Nwamarah Uche

E FFECTS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL

SECU

Digitally Signed by: Content manager’s

DN : CN = Weabmaster’s name

O= University of Nigeria, Nsukka

OU = Innovation Centre

Nwamarah Uche

Faculty of Social Sciences

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FFECTS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL

SECURITY IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION

ASANEBI, DAUPAMOWEI HENRY

PG/M.Sc./13/66259

i

: Content manager’s Name

Weabmaster’s name

a, Nsukka

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FFECTS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL

RITY IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION (1999-2014)

ASANEBI, DAUPAMOWEI HENRY

ii

EFFECTS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL SECURITY IN THE NIGER

DELTA REGION (1999-2014)

BY

ASANEBI, DAUPAMOWEI HENRY

PG/M.Sc./13/66259

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

NOVEMBER, 2014

i

EFFECTS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL SECURITY IN THE

NIGER DELTA REGION (1999-2014)

BY

ASANEBI, DAUPAMOWEI HENRY

PG/M.Sc./13/66259

A DISSERTATION REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF

POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA, IN PARTIAL

FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER

OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS)

NOVEMBER, 2014

ii

APPROVAL PAGE

This is to certify that this project report titled “Effects of Ethnic Nationalism on Internal

Security in the Niger Delta region, Between 1999 and 2014.” has been examined and

approved by the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, for the

award of Master of Science (M.Sc.) in Political Science (International Relations).

By

______________________ ____________________ Professor Obasi Igwe Professor Jonah Onuoha Ph.D. Project Supervisor Head of Department Date: ________________ Date: _______________ _____________________ _______________________ Professor A.I. Madu Dean of the Faculty External Examiner Date: __________________ Date: __________________

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DEDICATION

This research is dedicated to God Almighty whose love, mercy, favour and guidance saw me

through my academic pursuit in UNN, my grand Dad Mr Herbert Okpotolomo CSP (Rtd) and

also to my beloved wife Mrs Gift Kemiowerigha Henry-Asanebi, whose love, understanding,

caring, prayers and moral support saw me through my quest for more knowledge in UNN and

finally my beloved daughter Miss Ayibakuro Emmanuella Pius-Asanebi, who was born during

my quest for more knowledge in UNN.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

No human endeavor is possible without divine intervention. I am grateful to God

Almighty who made it possible for me to embark on this academic adventure and saw me

through to the end. To Him be all Glory.

I express hearty thanks to my Supervisor, an erudite scholar, Prof. Obasi Igwe whose

fatherly advice, encouragement, patience and meticulous supervision saw me through this

work.

My profound gratitude goes to the cream of intellectuals in the department of political

science, university of Nigeria, Nsukka led by the Indefatigable head of department, Prof.

Jonah Onuoha, Prof. Aloysius-Micheal Okolie, Prof. Ken Ifesinachi, Dr. H.N. Agbo, Dr. G.

Ezirim whose ideas and analysis have enlarged my intellectual horizon and made me more

critical in addressing issues.

Furthermore, I express hearty thanks to my parents Mr. Pius E. Asanebi, Timipre F.

Berezi (of blessed memory) who God use to bring me into this world, I love you and I miss

you so much. To my late grandmother, Mrs. U.M. Okpotolomo and my beloved grandfather,

Mr. Herbert E. Okpotolomo CSP (RTD) who knows the value of education today in our

modern society, whose proper fatherly care and upbringing placed my steps along the right

part of university education, I love you so much and I am proud of you. My special thanks

also goes to my beloved wife Mrs. Gift Kemiowerigha Henry-Asanebi and my beloved

daughter Miss. Ayibakuro Emmanuella Pius-Asanebi who was born during the course of this

work. Thank you for being there for me and for your understanding.

I must not fail to mention my brothers from another mother, who God has used to

bless my life during my academic pursuit in UNN, Mr. Jonathan Hansel Awo, Mr. Jimmy

Preye Samuel, Mr. Edward Nsemba Lenshie and Mr. Nnadozie Bob Ibediugha. I love you all

and may God Almighty continued to bless and reward you guys.

v

Furthermore, I must not fail to mention members of my family, my Uncles and

Aunties, who have contributed to the success of this work and my program in University of

Nigeria, Nsukka, Mr. Richard Asanebi, Mr. Ebinimi Berezi, Mr. Vincent Asanebi, Mr. John

Berezi, Mr. Peter Berezi, Mr. Lawrence Berezi, Victoria Asanebi, Mrs. Esther Endeley, Mrs.

Tariere Dabipi and Miss. Ayibatari Berezi whose words of encouragement, prayers and

financial assistance saw me through.

Big thanks to my cousins and in-laws Master Tammy Michael Dabipi, Junior E.

Asanebi, Pere-owei Leon Berezi, Seon Berezi, Chigozie Ikechi, Bolou Gilber, Ebiye Asanebi,

Mr. and Mrs. B. Clifford, Miss. Rose Kememoigoigha Clifford, Buayefa Clifford, Mr. Saibo

Clifford, Inatimi Clifford and Mr. Teidor Clifford, Olotu .S. Berezi, Ibiye S. Dabipi, Abiye S.

Dabipi, Emmanuel Asanebi, Victor Asanebi, Kelvin Edogha, Kelly Edogha, Gesie Emmanuel

Berezi, Flourish W. Berezi and Zewel W. Berezi.

Finally my profound gratitude goes to all numerous scholars whose works I consulted

in the cause of this research and my friends and course mates, Prof. Nnoli Okwudibia, Dr.

Ibaba S. Ibaba, Dr. Tom Mbeke-Mbeke, Prof. Osaghae Eghosa, Dr. Ikelegbe Augustine, Prof.

Smith Anthony and Prof. Obaro Ikime etc to Hon Douye Diri my friends and course mate

Ibrahim, Nuaimu Danbala, Casmir Chukwuka Mbaegbu, Samson Attu, Noel-Uneke

Ugochukwu, Obiora Nnaegbo, John Ikwut Osuji, Mr Shedrack Elujekor, Mr. Kenechukwu

Emphraim Udeorah, Confidence Ogbonna, Mr John Onokwai, Miss Peculiar Ndubuisi,

Daniel Ndubuisi, Favour Ndubuisi, Abbide Ebelade, Samson I. Otene, Mrs. Chikable

Ndubuisi, Marylyn onyin ossai and Churchill Osai, Atonye Lamie Alfred etc. May God bless

you all in Jesus name, Amen.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title page .......................................................................................................................... i

Approval page .................................................................................................................. ii

Dedication ......................................................................................................................... iii

Acknowledgement ........................................................................................................... iv

Table of contents .............................................................................................................. vi

List of Tables .................................................................................................................... viii

List of Figures ................................................................................................................. ix

List of Abbreviations ......................................................................................................... x

Abstract .......................................................................................................................... xi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study ............................................................................................. 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................ 14

1.3 Objectives of the Study ............................................................................................... 17

1.4 Significance of the Study ............................................................................................ 17

Operational Definitions .............................................................................................. 18

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Literature Review ....................................................................................................... 21

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

3.1 Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................... 74

3.2 Hypotheses .................................................................................................................. 79

3.3 Research Design .......................................................................................................... 79

3.4 Methods of Data Collection ......................................................................................... 82

3.5 Methods of Data Analysis ........................................................................................... 83

3.6 Logical Data Framework ............................................................................................. 84

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CHAPTER FOUR: FORMS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM IN THE NIGER DELTA

4.1 Violent ethnic nationalism: Niger Delta Volunteer Service .......................................... 94

4.2 Niger Delta Vigilantee (NDV) ..................................................................................... 95

4.3 Niger Delta People Volunteer Force (NDPVF) ............................................................ 98

4.4 Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) ...................................... 103

4.5 Peaceful Ethnic Nationalism: Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) . 107

CHAPTER FIVE: CONSEQUENCE OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM ON INTERNAL

SECURITY IN THE NIGER DELTA

5.1 Kidnapping/Abduction and Hostage taking the Ethic Nationalism ............................... 120

5.2 Arms and Ammunitions .............................................................................................. 127

5.3 Increase in Cultism in the Niger Delta Region ............................................................. 130

5.4 Increase Crime and Violence in the Niger Delta Region .............................................. 131

CHAPTER SIX: NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT MEASURES TO SOLVE THE

