The Phonetic Patterning of Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey,...
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Transcript of The Phonetic Patterning of Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey,...
The Phonetic Patterningof
Spontaneous American English Discourse
Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock and Shuangyu ChangInternational Computer Science Institute1947 Center Street, Berkeley, CA 94704
{steveng, hmcarvey, leahh, shawnc}@icsi.berkeley.edu
Acknowledgements and Thanks
Research FundingU.S. Department of DefenseU.S. National Science Foundation
For Further Information
Consult the web site:
www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng
OVERTURE
A Central Challenge for Models of Speech Recognition
Pronunciation Variability of Real SpeechPronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse
Pronunciation Variability of Real SpeechPronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced
Pronunciation Variability of Real SpeechPronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced
(as the following two slides illustrate for the word “AND” based on manual phonetic annotation of a corpus comprising telephone dialogues)
How Many Pronunciations of “and”?
82 ae n63 eh n45 ix n35 ax n34 en30 n20 ae n dcl d17 ih n17 q ae n11 ae n d
7 q eh n7 ae nx6 ae ae n6 ah n5 eh nx4 uh n4 ix nx4 q ae n dcl d3 eh n d3 q ae nx
3 eh2 ae n dcl2 ae2 ax m2 ax n d2 ae eh n dcl d2 eh n dcl d2 ax nx2 q ae ae n2 q ix n2 ix n dcl d2 ih 2 eh eh n2 q eh nx2 ix d n1 eh m1 ax n dcl d1 aw n1 ae q1 eh dcl
N Pronunciation N Pronunciation
Canonical pronunciation
How Many Pronunciations of “and”?
1 ah nx1 ae n t1 eh d1 ah n dcl d1 ey ih n dcl1 ae ix n1 ae nx ax1 ax ng1 ay n1 ih ah n d1 ae hh1 ih ng1 ix1 ae n d dcl1 ix dcl d1 ae eh n1 hh n1 ix n t1 ae ax n dcl d1 iy eh n
1 m1 ae ae n d1 nx1 q ae ae n1 q ae ae n dcl d1 q ae eh n dcl d1 q ae ih n1 aa n1 q ae n d1 ? nx1 q ae n q1 eh n m1 q eh en dcl1 eh ng1 q eh n q1 em1 q eh ow m1 q ih n1 q ix en1 er
N Pronunciation N Pronunciation
Pronunciation Variability of Real SpeechThe are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced
And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard)
Pronunciation Variability of Real SpeechThe are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced
And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard)
(which together account for 35% of the word tokens in the corpus)
1 I 6 4 9 5 3 5 3 a y
2 a n d 5 2 1 8 7 1 6 a e n
3 th e 4 7 5 7 6 2 7 d h a x
4 y o u 4 0 6 6 8 2 0 y ix
5 th a t 3 2 8 1 1 7 1 1 d h a e
6 a 3 1 9 2 8 6 4 a x
7 to 2 8 8 6 6 1 4 tc l t u w
8 k n o w 2 4 9 3 4 5 6 n o w
9 o f 2 4 2 4 4 2 1 a x v
1 0 it 2 4 0 4 9 2 2 ih
1 1 y e a h 2 0 3 4 8 4 3 y a e
1 2 in 1 7 8 2 2 4 5 ih n
1 3 th e y 1 5 2 2 8 6 0 d h e y
1 4 d o 1 3 1 3 0 5 4 d c l d u w
