and today is the influx of differing

viewpoints and perspectives that the Christian is asked to respond to. The present day has

the context of anti-Religion ideology coupled with a diversity and complexity of religious traditions that is deeply challenging to an unbalanced Christocentrism or

Ecclesiocentrism. Nevertheless Justin represents an intention to defend and redefine the

strength of Christianity within the context of vibrant dialogue. In his case the strength of

Middle-Platonism was not an impediment to conversation and internal conversion. Yet

61 Teasdale, Catholicism in Dialogue, 94.

62 Ibid, 23.

63 Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue, 67.

64 Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue, 1. The models of replacement for example within certain schools, would find this inappropriate if the outcome is not actual conversion of the other. Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 23-26.

65 Ingrid Shafer, Explanatory Remarks Concerning a: Declarations of the Religions for a Global Ethic, http://astro.temple.edu/~dialogue/Center/kung.htm, accessed 27 October 2005.

66 Nostra Aetate, par. 5, cited in, Miikka Ruokanen, The Catholic Doctrine of Non-Christian Religions, 87.



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there remains a tension between the openness to others asked by inter-religious dialogue

and the instinct to remain Christian. To what extent are we asked to revise or re-evaluate the accepted linguistic or religious structures that mediate how we understand Gods grace? Dialogue after all is a kenotic experience: When you enter into an intrareligious dialogue, do not think beforehand what you have to believe.68 Through this criterion the early Christians are not necessarily ideal models of conversation. However

Justins conversion shows a definite openness to the other that shows due respect to the process of seeking truth, inner conversion and peace which dialogue aspires to,

established within his Christian identity.

Author: Cullan Joyce has recently graduated with an Honours degree in theology from ACU

Brisbane. His Honours thesis was on the Christology of Maximus the Confessor. He is

presently studying for his Masters degree on Buddhist-Christian dialogue at the University of

Tasmania.

Email: [email protected]

68 Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue, 1.

The Seeds of Dialogue in Justin Martyr

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