PROBLEMS OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION

6.1 The Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) 1961 .................................................... 147

6.2 Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) 1992 .............. 151

6.3 Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC) 2000 ................................................ 154

6.4 Niger Delta Ministry (NDM) 2008 .............................................................................. 158

6.5 The Federal Government Amnesty Programme 2009 ................................................... 158

CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1 Summary .................................................................................................................... 163

7.2 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 165

7.3 Recommendation ......................................................................................................... 166

Bibliography ..................................................................................................................... 168

Appendices ...................................................................................................................... 184

viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1: Detail Summary of the UNEP Report in 2001 112

Table 5.1: Synopsis of Kidnapping and Abduction in Niger

Delta Region 2006-2014 123

Table 6.1: Projects of the presidential committee on the 1.5 percent Oil Producing Areas

Development Fund 149

Table 6.2: Statistics of OMPADEC Revenue from the Federation Account June 1992 –

August 1993 152

Table 6.3: The sharing of OMPADEC Revenue by states June 1992 – August 1993

153

Table 6.4: Synopsis of Key Militant that Accepted Amnesty 161

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 4.1: Environmental Degradation of Oil Spillage in Ogoni Land 113

Figure 4.2: UNEP Technical Team in Ogoni land for their Environmental 113

Assessment of Ogoni

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

NDDC NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION

OMPADEC OIL MINERALS PRODUCING AREA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION

SPDC SHELL PETROLEUM DEVELOPMENT COMPANY

NDVS NIGER DELTA VOLUNTEER SERVICE

MOSOP MOVEMENT FOR THE SURVIVAL OF OGONI PEOPLE

NDPVF NIGER DELTA PEOPLES VOLUNTEER FORCE

INC IJAW NATIONAL CONGRESS

NDV NIGER DELTA VIGILANTEE

MEND MOVEMENT FOR THE EMANCIPATION OF THE NIGER DELTA

IYC IJAW YOUTH COUNCIL

NDM NIGER DELTA MINISTRY

NDDM NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT BOARD

UNEP UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENT PROGRAMME

JTF JOINT TASK FORCE

MNOC MULTINATIONAL OIL COMPANY

UNDP UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME

HYPREP HYDROCARBON POLLUTION RESTORATION

NNPC NIGERIA NATIONAL PETROLEUM COMPANY

EITI EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRIES TRANSPARENCY INITIATIVE

NAPIMS NATIONAL PETROLEUM INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT SERVICES

PPMC PIPELINES PRODUCTS MARKETING COMPANY

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ABSTRACT

Ethnic nationalism is a common phenomenon in Niger Delta, Nigeria. Ethnic nationalism in Niger Delta has been agitating for so long for self-determination and to control their God giving resources, in their quest to achieve their aims, their actions sometimes has generated a lot of tension to Niger Delta region. The study examined ethnic nationalism and internal security in Niger Delta region, Nigeria. The study examined the research questions. Has ethnic nationalism affect the internal security of Niger Delta region 1999-2014? Secondly has Nigerian government institutions curtailed violent Niger Delta ethnic nationalism 1999-2014? Group theory was adopted as our theoretical framework. The study relied on secondary source of data and as such generated qualitative data. The study revealed that ethnic nationalism has affected the internal security of Niger Delta region, Nigeria 1999-2014. Secondly, Nigeria government institutions has not adequately curtailed violent Niger Delta ethnic nationalism in the region 1999-2014.Based on the findings, this study is of the view that government should promote peace as the foundation for development, improve and diversify the economy, promote environmental sustainability to preserve the means of people sustainable livelihood, build sustainable partnerships for the advancement of human development and Nigeria government institutions should cut off from the Nigeria syndrome.

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The concept ethnic is derived from the Greek word “ethnos” meaning tribe or race.

Niger Delta is blessed with numerous ethnic groups in Nigeria, which has also contributed to

the sustainability of Nigeria state. The definition of the Niger Delta has elicited different

views. The World Bank (1993) described it as one of the words larges wetlands and Africa’s

largest delta covering some 70,000km, formed by the accumulation of sedimentary deposits

transported by the Niger and Benue Rivers. A publication of the defunct Oil Minerals

Producing Area Development Commission (OMPADEC) reads that:

The River Niger disgorges its waters into the Atlantic Ocean through a large number of tributaries which form the Niger Delta. The area of the Delta is further enlarged by rivers other than tributaries of the Niger……….Calabar River, Cross River and Imo River to the East, and Siluko River, Benin River, Escravoss River and River Forcados, to the west (OMPADEC, 1993: 80).

In the view of the OMPADEC, the River Niger, its tributaries and other rives which have

enlarged the area of the Niger Delta; define the scope of the area. Following this, it posits that

the Niger Delta is made up of at least seven states which are Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Akwa-

Ibom, Cross-River, Ondo and Edo states. In like manner, the Willink Commission Report

(1958) locates the Niger Delta within the Ibo Plateau and the Cross River valley. The Report

describes it thus:

To the east of Ibo Plateau lies the valley of Cross River, which is fed by streams from the Cameroons as well as form the Plateau. This forms a broad vertical strip containing people who are not Ibos. Across the south of the region from the Niger in the West to the mountains in the East, stretches a broad horizontal best of swamps and low-lying country. These two strips of the coastal belt and the Cross River valley together make together a piece of country, the shape of a rather sprawling reversal ‘L’ which

2

encloses the Ibo Plateau. In the swamp and Greek country of the south west there is an area in which the predominant tribe group is that of the Ijaws ……..towards the mouth of the Cross River are the Efiks ……… and the Ibibio’s …….. Further north on the Cross River are many tribes inter mingled in a confusing multitude (Willink Commission Report 1958:34).

The Niger Delta Ethnic communities have settled in the area for many millennia with

the Ijaws ethnic group being the oldest group, having lived there for over 7,000 years, the

other ethnic groups have been in the area for about 1,000 years (Ibaba, 2005). The

widespread view, which accepts the definition of the Willink Commission, largely congruent

with the position of OMPADEC, that sees the Niger Delta region as the south-south geo-

political zone, made up of Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo and Rivers states

(with Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers states classified as core Niger Delta states). The broader and

widely refuted definition by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) Act, which

includes Abia, Imo and Ondo states, is wrong. The NDDC Act defines the Niger Delta as oil

producing areas, which it is not. The scope of the region is defined by geography as

highlighted by OMPADEC and the Willink Commission Report. The Ethnic groups in the

Niger Delta includes the Itsekiri, Isoko, Urhobo, Ogoni, Ijaw, Ikwerre, Ika, Ibibio, Efiks,

Ukwuani, Abua etc. The primary occupation of the people consists of fishing and farming.

Niger Delta is the heart of Nigeria’s oil industry (with over 90 percent) share of production

(Ibaba, 2005). Niger Delta region today has witnessed ethnic nationalist and also ethnic

nationalism, however it is therefore imperative this study explained the concepts nationalism.

Ethnic nationalism is a form of nationalism wherein the “Nation” is defined in terms

of ethnicity whatever specific ethnicity is involved while Nationalism refers to the feeling of

solidarity and loyalty by social classes towards the rules and institutions of the social

formation in which they live (Ifesinachi, 2011). The active consciousness of being a different

nation especially in relations with other nations or groups. The struggles by colonized nations

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or nationalities for collective or separate independent statehood or any other form of self-

determination. (Igwe, 2007: 283). Subrat (2010) elaborated that nationalism is the sense of

belonging to a particular state.

According to Ifesinachi (2011) what we term African nationalism can be defined as

the efforts directed towards the attainment of self determination by the removal of alien rule.

Ethnic Nationalism base membership of the nation on descent on heredity often articulated in

terms of common blood or kinship rather than a political membership nationalism is a

constantly changing aspect of a person self awareness. It is one of many identities which each

man and woman carries as part of his or her cultural heritage (Birmingham, 1992: 1). The

issue of ethnic nationalism in Niger Delta region of Nigeria cannot be swept under the carpet.

Ethnic nationalism are common phenomena in the world, the problem is the way each society

handles these natural phenomena. Thus:

The global ethnicization of social identities and conflicts may at least reassure African’s and African scholars that ethnic or tribal particularism is not the specifically African problem, it once appeared to be. In the years to come, ethnicity in whatever name will be so important a political resource and idiom for creating community that today’s social scientists and anthropologists have no choice but to confront it (Lentz, 1995: 303).