1 5 s o 1 3 0 1 4 7 4 s o w
1 6 b u t 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 b c l b a h tc l t
1 7 is 1 2 0 2 4 5 0 ih z
1 8 lik e 1 1 9 1 9 4 6 l a y k c l k
1 9 h a v e 1 1 6 2 2 5 4 h h a e v
2 0 w a s 1 1 1 2 4 2 3 w a h z
2 1 w e 1 0 8 1 3 8 3 w iy
2 2 it's 1 0 1 1 4 2 0 ih tc l s
2 3 ju s t 1 0 1 3 4 1 7 jh ix s
2 4 o n 9 8 1 8 4 9 a a n
2 5 o r 9 4 2 3 3 6 e r
2 6 n o t 9 2 2 4 2 4 m a a q
2 7 th in k 9 2 2 3 3 2 th ih n g k c l k
2 8 fo r 8 7 1 9 4 6 f e r
2 9 w e ll 8 4 4 9 2 3 w e h l
3 0 w h a t 8 2 4 0 1 4 w a h d x
3 1 a b o u t 7 7 4 6 1 2 a x b c l b a w
3 2 a ll 7 4 2 7 2 4 a o l
3 3 th a t's 7 4 1 9 1 6 d h e h s
3 4 o h 7 4 1 7 6 1 o w
3 5 re a lly 7 1 2 5 4 5 r ih l iy
3 6 o n e 6 9 8 7 8 w a h n
3 7 a re 6 8 1 9 4 2 e r
3 8 I'm 6 7 9 2 6 q a a m
3 9 rig h t 6 1 2 1 2 8 r a y
4 0 u h 6 0 1 6 4 1 a h
4 1 th e m 6 0 1 8 2 3 a x m
4 2 a t 5 9 3 6 8 a e d x
4 3 th e re 5 8 2 8 2 2 d h e h r
4 4 my 5 8 9 6 6 m a y
4 5 me a n 5 6 1 0 5 8 m iy n
4 6 d o n 't 5 6 2 1 1 4 d x o w
4 7 n o 5 5 8 7 7 n o w
4 8 w ith 5 5 2 0 3 5 w ih th
4 9 if 5 5 1 8 4 1 ih f
5 0 w h e n 5 4 1 8 3 1 w e h n
5 1 c a n 5 4 2 8 1 5 k c l k a e n
5 2 th e n 5 1 1 9 3 8 d h e h n
5 3 b e 5 0 1 1 7 6 b c l b iy
5 4 a s 4 9 1 6 1 8 a e z
5 5 o u t 4 7 1 9 2 2 a e d x
5 6 k in d 4 7 1 7 2 1 k c l k a x n x
5 7 b e c a u e 4 6 3 1 1 5 k c l k a x z
5 8 p e o p le 4 5 2 1 4 4 p c l p iy p c l l e l
5 9 g o 4 5 5 8 3 g c l g o w
6 0 g o t 4 5 3 2 1 5 g c l g a a
6 1 th is 4 4 1 1 4 7 d h ih s
6 2 s o me 4 3 4 4 8 s a h m
6 3 w o u ld 4 1 1 6 2 9 w ih d c l
6 4 th in g s 4 1 1 5 5 2 th ih n g z
6 5 n o w 3 9 1 1 6 9 n a w
6 6 lo t 3 9 9 4 7 l a a d x
6 7 h a d 3 9 1 9 2 4 h h a e d c l
6 8 h o w 3 9 1 1 5 3 h h a w
6 9 g o o d 3 8 1 3 2 7 g c l g u h d c l
7 0 g e t 3 8 2 0 1 3 g c l g e h d x
7 1 s e e 3 7 6 8 0 s iy
7 2 fro m 3 6 1 0 2 8 f r a h m
7 3 h e 3 6 7 3 9 iy
7 4 me 3 5 5 8 7 m iy
7 5 d o n 't 3 5 2 1 1 4 d x o w
7 6 th e ir 3 3 1 9 2 5 d h e h r
7 7 mo re 3 2 1 1 5 6 m a o r
7 8 it's 3 1 1 4 2 0 ih tc l s
7 9 th a t's 3 1 2 0 1 6 d h e h s
8 0 to o 3 1 6 6 0 tc l t u w
8 1 o k a y 3 1 1 7 4 5 o w k c l k e y
8 2 v e ry 3 0 1 1 3 6 v e h r iy
8 3 u p 3 0 1 1 3 4 a h p c l p
8 4 b e e n 3 0 1 1 5 1 b c l b ih n
8 5 g u e s s 2 9 8 4 2 g c l g e h s
8 6 time 2 9 8 6 2 tc l t a y m
8 7 g o in g 2 9 2 1 1 3 g c l g o w ih n g
8 8 in to 2 8 2 0 1 4 ih n tc l t u w
8 9 th o s e 2 7 1 2 4 2 d h o w z
9 0 h e re 2 7 1 1 2 5 h h iy e r
9 1 d id 2 7 1 3 2 3 d c l d ih d x
9 2 w o rk 2 5 8 6 6 w e r k c l k
9 3 o th e r 2 5 1 4 2 6 a h d h e r
9 4 a n 2 5 1 2 2 8 a x n
9 5 I'v e 2 5 7 4 6 a y v
9 6 th in g 2 4 9 5 2 th ih n g
9 7 e v e n 2 4 7 4 0 iy v ix n
9 8 o u r 2 3 9 3 3 a a r
9 9 a n y 2 3 1 1 2 3 ix n iy
1 0 0 w e 're 2 3 8 2 5 w e y r
How Many Different Pronunciations?