What aroused the consciousness and problems of Niger Delta ethnic nationalism is

embedded in the history of Nigerian nation. Prior to the independence of Nigeria, all the

regions were doing fine and they were using their little resources to developed and carter for

their region for example, the west (cocoa), the north maize, yam and groundnut while east

yam, kola nut etc. At this time, no laws were enacted restricting them of their resources, all

the resources were fully implemented for the development of the various regions.

4

In 1960 Nigeria gained her independent from her colonial master, prior to the

independent of Nigeria, the Nigeria oil industry dates back to 1908 when the Nigeria Bitamen

company (a German company) commenced exploration in the Ararome area of present Ondo

state. The company’s exploration activities were cut short by the First World War in 1914.

Later, in 1937, the Anglo-Dutch consortium, shell D’Archey, the forerunner of the Shell

Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), reactivated exploration activities. In 1956, it

struck oil at Oloibiri, in present Bayelsa state and commenced actual production in 1958 with

an output of about 5,000 barrels per day. Presently, production is put at about 2 million

barrels per day. The country has over 20,000 million barrels of crude oil reserves, in addition

to an estimated associated gas reserve of about 300 trillion cubic feet. All these are

concentrated in the Niger Delta region; not long after the discovery of oil in Niger Delta

region different laws was enacted by Nigeria government, laws such as petroleum Act of

1969 and 1991, the national water ways decree of 1997, the land use Act of 1998 and 1993

and corruption by unjustifiable unitary republic and military government in Nigeria ( Ibaba,

2005,13). The point this study is trying to clear here is that after the discovery of crude oil in

Niger Delta region in 1956 and the actual production in 1958, Nigeria government after

independent in 1960 enacted different laws as earlier stated to restricts the Niger Delta

citizens of their God giving resources to develop their land, but prior to the discovery of

crude oil, other zones were using their God giving resources to develop their land.

The Niger Delta terrain is difficult; however, the region is endowed with enormous

and rich natural resources. In addition to oil and gas, the Delta is blessed with both renewable

and non-renewable resource, including constructional materials, wildlife, and abundance of

non-timber resources as sources of food, spices, condiments and medical herbs, alongside

great potentials for agricultural development. Despite this tremendous natural resource base,

the region represents one of the extreme situations of poverty and under development.

5

Infrastructural development is very low, while poverty and unemployment levels are very

high. The poverty level is about 80 percent and unemployment level ranks 70 percent. Access

to basic social amenities is very limited, for example, over 80 percent of the coastal or

riverine communities’ source water for drinking, cooking and other domestic used, from

river, streams and lakes that are equally used for disposing of human and other forms of

waste; the upland communities largely drink from shallow wells that are contaminated.

Indeed, the Niger Delta region falls below the national average, in all measures or indicators

of development. (Ibadan, 2005: 13-14).

Mbeke-Ekanem (2000: 91) while elaborating on the Niger Delta situation in his book

Beyond the Execution: Understanding the Ethnic and Military Politic in Nigeria succinctly

put that. “Left out in the equation of governance and control in their own country are the

Ethnic minorities in Nigeria (south-south) from whose land much of the resources are

exploited. The exploiters don’t care about these people whose land had been left bare due to

years of oil exploitation”. In a country where there is no environmental protection, the oil

companies continue to operate insensitively, often times leaving the people with a completely

devastated environment. It is even more pathetic seeing the people living in pristine

conditions such as existed hundred years ago and yet billions of dollars worth of oil are being

carted away from beneath their mud houses that have neither pipe-borne water nor electricity,

nor even cooking gas, even though gas is being flared to the heavens just a hundred yards

away. In some of these areas, schools are virtually nonexistent. It is not uncommon to see

children in an oil community with kwashiorkor as a consequence of severe malnutrition.

Presently today Niger Delta region is accountable for 90 percent of Nigeria income. Niger

Delta region is the economic power house and heaven of Nigeria. Any crises in Niger Delta

region will greatly affect Nigeria Economy and the cutting off of Niger Delta to secure their

6

self-determined republic will be tantamount to the collapsed of Nigeria economy, since

Nigeria totally depends on Niger Delta crude oil and gas as here source of income.

Due to the long years of marginalization, exploitation of oil resource from the region,

huge oil progress and development in Nigeria and under development of Niger Delta region

etc. These reasons aroused major Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro, a son of Niger Delta from the

Ijaw ethnic group in the region. Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro was the pioneer ethnic Nationalist

in Niger Delta to formed an ethnic nationalism. Boro formed the Niger Delta Volunteer

Service (NDVS) on the 25th January 1966 to agitate for the right of the Niger Delta. Boro

cited many political and social deprivation of the region as the cause of his agitation, he

succinctly put it, that the Niger Delta, as a result of oil exploration and exploitation in vast

measurable quantities, our environment has been devastated. Since 1958, when export of the

production began in commercial quantities, our environment has been devastated. Since

1958, when export of the production began in commercial quantities, Nigeria has realized

well over 17 trillion dollars a proceeds. Yet in spite of the staggering amount nothing is

evident by the way of development in the area.

However Oloibiri is now a ghost town in the very best sense of that description, a

carcass rejected even by the hounds who laid her bare in the first place. Isaac Adaka Boro and

his Niger Delta volunteer service (Ethnic Nationalism) could not take it anymore, Boro

declared succession of the Niger Delta area from the Nigerian state and to maintain it. Boro

and other members of NDVS was later arrested for a treasonable felony and was sentenced to

death but was granted a state pardon by the General Yakubu Gowon regime on the 4th August

1967. Boro died in 1968 in the midst of the Nigeria civil war, while fighting for Nigerian

nation. After the death of Isaac Adaka Boro different laws were enacted by Nigeria

government as earlier stated in this work. However despite the death of Isaac Adaka Jasper

Boro, Niger Delta people keep clamoring for development in their region. Kenule Beeson

7

Saro-wiwa aroused out of the ecological damaged of Ogoni land and Niger Delta region by

extension. Ken Saro-wiwa an environmental activist and a Niger Delta nationalist from the

Ogoni ethnic group of Niger Delta, was not pleased by the ecological damage oil exploration

and exploitation has done to Ogoni land and Niger Delta in general by the oil companies in

Niger Delta and the Nigeria government.

Ken Saro-wiwa and his Ogoni ethnic nationalists formed the movement for the

survival of Ogoni people (MOSOP) took their message outside the country to the United

Nation in New York, U.S.A in 1992. Ken Saro-wiwa was jailed and from his detention, he

sent out personal letter to a friend. He wrote, you are, no doubt full briefed on the Ogoni

situation. The attempt is to frame me and MOSOP in the brutal murders of my friends and in-

laws. Of course, I knew nothing about the murders and I am sure that is even clearer to my

accusers. They’ve always wanted to destroy me and MOSSOP anyway, Right now; the

Nigerian Army is rampaging all over Ogoni, burning, looting, murdering and raping, and

there is no defense for the community. While still in detention Saro-wiwa wrote from his sick

bed in the military hospital, Port-Harcourt, a letter that was later published in the South

African Guardian in May 1995.

A year has gone by since I was rudely roused from my bed and clamped into

detention. Sixty five days in chains, weeks of starvation, months of mental torture and

recently, the rides in a steaming airless black maria to appear before a Kangaroo court,

dubbed a special military tribunal, where the proceedings leave no doubt that the judgment

has been written in advance and a sentence of death against which there is no appeal is a

certainty. Fearful odd? Hardly. The men who ordain and supervise this show of shame, this

tragic charade, are frightened by the word, ‘the power of ideas’, the power of the pen, by the

demands of social justice and the rights of man. Nor do they have a sense of history.

8

They are so scared of the power of the word that they do not read and that is their

funeral. When, after years of writing, I decided to take the word to the streets to mobilize the

Ogoni ethnic group and empower them to protest against the devastation of their environment

by shell and their denigration and dehumanization by Nigeria’s military dictators, I had no

doubt where it could end. This knowledge has given me strength, courage and cheer and

psychological advantage over my tormentors. Ultimately, the fault lies at the door of the

British Government. It is the British government which supplies arms and credit to the

military dictators of Nigeria, knowing full well that all such arms will only be used against

innocent and unarmed citizens. It is the British government which makes noises about

democracy in Nigeria and Africa but support military dictators to the hut. It is the British

government which supports the rape and devastation of the environment by a valued, tax-

paying, labor-employing organization like shell. I lay my travails, the destruction of the

Ogoni and other ethnic groups in the Niger Delta, at the door of the British government.

Ultimately, the decision is for the British people, the electorate to stop this grad deceit, this

double standard which has lengthened the African night mare and denigrates humanity.

Whether I live or die is immaterial. It is enough to know that there are people who commit

time, money and energy to fight this one evil among so many others predominating

worldwide. If they do not succeed today, they will succeed tomorrow, we must keep on

striving to make the world a better place for all of mankind, each one contributing his bit, in

his or her own way.

I salute you all. In recognition of Ken Saro-wiwa struggle for the emancipation of the

Ogoni, on Wednesday October 12, 1994, an announcement was made by Stockholm

Academy in Sweden that Kenule Beeson Saro-wiwa would share an alternative noble prize

with Dr. H. Sudarshan and his Indian-based Vivekanada Civil guru Kendra organization, and

the service volunteered for all, servol, an organization in Trinidad.

9

This award which carried a cash prize of $250,000. So was first instituted in 1980 to

honour and support those offering practical and exemplary answers to urgent social problems.

In his acceptance speech sent from his jail cell to the Swedish parliament on Saturday

December 10, 1994, MOSOP Saro-wiwa said in part…my experience is that we are face to

face with a modern slave trade similar in many ways to the Atlantic slave trade in which

European merchants armed African middlemen to decimate their people and destroy their

societies in return for intangible profit. As in the Atlantic slave trade, the multinational

companies reap huge profits, the African nation state, is debt-ridden and in chaos. Their

common victims, the Ethnic group of Ogoni and other ethnic groups that bear resources, face

extinction. But what makes the modern slave trade worse is that it has the capacity of

destroying the environments, as well and is thus omnicidal and affects all mankind. I submit

that we all have a responsibility to end this modern slave trade and that all men of conscience

and all governments in the western hemisphere must not only condemn but fight with as

much energy and will as was used against the Atlantic slave trade. On April 17, 1995

(MOSOP) Saro-wiwa was given the Goldman Environmental Award in San Francisco,

United State of America, for his continuous struggle for minority rights. The cash prize for

the award was $ 75, 000.00 Saro-wiwa who could not attend because of his incarceration was

represented by his son, Ken Saro-wiwa Jr., a London based free lance journalist, who

accepted the award on his behalf. In the acceptance speech that was smuggled out of jail,

Saro-wiwa said I submit that we have every reason to be emotional in our struggle for the

sanctity of our environment.

The environment is mans first rights, be they political, social or economic. Adapting

the words of famed English writer William Blake, he concluded. I will not cease from mental

fight nor shall my pen sleep in my hand till we have built a new Ogoni in Niger Deltas

wealthy land ( Mbeke-Ekanem, 2000:121-123).

10

MOSOP spokesman Ken Saro-wiwa when asked to plead for his allocutus after his

conviction by the tribunal, Saro-wiwa reading a prepared statement, had this to say. My lord,

we all stand before history. I am a man of peace, of ideas, appalled by the denigrating poverty

of my people who live on a richly endowed land, distressed by their political marginalization

and economic strangulation, angered by the devastation of their land, their ultimate heritage,

anxious to preserve their right to life and to a decent living, and determined to usher to this

country as a whole a fair and just democratic system which protects everyone and every

ethnic group and gives us all a valid claim to human civilization. I have devoted my

intellectual and material resources, my very life, to a cause in which I have total belief and

from which I cannot be blackmailed or intimidated. I have no doubt at all about the ultimate

success of my cause, no matter the trials and tribulations which I and those who believe with

me may encounter on our journey, nor can imprisonment or death stop our ultimate victory.

I repeat that we all stand before history. I and my colleagues are not the only ones on

trial, shell is here on trial and it is as well that it is represented by council said to be heading a

watching brief.” Ken Saro-wiwa echoing the statement made by South Africa’s Nelson

Mandela when he was sentenced to jail for life for his Anti-apartheid campaign, Saro-wiwa

added, the company has, indeed ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come and

the lessons learnt here may prove useful to it for there is no doubt in my mind that the

ecological war that the company has waged in the Delta will be called to question sooner than

later and the crimes of that war be duly punished. The crime of the company’s dirty war

against the Ogoni ethnic group will be punished. On trial also is the Nigeria nation, its present

rulers and those who assets them. Any nation which can do to the weak and disadvantaged

what the Nigeria nation has done to the Ogoni ethnic group and other ethnic groups in the

Niger Delta loses a claim to independence and to freedom from outside influence. I am not

one of those who shy away from protesting injustice and oppression.

11

We all stand on trial my lord, for our actions we have denigrated our country and

jeopardized the future of our children. As we subscribe to the sub-normal and accept double

standards, as we lie and cheat openly, as we protect injustice and oppression, we empty our

class rooms, denigrate our hospitals, fell our stomachs with hunger and elect to make

ourselves the slaves of those who ascribe to higher standards, pursue the truth and honour

justice, freedom and hard work. I predict that the scene here will played and replayed by

generations yet unborn. Some have already cast themselves in the role of villains, some are

tragic victims, and some still have a chance to redeem themselves. The choice is for each

individual.

I predict that the denouement of the riddle of the Niger Delta will soon come. The

agenda is being set at this trial whether the peaceful ways I have favoured will prevail

depends on what the oppressor decides. What signals it sends out to the ethnic groups in

Niger Delta and the waiting public. In my innocence of the false charges, I face here, in my

utter conviction, I call up on the Ogoni ethnic group, the people of the Niger Delta and the

oppressed ethnic minorities of Nigeria to stand up now and fight fearlessly and peacefully for

their right. History is on their side, God is on their side. For the Holy Koran says in Sura 42

verse 41. “All those that fight when oppressed incur no guilt, but Allah shall punish the

oppressor come the day (Mbeke-Ekanem, 2000:161-163).

MOSOP spokesman Ken Saro-wiwa was arrested on 21 of May, 1994 and was

sentenced to death by hanging with eight other MOSOP leaders. The death of MOSOP

spokesman and eight other prominent MOSOP leaders attracted international concerns and

outcry; it was a total grave miscarriage of justice, a black day for black men. A true situation

of a rogue leader in the most populous black nation. MOSOP leaders death and the Ken Saro-

wiwa speech in the tribunal trigger and aroused other ethnic nationalism in Niger Delta to

agitate for their. Ken Saro-wiwa predicting and echoing his view, elaborated that the agenda

12

is being set at this trial whether the peaceful ways I favoured will prevail depends on what the

oppressor decides, what signal it sends out to the ethnic groups of Niger Delta and the

awaiting general public. In my innocence of the false charges I face her, in my letter

conviction, I call upon the Ogoni ethnic groups and other pupils (ethnic groups) of the Niger

Delta and all the oppressed ethnic minorities of Nigeria to stand up now and fight fearlessly

and peacefully for their right. History is on their side, God is on their side.

After the death of Ken Saro-wiwa and other MOSOP leaders, it was crystal clear that

Nigeria government and the multinational companies were just only interested on the

resources of Niger Delta and not their citizens nor environment. The Niger Delta God given

resources was now a cause to the Niger Delta region as Nigeria government oppressed and

under developed the region. In 1991, Ijaw National Congress (INC) was formed following

the under-development and marginalization of the Niger Delta region. This ethnic

nationalism is non-violent ethnic nationalism of Ijaw ethnic group of the regions, it comprises

intellectuals and scholars of different field, INC agitate for the development of the Niger

Delta region and the implementation of true federalism by the federal government. The Ijaw

Youth Council (IYC) founded in 1998 is the youth wing of Ijaw ethnic groups, it is a non-

violent ethnic nationalism that agitates peacefully and fearlessly for the rights of Niger Delta,

they seek proper development, true federalism, employment and provision of all the basic

amenities a proper society should have etc.