1 I 649 53 53 ay2 and 521 87 16 ae n3 the 475 76 27 dh ax4 you 406 68 20 y ix5 that 328 117 11 dh ae6 a 319 28 64 ax7 to 288 66 14 tcl t uw8 know 249 34 56 n ow9 of 242 44 21 ax v
10 it 240 49 22 ih11 yeah 203 48 43 y ae12 in 178 22 45 ih n13 they 152 28 60 dh ey14 do 131 30 54 dcl d uw15 so 130 14 74 s ow16 but 123 45 12 bcl b ah tcl t17 is 120 24 50 ih z18 like 119 19 46 l ay kcl k19 have 116 22 54 hh ae v20 was 111 24 23 w ah z
Rank Word N #PronMost CommonPronunciation
MCP%Total
The 20 most frequent words account for 35% of the tokens
QUESTION
How DO listeners decode the speech signal given the HUGE variation in
pronunciation?
INTRODUCTION
The Importance of the Syllable
The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable
The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable
In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable
The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable
In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence)
The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable
In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence)
As a consequence, we will examine syllable onsets, nuclei and codas separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns
The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable
In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence)
As a consequence, we will examine syllable onsets, nuclei and codas separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns
As well as gauge the impact of syllable prominence on phonetic patterning
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT)
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT)
The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”)
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT)
The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”)
Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”)
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT)
The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”)
Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”)
Note that onset segments often differ in significant ways from coda segments
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
“J” = JUNCTUREOGI Numbers95 corpus
Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA
Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition)
Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)
Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT)
The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”)
Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”)
Note that onset segments often differ in significant ways from coda segments
And that certain phones are actually “pure junctures” not segments
Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others)
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others)
Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English)
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others)
Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English)
A straightforward means of illustrating the difference between accented and unaccented syllables is shown on the following slide
Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent)Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence
Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented
A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)
In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:
Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others)
Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English)
A straightforward means of illustrating the difference between accented and unaccented syllables is shown on the following slide
Which shows hundreds of instances of the word “seven” in a 3-D profile called a STeP (Spectro-Temporal Profile)
Syllable Prominence (Accent) Illustrated
[s]
[eh]
[vx]
[en]
juncture accented syllable
unaccented syllable
“Seven”
mean duration
Full-spectrumperspective
OGI Numbers95
[s] [eh] [vx] [en]
Nucleus
Onset
Ambi-syllabic
Nucleus
Juncture
PART ONE
Phonetic and Prosodic Annotatation
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods
45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT material
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods
45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT materialAn additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods
45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT materialAn additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled (though
NOT used in the current analysis)
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishTelephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD
corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)
There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material TranscribedSpans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American
dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality
This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries
The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods
45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT materialAn additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled (though
NOT used in the current analysis)
Transcription SystemA variant of Arpabet, a fairly broad phonetic transcription orthography
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishThe Data are Available at ….
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous EnglishThe Data are Available at ….
http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/real/stp
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy Light
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy Light None
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy (1) Light (0.5) None (0)
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy (1) Light (0.5) None (0)
(In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy (1) Light (0.5) None (0)
(In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)
An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary)
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy (1) Light (0.5) None (0)
(In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)
An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary)
In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5)
Annotation of Stress AccentForty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard
corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)
Three levels of accent were distinguished:
Heavy (1) Light (0.5) None (0)
(In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)
An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary)
In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5) (and one other labeled as very lightly accented (0.25))
The data are available at ….
Annotation of Stress Accent
The data are available at ….
http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng/prosody
Annotation of Stress Accent
PART TWO
Stress Accent and Syllable Position
The Importance of Syllable StructureBefore going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level
we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent
The Importance of Syllable StructureBefore going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level
we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent
In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary)
The Importance of Syllable StructureBefore going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level
we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent
In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary)
The analyses are therefore in terms of “deviation from canonical” pronunciation
The Importance of Syllable StructureBefore going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level
we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent
In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary)
The analyses are therefore in terms of “deviation from canonical” pronunciation
Such data serve to illustrate the sort of variation observed that is conditioned by position within the syllable
(i.e., “ONSET” - “NUCLEUS” - “CODA”)
Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable
Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable
Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account
Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable
Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account
Both SYLLABLE STRUCTURE and STRESS-ACCENT LEVEL are required for a full account
Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent
All Segments
Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable
Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account
Both SYLLABLE STRUCTURE and STRESS-ACCENT LEVEL are required for a full account
Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions
NUCLEUSTerritory
Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS
Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions
NUCLEUSTerritory
Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS
Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions
Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions
NUCLEUSTerritory
Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS
Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions
Particularly in the nucleus
Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions
NUCLEUSTerritory
Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS
Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions
Particularly in the nucleus, but also in the onset
Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions
NUCLEUSTerritory
Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS
Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions
Particularly in the nucleus, but also in the onset (but not in the coda)
Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA
CODATerritory
Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA
Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions
CODATerritory
Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA
Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions
Particularly in the coda
CODATerritory
Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA
Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions
Particularly in the coda, but also in the onset as well
CODATerritory
Pronunciation Variation – Insertions
ONSETTerritory
Most of the INSERTION deviations occur in the ONSET
Pronunciation Variation – Summary
All Segments Deletions
InsertionsSubstitutions
CODATerritory
ONSETTerritory
NUCLEUSTerritory
Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns
Pronunciation Variation – Summary
All Segments Deletions
InsertionsSubstitutions
CODATerritory
ONSETTerritory
NUCLEUSTerritory
Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form)
Pronunciation Variation – Summary
All Segments Deletions
InsertionsSubstitutions
CODATerritory
ONSETTerritory
NUCLEUSTerritory
Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form)
The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS
Pronunciation Variation – Summary
All Segments Deletions
InsertionsSubstitutions
CODATerritory
ONSETTerritory
NUCLEUSTerritory
Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form)
The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS
The CODA is associated with DELETIONS
Pronunciation Variation – Summary
All Segments Deletions
InsertionsSubstitutions
CODATerritory
ONSETTerritory
NUCLEUSTerritory
Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form)
The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS
The CODA is associated with DELETIONS, and the ONSET with INSERTIONS
PART THREE
Stress Accent and the Vocalic Nucleus
Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue
A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics
Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue
• The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance
A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics
Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue
• The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance
• The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1
A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics
Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue
• The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance
• The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1
In the classic vowel “triangle,” segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows:
A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics
Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue
• The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance
• The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1
In the classic vowel “triangle,” segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows:
A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics
In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position
Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.
In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position (and hence remains a constant throughout the plots to follow)
Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.
In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position (and hence remains a constant throughout the plots to follow)
The y-axis serves as the dependent measure, expressed in terms of either duration or the proportion of fully stressed (or unstressed) nuclei
Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.
Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed NucleiThe high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed
Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed NucleiThe high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed
The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are rarely unstressed
The high vowels are rarely fully stressed
Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei
The high vowels are rarely fully stressed
The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed
Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei
The high vowels are rarely fully stressed
The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed
An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances
Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei
The high vowels are rarely fully stressed
The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed
An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances (but will not be addressed here)
Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei
The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically
Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent
Canonical Pronunciations Non-Canonical Pronunciations
The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically
Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables
Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent
Canonical Pronunciations Non-Canonical Pronunciations
The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically
Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and
High vowels the province of unaccented syllables
Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent
Canonical Pronunciations Non-Canonical Pronunciations
The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically
Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and
High vowels the province of unaccented syllables
Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms
Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent
Canonical Pronunciations Non-Canonical Pronunciations
Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent
Canonical Pronunciations Non-Canonical Pronunciations
The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically
Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and
High vowels the province of unaccented syllables
Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms
That’s reinforced in patterns of deviation from canonical pronunciation
Vocalic Height Deviation from CanonicalVowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented
Amount of Change Direction of Change
Vocalic Height Deviation from CanonicalVowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented
Vocalic lowering of height is rare
Amount of Change Direction of Change
Vocalic Height Deviation from CanonicalVowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented
Vocalic lowering of height is rare
Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height
Amount of Change Direction of Change
Vocalic Height Deviation from CanonicalVowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented
Vocalic lowering of height is rare
Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height
More than a single height step deviation is uncommon
Amount of Change Direction of Change
Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented
Vocalic lowering of height is rare
Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height
More than a single height step deviation is uncommon
Virtually all 2-step height deviations occur in unaccented syllables
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical
Amount of Change Direction of Change
The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent) In HEAVILY ACCENTED nuclei there is a relatively even distribution of
segments across the vowel space, with a slight bias towards the front and central vowels
Canonical Vowels Only
In UNACCENTED syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space
The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent
Canonical Vowels Only
In unaccented syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space
The low and mid vowels “get creamed”
The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent
Canonical Vowels Only
Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space
The Vowel Spaces Compared
Canonical Vowels Only
Heavily Accented Unaccented
Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space
High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables
The Vowel Spaces Compared
Canonical Vowels Only
Heavily Accented Unaccented
Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space
High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables
Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms
The Vowel Spaces Compared
Canonical Vowels Only
Heavily Accented Unaccented
Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space
High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables
Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms
This distinction between accented and unaccented syllables is of profound importance for understanding (and modeling) pronunciation variation
The Vowel Spaces Compared
Canonical Vowels Only
Heavily Accented Unaccented
PART FOUR
Stress Accent’s Impact on Syllable Onsets
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level
Let’s find out!
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level
Let’s find out!
But first ….
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level
Let’s find out!
But first …. A brief primer on place of articulation features
Stress Accent and Syllable OnsetsThe onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to
“lexical access”
It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level
Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level
Let’s find out!
But first …. A brief primer on place of articulation features (which is necessary to understand the pronunciation patterns described)
Place of Articulation – A Brief PrimerThe tongue contacts (or nearly so) the roof of the mouth in producing many of the consonantal sounds in English. Place of articulation can also be associated with the lips
From Daniloff (1973)
AnteriorLabial [p] [b] [m]Labio-dental [f] [v] Inter-dental [th] [dh]
CentralAlveolar [t] [d] [n] [s] [z]
PosteriorPalatal [sh] [zh]Velar [k] [g] [ng]
ChameleonRhoticized [r]Lateral [l]Approximant [hh]
ANTERIOR
CENTRALPOSTERIOR
Segmental Identity and Stress AccentAnd before we examine the segmental patterns in detail, a brief primer on
the interpretation of these data ….