Furthermore, Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) was founded in 2003 by

Alhaji Asari Dokubo is a violent ethnic nationalism of Ijaw ethnic group. This NDPVF

agitate violently and fearlessly for the rights of Niger Delta, they confront Nigeria

government and multinational companies violently in addressing the under development,

marginalization, poverty, exploitation of oil resource, environmental degradation and

corruption etc. Niger Delta Vigilantee (NDV) founded in 2003 by Tom Ateke. NDV is an

13

Ijaw ethnic nationalism, this group agitates violently and fearlessly to address the Niger Delta

issues with the federal government and multinational companies, they are known for their

violent confrontations. Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) founded

in 2006 is the militant wing of (IYC) Ijaw Youth Council an ethnic nationalism of the Ijaw

ethnic group in Niger Delta region.

This ethnic group agitate to address the issues of Niger Delta, under development,

marginalization, true federalism implementation, self-determination, poverty, environmental

degradation exploitation and exploration of Niger Delta oil resources and corruption etc

violently and fearlessly, they have confronted Nigeria government, multinational oil

companies and foreign citizens. They are responsible for several attacked on Nigeria

government facilities and worker, the multinational oil companies, and foreign citizens has

also been a by victim of their attacks, mend has issue out threat and in several occasion carry

out the threat to the last letter. In a statement by MEND (2006: 2) thus:

The Nigerian government should not be misled to believing that any new military acquisitions will give it victory. We will fight a war that has never been fought in African and disintegrate Nigeria, if we have to do so to get justice. All countries with any kind of workers in the Niger Delta are advised to start making plans for a speedy evacuation of their nationals as we may be unable to distinguish between oil workers and others at that point.

The above comment was a threat remark made by the spokesman of the movement for

the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) to the federal government and its containment

policy in the Niger Delta. All the ethnic nationalism in Niger Delta region have peculiar

characteristics, they are all fighting either peacefully, violently and fearlessly for the right of

Niger Delta citizens and their region. To the Nigerian government (Niger Delta) oil is the

national interest of the country and its exploitation should not be disrupted, on the other end

14

of the divide is the (Niger Delta) oil bearing communities who completely disagree with the

position taken by the government, to the communities, oil is their God-given resources which

exploitation should have direct positive impacts on their lives and environment (Doder,

2012). This led MEND (2007) to posit that:

Niger Delta wealth should be used to develop Niger Delta region and not to oppress Niger Delta citizens (MEND, 2007:1).

This study focuses on Niger Delta region and ethnic nationalism in a bid to show the

peaceful agitation that eventually turned violent due to lack of Nigerian government proper

implementation of policy, lack of fund and political will of Nigerian government institutions

in Niger Delta, and the backing of multinational oil companies against Niger Delta citizens

and their environment, which outcome has resulted to ethnic (Nationalism) militants which

has created internal security lacuna due to lackadaisical attitude of Nigeria government.

Nigerian government has not fully adequately tackled the major causes of ethnic nationalism

in the Niger Delta, since the discovery of crude oil in 1956.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The Niger Delta contains most of Nigeria’s hydrocarbon deposits. By implication, the

Delta holds the bulk of the economic resources that sustains the public treasury in Nigeria.

Yet, years of neglect and ecological devastation have left much of the Niger Delta despoiled

and impoverished. This contradiction of riches is a constant refrain in most conflicts in the

Delta (Ibeanu, 2000:5) The Niger-Delta region is rich in oil and gas resources and also rich in

the sheer diversity of it flora and fauna, however, the region like other parts of Nigeria is poor

in terms of amenities and infrastructures. (Tell Magazine, 2007). The Nigeria infrastructural

crisis does not seem to respect natural resources endowment. Inspite of this, some scholars

think that the Niger Delta case is the result of oppressive, exploitative and discriminative

policies of the federal government aimed at marginalizing and rendering irrelevant, the

people of the Niger Delta (Oloya & Ugbeyavwighren, 2009).

15

Nigeria, created out of motley of nationalities and ethnic groups is today Africa

wealthiest country (Olowu, 1997). The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is home to some of the

largest and highest quality oil deposits on the planet and this resources has been the life blood

to the Nigeria economy (Watts, Okonta & Kemedi 2004:1). Paradoxically, Niger Delta region

of Nigeria is one of the most mismanaged, ethnic crisis ridden systems in Nigeria since her

independent in 1960. The ethnic groups in Niger Delta live in extreme poverty even in the

midst of great material wealth found in their region. The estimates that over 70% of the 6

million people in the Niger Delta live on $ 1 per day (Onuorah & Osunde 2003, 1-2). The

deterioration of the Niger Delta region is so severe that there is a general disenfranchisement

by the populace with poverty intensified by a condition of ethnic disenfranchisement and the

easy availability and proliferation of ethnic militant armed groups who are challenging the

total neglect of the region.

However before the discovery of crude oil, agriculture was the dominant occupation

of the people. Crude oil was discovered in commercial quantity in the region specifically in

the present Bayelsa state in 1906 (Omofonmwa & Odia, 2009). They argued that crude oil

has brought deleterious effects to the Niger Delta region as such the people cannot farm nor

fish anymore because of the effects of this crude oil.

Environmental degradation resulting from oil and gas production in the Niger Delta

has attracted the attention of environmentalist and other experts, who look at the region

within the larger context of globalization (UNDP Report, 2006). The world today recognizes

the significance of environmental sustainability to the development of the nation. In fact one

of the cardinal objectives of the Millennium Development Goal is to ensure environmental

sustainability, however it then implies that there should be reduction in environmental

degradation.

16

Opukri and Ibaba, (2008) posited that Environmental degradation issues are if topical

concern to communities in the Niger Delta as it is a major cause of productivity losses. This

is the main reason why oil and gas extraction impact on the Niger Delta cannot be

overemphasized as the dominant view blames the oil production and its attendant

consequence for the declining productivity of the region which is predominantly based on

fisheries and other agricultural activities as farming, dealing in timber business etc (Okoko,

1998, Aaron, 2006, Opukri & Ibaba 2008).

However, a recent study by Omafonmwa & Odia (2009) in oil exploration and the

impact on the Niger Delta employing a theoretical analysis revealed that the causes of the

crises in the region is sequel to the inability of the multinational oil companies involved in

their explorations and exploitations of crude oil, and the federal government of Nigeria to

mitigate the consequences of their activities in the region.

Furthermore, Opukri & Ibaba (2008) opined that oil induced environmental

degradation in the region and conclude that it results into internal displacement. Aluko (2004)

concurred that oil exploration activities in the region leading to environmental degradation

are responsible for the high degree of poverty in the area. Ikporukpo, (1996) Okowa, (2007)

corroborated that the Niger Delta region from where the bulk of the oil and gas are mined and

distributed has nothing to show in terms of economic development, infrastructure and the

upgrading of the lives of the people of the area.

Additionally, the induced environmental degradation has resulted to economic

productivity losses, occupational displacement/disorientation and increased poverty and

frustration among the people of the area. As noted by psychologists conflict is a response to

frustration which occurs as a result of obstacles against the actualization of set goal

attainment (Arikpo, 1999:7). Okonta & Okonta (2001: 14) concurred that thus:

Slowly, but relentlessly, oil exploitation activities as gas flaring, oil spillage

17

indiscriminate construction of canal and waste dumping, have brought the human ecosystem of the Niger Delta to the point of near collapse. The Niger Delta, due to oil exploitation activities, has become one of the most endangered human ecosystems in the world. The environment of the area is constantly on the boil.

These studies however, tended not to have paid adequate attention on the Niger Delta

issues and crisis, more so, they also fail to situate how this issues had led to the formation of

ethnic nationalism in the Niger Delta region and the effects of these ethnic nationalism on

internal security of Niger Delta region, Nigeria. It is in this context that this study seeks to

address these questions.

1. Did ethnic nationalism affect the internal security of Niger Delta region?

2. Has Nigerian government institutions curtailed violent ethnic nationalism in the Niger

Delta?

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The broad objective of this study is to examine effects of ethnic nationalism on

internal security in the Niger Delta region 1999-2014. However, the specific objectives are:

1. To examine whether ethnic nationalism affects internal security of Niger Delta region.

2. To examine whether Nigerian government institutions has curtailed violent ethnic

nationalism in the Niger Delta.

1.4 Significance of the Study

This study has both theoretical and practical significance. The theoretical significance

of this study lies in the fact that it will serve as a reference material to students and

researchers who will carry out further studies on effects of ethnic nationalism on internal

security in the Niger Delta region. This research will contribute to the existing body of

knowledge on ethnic nationalism and Niger delta generally and specifically, the dynamics of

their manifestation on internal security in Niger delta region. The practical significance of

this study include political, social and economic. Socially, this research touches on

18

government. Government will take into serious recognition the issues of ethnic nationalism

and try to resolve it amicably to avoid conflict that can create catastrophe effects on internal

security in the Niger Delta. Government will take more proactive measures in dealing with

the multinational oil company and Niger Delta Development Commission, Niger Delta

Ministry such as compelling them to obeyed international best practice in their operations in

Niger Delta region to avoid conflict that can jeopardize the internal security of the region

However to the Niger delta people the study will simply men that their legitimate

aspiration has received scholarly attention, while they hope to get a better deal from all

stakeholders. Economically, the significance of this study lies in the fact that since Niger

delta is the economic power house and heaven of Nigeria wealth, Nigeria as a nation depend

on the resources of Niger delta for her national development and transformation, so therefore

Nigeria government will do everything legitimately possible for this resources not to cut short

in exploitation and exploration, as anything short of that will cripple her economic.

Furthermore, the political significance of this study touches on the political interest of

policy makers in government and non government organizations to look into Niger delta

issues and formulate policy that will transform the lives and environment of Niger delta

people. Politically, Nigerian government eyes will always been on Niger delta region because

of the resources on the region and their interest is on the resources and as such protect it.

Operational Definitions

Citizen: Is an individual who has full political and legal rights in a state by birth,

naturalization, marriage, registration, and conferment (Nwankwo, 1992).

Ethnic: Ethnic is derived from the Greek word “Ethnos” meaning tribe or race (Wikipedia).

Ethnicity: As a social phenomenon associated with interaction among different ethnic groups

(Aiyede, 2006). It is a social phenomenon associated with the identity of members of the

19

largest possibly competing communal groups (Ethnic groups) seeking to protect and advance

their interest in a political system (Nnoli, 1978).

Azeez (2004: 329) succinctly put, Ethnicity is a sense of people hood that has its

foundation in the combined remembrance of past experience and common aspiration.

Shereader (2005: 101) defined ethnicity as a sense of collective identity by which a people

perceived itself as sharing a historical past and a variety of social norms and customs. The

practice of ethnic ideology or simply tribalism (Igwe, 2007).

Delta: A delta in simple parlance is described as an area crises-crossed by rivers, rivulets and

Greeks that empty themselves into the sea.

Nationalism: The active consciousness of being a different nation, especially in relations

with other nations or groups (Igwe, 2007). Nationalism is the sense of belonging to a

particular state (Subrat, 2010).

Hauss (2003) succinctly put it that Nationalism is sense of belonging to a nation, the

activities involved in developing and maintaining nations political and social activities aimed

at realizing the goals and wills of a nation as well as a language and symbolism of a nation.

Nationalism refers to the feeling of solidarity and loyalty by social classes towards the rules

and institutions of the social formation in which they live (Ifesinachi, 2011).

Security: Security is considered any mechanism deliberately fashioned to alleviate the most

serious and immediate threat that prevent people from pursuing their cherished values

(Nwagboso, 2012).

Militia: A group of people who are not professional soldiers but who had military training

and can act as an army (Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary 8th Edition).

Militant: Using or willing to use force or strong pressure to achieve your aims, especially to

achieve social or political change (Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary 8th Edition).

20

Self-Determination: The principle that peoples should control their political destiny, a right

recognized in many antique and modern political treatises enshrined in the United Nations

(Igwe, 2007).

Aggression: Actual armed attack, or any other form of hostile action, usually against the

principles of international law and/or good neighbourly relations by one state or groups

thereof, against another (Igwe, 2007).

Sub-nationalism: Is the movement of people to exit or pursue independent statehood or

regional autonomy within a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state. We also refer to sub-

nationalism as a movement or revolt of peoples against the unitary nature of state, reinforced

by indigenous rights and contention of power. Sub-nationalism leans to mobilization and

ethnocentrism for political and economic advantage of one ethnic group against another

(Smith, 1991).

Ethnic Militia: are organized violence-oriented groups populated by diverse elements,

cutting across different age strata, but drawing membership exclusively from an ethnic group

and established to promote and protect the interests of an ethnic group. Ethnic militia is an

extreme form of ethnic agitation for self-determination and occurs when the ethnic group

assumes militant posture. They serve as a social pressure group designed to influence the

structure of power to the advantage of and call attention to the deteriorating material

condition or political deprivation and perceived marginalization of their group or social

environment (Smith, 1991).

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Literature Review

The purpose of this review is to investigate the effects of ethnic nationalism on

internal security in the Nigeria Delta region; this will be done through theoretical literature

and empirical literature.

Theoretical Literature

According to Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, a theory means a set of property

argued ideas intended to explain facts or event. It is the principles on which a subject of study

is based. Theories are lenses through which we see the world (Onuoha, 2008:32). It is a cause

effect logical explanation of a phenomenon and predication of its subsequent development,

the highest level of generalization in a scientific discipline, containing all the essential

elements of the explanation at the particular stage of knowledge and embodying within the

law, principles and hypotheses that clarify issues at corresponding levels of analysis (Igwe,

2007:443). Furthermore Leege and Francis (1974) defined theory as a collection of

interrelated law-like statements, or hypotheses, which are intended to explain some political

phenomenon or event. The theoretical literature of the study has to do with the concepts of

ethnicity and nationalism.

Aiyede (2006) examine ethnicity as a social phenomenon associated with interaction

among different ethnic groups. To him, ethnic groups are social formations distinguished by

communal character of their boundaries. Aiyede (2006) opines that, the relevant communal

factor may be language, culture or both. Akombo (2009) postulate that ethnicity has

continued to bread the sense of antagonism, confrontation, intimidation and marginalization

as well as victimization. Augustine (2003) opined that the differences which exist in most

countries, but observe that the differences are insignificant and states that ethnicity can only

be understood if it is related to opportunities for economic survival. However Boaten (2000)

22

succinctly examine ethnicity as a group of people with a common socio-cultural identity such

as language, common worldview, religion and common cultural traits. Kendall (2007:311)

corroborates that ethnicity is s collection of people distinguished by others or by themselves

primarily on the basis of cultural or nationality characteristics. These characteristics may

include; (a) unique cultural traits such as language, clothing, holidays, religious practices, (b)

a sense of community, (c) a felling of ethnocentrisms, (d) ascribed membership from birth

and (e) territoriality or the tendency for an ethnic group to occupy a distinct geographical area

by choice and or for self-protection. Ethnicity as a concept evolved from a Greek word

ethnos, which means “people of the same ancestry” (Lenshie & Johnson, 2012:49). Ethnicity

is a group of people who share a common and distinctive culture (Imobighe, 2003).

According to Nnoli (1978) ethnicity is an act of ethnocentrism, which he identified as

attitudinal, meant to demonstrate ethnic prides and belonging to an ethnic group. Ethnicity at

this point is not harmful because it objective is to re-enforce mutual trust and connection

amongst people of the same cultural affinities. This means that ethnicity is functional to

generating the required internal cohesion and solidarity and also re-enforces the need to

provide natural security for each other, and to also promote a sense of identity (Nnoli, 1994)

Notwithstanding, ethnicity can also be transformed to enhance one competitive

efficiency in the political market place. Nnoli (1995) in this connection buttresses that

ethnicity, due to political struggles over power, control of the means of allocating resources

in multiethnic state; it is capable of generating ethnic conflicts. Ethnic paroxysm transforms

ethnic groups into militia groups mobilized to assert for ethnic dominance or change in the

status quo of any society, Barth (1969) Connor (1978) Berghe (1981) and Smith (1982), they

corroborated that ethnicity as having socially and politically constructed boundaries, based

upon one or more of the above characteristics that are socially attributed by both the in-and-

out-groups.

23

However Nnoli (1978) opined that ethnic groups are distinct social groups with

cultures norms and values been the defining attributes. Ethnicity therefore is the fallout of the

interaction between members of ethnic groups, mostly within a plural society. Furthermore,

Nnoli (1978: 6 & 35) intends that ethnicity result from the contextual discrimination by

members of one group against others on the basis of some exclusive criteria such as language,

boundaries and culture and that it was a creature of the colonial and post colonial order. Otite

(1990:17) corroborated Nnoli view by contending members of one group against others on

the basis of differentiate systems of socio-cultural symbols.

Azeez (2004:329) succinctly examine ethnicity as a sense of people hood that has its

foundation in the combined remembrance of past experience and common aspiration. It is

therefore evidence as Eteng (2004) observed that ethnicity is a derivative of the ethnic group,

which forms the basis of its articulation and activation, that is, it the existence of the group

that makes ethnicity possible. According however, ethnicity does not exist outside the unit or

group that embodies it. To this Enloe (1978: 33) postulated that “ethnicity is looked upon as

unreal, an artificial basis of identification and collective organization, insured up by outsiders

looking for an efficient instrument of political and economic control.” It is therefore

considered a strategic weapon chosen by a disadvantaged group as a new mode of seeking

political redress, or by a privileged group in order to protect its advantages. Thus, Cox (1970:

317) see ethnicity or ethnic group generally as a socio-cultural entity while inhabiting the

same state, country or economic area, consider themselves biologically, culturally,

linguistically or socially distinct from each other and most often view their relation in actual

or potentially antagonistic terms. Hutchinson and Smith (1996) opined that ethnicity is the

sense of kinship, group solidarity and common culture to which it refers it as old as the

historical record, ethnic communities have been present in every period and on every

continent have played an important role in all societies. The sense of a common ethnicity

24

remains a major focus of identification of individual even today. Jenkins (2008: 172)

succinctly put “we must take serious the fact that ethnicity means something to individuals

and that when it matters, it can really matter. Ethnicity is a powerful tool which will continue

to sharp Nigerian politics because it circumscribes components of political organization and

institutional mechanisms within which citizens articulate their political and other interest

(Salih, 2001: 26). Ethnicity is a sense of collective identity by which a people perceives itself

as sharing a historical past and a variety of social norms and customs (Shareader, 2005: 101).

However Jenkins (2008:169) elaborated that ethnicity as a collective and

individual externalized in social interactions and the categorization of others and internalized

in person self identification. Doorknobs (1998: 28) succinctly examine ethnicity as potential

as a liberating force, he argues that if ethnicity can indicate a route to the discovery of

meaning, a recapturing of cultural identity and the recreation of solidarity, there can be no

dispute about it enigmatic force and its liberating potential. Lenshie (2012:2) opined that

ethnicity is a socio-political concept associated with race, culture and traditions of people

with common descent, ancestral connection and affiliation which to construe their behaviour

and enhance interaction among them.

Giddens (2006:487) corroborated that ethnicity refers to the cultural practices and

outlooks of a given community of people that set them apart from other group. Ethnicity

builds solidarity recognition and direct social intercourse among people of the ethnic group,

this is constructed on some shared value and norms developed by them from time

immemorial embedded in their culture and traditions which govern their own society.

Ethnicity therefore enhances the positioning of ethnic identity in the socio-political and

economic circle of the state at any level. Jenkins noted of Wallman (1979:3) in Rex &

Masson (1986:175) thus:

Ethnicity is the process by which “their” difference is used to enhance the sense of “us”

25

for purpose of organisation or identification because it takes two ethnicity can only happen at the boundary of “us” in content or confrontation or by contrast with “them”.

The boundary created by ethnicity of “us” and them are at the core societal

differentiation on the ground of community of language spoken and host of other ascription

of identities which may be assigned different status to promote common affiliation and

nationality or in contrast, to condition the determinants of political and economic allotted

values in a multi-ethnic society (Lenshie, 2012: 3 & 4). Gidden (2006:487) identified some

salient factors that characterized ethnicity when he noted that:

Different characteristics may serve to distinguish ethnic group from one another but the most usual are language, history or ancestry (real or imagined), religion and style of dress or adornment.

Doders (2012) succinctly examine ethnicity from a two stand point. The first is from a

narrow perspective as a community of people who believe they have common claims to

origin, descent, culture and traditions in form of language spoken, dressing style, history and

common destiny pursuit by each other. The second is from a broad perspective which sees

ethnicity, is that factor which is built on ascription of solidarity among people of people tied

to race, nationality and victory won or even religion. It is therefore deducible that ethnicity

provide a common sense of compatibility among people under the same ethnic group,

political and economic system. Nnoli (1987) stated that the premise of ethnicity is hang on

the consciousness it create in the social process of maximizing surplus values which

determined largely by the decision making process and the allocation of real values and

resources in the society derived from positive relations. He went further to succinctly

examine ethnicity as a social phenomenon associated with the identity of members of the

largest possible competing communal groups (ethnic groups) seeking to protect and advance

26

their interest in a political system. According to him, the relevant (communal factor may be

language, culture, race, religion and/or common history. Ethnicity is only one of the

phenomena associated with interactions among communal groups (ethnic groups). Ethnicity

therefore involves a demand by one group on other competing groups, which have the

following characteristics prejudice and discrimination, in-group sentiments and sense of

solidarity prediscope members of ethnic groups to look more favourable on their own group

members than on neighboring out-group members.

However ethnicity embodies tendency to-exclude out-group members from social

and economic opportunities and welfare services. Members of an ethnic group are

ethnocentric when they are proud of it and consequently are inward looking, furthermore

Nnoli (1987: 6) examine ethnicity as a common consciousness of members of the communal

groups in relation to other such groups, more than any other. Ethnicity is associated with a

collective sense of belonging, mission, self realization and self affirmation within the

collective and the feeling of seizing the individuals and groups destiny akin to the dynamics

of mob action (Nnoli, 1987:8). Why is this so, it is because of the potential power of ethnicity

to totalize and transcend other loyalties and obligations when an peoples multiple identities

are narrowed down to a single focus social division became deeper and more rigid. Ethnicity

is a deeply emotional basis of modernization that not merely distinguishes one group from

another but can also dehumanize and demonize the other group. Ethnicity has the symbolic

capacity to define the totality of the individual’s existence, including embodying his/her hope

and fears for the future.

However an individual’s self-esteem is determined in part, by the status worth and

legitimacy of the group to which he or she belongs. In fact, the ethnic group is perceived as a

pseudo-family Goor (1994: 25). Any action that undermines the group strikes at the very

existence of its members even though the action may not be directed at them personally.

27

Actions that undermine the ethnic group include those that diminish it status, worth and

legitimacy in the eyes of its members (Horowitz, 1985). As Gurr (1993) observes that

ethnicity makes it possible to draw am easy and individious distinction between “us” and

“them”. It impels ethnic groups to compare themselves with one another, and have a constant

fear, latent or manifest, of being subjugated or relegated to inferior status or positions. Such

fears act to mobilize the whole ethnic group, causing self esteem, fear and prejudice to go

hand in hand, and making militant or extreme actions against other groups possible.

Additionally ethnicity encourages ethnic groups to incur and impose costs. They make

sacrifices to pursue interests which may be inimical to the interests of other groups (Nnoli,

2008). Ethnicity has a mobilization aspect, which can greatly assist goal attainment in a

society, ethnicity has become legitimate. People can openly claim some ethnic identity

without losing esteem; they can even show that they are proud of their ethnic identity. In

many cases, they may actively seek redress of perceived inequality and injustice in terms of

such identities without being officially sanctioned or banned. The legitimacy of ethnicity

results from the idea of national self determination which has enjoyed growing acceptance

and popularity ever since nationalism emerged some two hundred years ago. It also confers

legitimacy on recent claims for ethnic equality and pluralism in modern states (Bjorklund,

1987). Fox and his colleagues argue that ethnicity can be explained as a new organizational

and ideological forum for political protests that occur in welfare states as an alternative to and

replacement for class-based form of political activities. In this regard, the salient feature of

ethnicity is its ability to bind and mobilize local population differentiated by wealth, age, sex,

education, class, residence and sometimes even language and religion into a new political

constituency seeking redress from bureaucratic government (Fox, 1981). Ethnicity is

generally not explosive in the market, even though it is articulated there but in the political

arena. By the very extent of its responsibility, its level of taxation and its self appointed role

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as primary solver of problem, the welfare state has not only become the national focus of

demands but also as some of these cannot be met, the central target of grievance (Esman,

1977).

However ethnicity exists only within a political society consisting of diverse ethnic

groups. This is because of the political nature of its demands. It is not associated with

relations across state lines with ethnic groups in different states. Relations between an ethnic

group in one multi-ethnic state and that in another multi ethnic state are governed by other

phenomena than ethnicity, for example, in the case of Somalia, the ethnic group is itself a

nation-state, and ethnicity is replaced by nationalism in relations between it and other ethnic

groups and societies. Ethnicity does not involve the use of state power on behalf of an ethnic

group to the exclusion of other ethnic groups in the same state, or in the incorporation of an

ethnic group into a nation state. Nnoli posited that ethnicity does not exist in a pure form that

it is always closely associated with political, juridical, religious and other social views which

constitute its important ingredients as well. Ethnicity also tends to change its specific

historical content and to assume many different forms (Nnoli, 1987). Nnoli (1987: 4 ) opined

that where ethnicity has made its appearance, it has tended to persevere and grow in intensity

and spread, essentially because it performs some valuable functions for the relevant ethnic

groups.

Furthermore, ethnicity promotes the appreciation of an individual’s social roots in the

community, and the creation of a social network which provides material and emotional

support for members of society ethnicity operating at the intermediate level of society; it

fosters in the relevant population sense of belonging and also mediates between the

individual and the larger society. Nnoli (2008; 14) posited that ethnicity holds individuals

together, gives them internal cohesion, encourages them to provide mutual security for each

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other and promotes their sense of identity and direction. In other words, ethnicity offers a

personal solution to the generic problems of exploitation, oppression, deprivation and

alienation.

Additionally Ethnicity promotes the desire to eliminate all domination, oppression,

exploitation and privileges. For example in Niger Delta, these struggles are reflected in the

demand against marginalization of ethnic groups and against injustice in inter-ethnic resource

distribution (Nnoli, 2008). Egwu (2001) opined that ethnicity is all about mobilization and

politicization of ethnic group identity drawing on those elements that mark out the group such

as language, culture, territory, mode of dressing and sharing jokes. The term takes on a

greater meaning in competitive situations, and where available resources are scarce in

relation to the interests that grow around them (Nnoli, 1989). Abagen (2002) noted that

identity is a strong feature of ethnicity and thus usually start with stereotyping and labeling to

give various groups a friend status based on race, nationality, religion, caste for the ultimate

goal of self actualization, hegemony and survival. However, extensive research into ethnicity

in the Nigerian polity by Cohen (1969), Nnoli (1989), Otite (1990), Osagbe (1992), Elaigwu

(1994) and Egwu (2001) have summarily pointed to five main issues that ethnicity is bound

to be in a plural state, it is characterized by exclusiveness, the common consciousness of the

feeling of one’s cultural superiority to the others. It is a tool of competition for individuals

and groups for scarce public resources such as contracts, employment, political appointments,

and scholarships, access to land as well as opportunities for lucrative trade and commerce. It

is widely used as a political tool by all and sundry including the state to canvass for support

or sympathy. Finally, it is a situational consciousness which alters in its form, role,

incumbents and place as the social process demands it. That is situation changes as the event

unfolds.

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Moreover ethnicity is often associated with multi ethnic political existence, but that

would not mean that once you have ethnic pluralism, the outcome is automatically ethnicity.

As Mafeje (1997) has suggested, ethnicity is not merely an abstract noun but an ideologically

loaded concept which is not a natural outcome of ethnic existence in any objective sense.

Mafeje’s point is that despite its etymological derivation, ethnicity is not an abstraction from

any “ethnic group”, precisely because it has no independent existence of its own, being

always driven either by class interests or the quest for power. Nevertheless, ethnic pluralism

provides a framework, or to use another phrase, the necessary but not sufficient condition for

ethnicity.

Additionally, ethnicity is a product of interactions between and among people of

different ethnic group. According to chazzan (1998: 152), it is “the subjective perceptions of

common origins, historical ties and memories”. It is not important that claims of a common

origin or any other basis for individual and collective self identification are real. What is

important is the imagined community that supplies a sense of group solidarity and framework

for delineating the relevant others. Nnoli (1978) and Otite (1990) have also added contextual

discrimination by members of one ethnic group against others on the basis of some exclusive

criteria as a critical dimension of ethnicity. It is important to mention that the outset three

important facts related to the discourse on ethnicity. First, as Osaghae (1994) reminds us it is

necessary to make a distinction between ethnicity at the level of the individual (micro) and at

the level of the group (macro) but while the latter is the aggregated form of the former it is

the shared identity at the group level that is more important. Nevertheless, what we confront

most of the time is the continuity between the micro and macro levels of ethnicity, especially

in the African context where the individual acquires meaning as a member of the larger

community. Second, the criteria used to decipher the phenomenon referred to as ethnicity can

be objective as well as subjective. Third, ethnicity is constituted by both static and dynamic

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elements. The static elements are those purely objective factors that are essentially innocuous

and not harmful to the social process. On their own they do not impair social interaction.

What this suggests is that ethnicity is an integral part of the social process and that multi

ethnic existence is after all, a necessary but not a sufficient condition for ethnicity.

However, according to Nnoli (1978 & 1989), ethnicity’s main characteristics are:

exclusiveness manifested in inter-group competition, conflict in relation to stiff competition,

and the consciousness of being one in relation to others. Three elements of ethnicity

identified by Mare (1993) are particularly useful to our understanding of the phenomenon and

the discursive genre to which ethnicity is amenable. One, it is a culturally specific practice

and a unique set of symbols and beliefs, especially the way in which an ascribed identity is

given contemporary construction through socialization and mobilization in cultural and

political movements. Two, it is a belief in common origin involving sometimes the existence

or imagination of a common past. Third and finally, it involves a sense of belonging to a

group defined in opposition to others.

Szeftel (1994) opined that ethnicity is invoked by interests which are not necessarily

described in “ethnic” terms, for it could be mobilized in pursuit of perceived “ethnic” interest

or not related to ethnic interests at all. Ethnicity is wide and nebulous. Not only does it

encompass and inter penetrate all social formations and constituting a spatial framework for

class relations and contradictions. Nnoli, 1978:20, it could as leroyvail (1989:10) has argued

that ethnicity co-exists with other types of consciousness without apparent unease because it

was cultural and hence based on involuntary ascription, not on personal choice. Ethnic

identity could adhere in both petty bourgeois and worker in both peasant farmer and striving

politicians.

Thus, the all inclusive character of ethnicity must be recognized if its role in the social

process is to be correctly codified. At the same time, the fact that it exists side by side with

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other types of consciousness must be registered. Most importantly, the limits and possibilities

of the ethnic factor as an explanatory category on the basis of this must be clearly borne in

mind by the analyst. It is therefore important to explore the discourses on ethnicity. Ethnicity

is simply obstinate, difficult to wish away because of its pervasiveness as underlined above.

Furthermore, according to Cohen (1969) in his study of Hausa (community) ethnicity in

Ibadan, opined that ethnic groups are interest groups engaged in the struggle with others for

resources in the public arena. Ethnicity provides an idiom which promotes solidarity as a

moral duty; consequently, it gives the common interest a much wider and more complete

unity. Sollors (1989) and Ranger (1983, 1994) strongly argue that African ethnicity was a

direct product of colonial invention. The invention thesis which is strongly corroborated by

the work of Fabian (1983) on the invention of Swahili language in the Congo derives the

logic that the search for stable and manageable units led to a series of policies on the part of

the colonial state, whose result was the transformation of identities hitherto based on

flexibility into one based on rigidity. Not to give the misleading impression that “ethnics”

were made out of unsuspecting “subjects”, he identified the collaborators in this project as

colonial administrators, missionaries, African chiefs and the emergent elite whose acceptance

of this invention conferred legitimacy on it. However ethnicity is not natural and its

emergence is tied to specific class interest or it is a social project driven by a clearly

identifiable objective.

Marxists describe ethnicity as false consciousness; it is not to deny the existence of

ethnicity but to come to terms with the supposed tribesmen, who subscribe to an ideology that

is inconsistent with their material interest therefore unwittingly responding to the call for

their own exploitation (Mafeje, 1971:259). A discourse on modern ethnicity and its urban

form is of necessity, a discourse of how the ruling class, given to its weak material base,

organizes and reproduces its interests in political and economic terms. Thus as Cohen (1974)

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suggested, class, ethnicity and power are bounded together. Ethnic entrepreneur politicians,

traditional rulers, contractors and other big wigs- the inheritors of the c