Road Map - How to Interpret the DataCompare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452
b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542
m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458
f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343
v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184
th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187
TotalHeavy Light None
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452
b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542
m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458
f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343
v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184
th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187
TotalHeavy Light None
Road Map - How to Interpret the DataCompare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns
Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar
Numbers refer to instances of CANONICAL and OBSERVED (“transcribed”) segments
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452
b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542
m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458
f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343
v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184
th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187
TotalHeavy Light None
Road Map - How to Interpret the DataCompare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns
Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar
Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”)
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Road Map - How to Interpret the Data
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452
b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542
m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458
f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343
v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184
th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187
TotalHeavy Light None
Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns
Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar
Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”)
A large disparity is marked with a blue box and indicates that there is a significant affect on pronunciation
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Road Map - How to Interpret the Data
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452
b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542
m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458
f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343
v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184
th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187
TotalHeavy Light None
Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns
Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar
Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”)
A large disparity is marked with a blue box and indicates that there is a significant affect on pronunciation
And is labeled on the tables to follow as “N” (non-canonical)
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR PlaceStress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR PlaceStress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments
EXCEPT for [dh] and [y]
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR PlaceStress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments
EXCEPT for [dh] and [y]
[dh] (as in “the” and “them”) tends to delete in many function words, as does [y] (as in “you”), although to a lesser extent than [dh]
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Central segments tend to “disappear” under (absence of) stress (accent), particularly in unaccented syllables (No)
Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL Place
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Central segments tend to “disappear” under (absence) of stress (accent), particularly in unaccented syllables (No)
There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [nx]) to insert under similar conditions, indicating that such elements substitute for the full forms
Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL Place
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL PlaceCentral segments tend to “disappear” under (absence) of stress (accent),
particularly in unaccented syllables (No)
There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [nx]) to insert under similar conditions, indicating that such elements substitute for the full forms
In accented syllables, central (non-flap) segments are canonical in identity
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
Syllable Onset Statistics – POSTERIOR PlacePosterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Posterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position
The only significant “deviation” from canonical realization is the intrusion of the glottal stop [q], which lacks phonemic status in English and functions as a “pure juncture” separating syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Onset Statistics – POSTERIOR Place
Syllable Onset Statistics – Place Chameleons“Chameleons” assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Onset Statistics – Place Chameleons“Chameleons” assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel
They are relatively stable at syllable onset, EXCEPT in UNACCENTED forms
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable OnsetsThe ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are usually CANONICALLY realized
(the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable OnsetsThe ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are usually CANONICALLY realized
(the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments)
The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON onsets are often non-canonical (the former often function as “pure junctures”), particularly in unaccented forms
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
PART FIVE
Stress Accent’s Impact on Syllable Codas
Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR PlaceAnterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place
Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions – they often function as “flaps” in this context, and
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place
Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions – they often function as “flaps” in this context, and
They tend to delete in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place
Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL PlaceCentral coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent)(except for the voiceless fricative [s])
Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place
C = Canonical realization across accent levels
N = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
t 322 126 575 191 562 172 1459 489
d 200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342
n 311 237 498 381 773 542 1582 1160
s 142 135 202 214 151 155 495 504
z 179 149 258 208 271 221 708 578
TotalHeavy Light None
The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place
Accent
Segment Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans Can Trans
t 322 126 575 191 562 172 1459 489
d 200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342
n 311 237 498 381 773 542 1582 1160
s 142 135 202 214 151 155 495 504
z 179 149 258 208 271 221 708 578
TotalHeavy Light None
The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables
The major effect of stress accent is its impact on the probability of segmental deletion (which is somewhat higher in unaccented forms)
Can = Canonical formTrans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)
Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place
Syllable Coda Statistics – POSTERIOR PlacePosterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent)
The primary exceptions are [ng], which tends to delete in unaccented syllables, the affricate [jh] and the glottal stop [q]
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – POSTERIOR Place
Syllable Coda Statistics – Place ChameleonsChameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – Place ChameleonsChameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent)
This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – Place ChameleonsChameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent)
This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms
The segment [r] tends to delete, particularly in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Syllable Coda Statistics – Place ChameleonsChameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent)
This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms
The segment [r] tends to delete, particularly in unaccented syllables
In many respects coda chameleons behave like vowelsPlace of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable CodasThe ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized
(the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments)
C = Canonical realizationN = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable CodasThe ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized
(the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments)
The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON segments are often non-canonical (and also often function as “pure junctures” or vocalic modifiers)
C = Canonical realizationN = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
PART SIX
Onset and Coda Patterns Compared
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and CodasOnsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas
C = Canonical realizationN = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Place of Articulation Approximants
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and CodasOnsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas
The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and CodasOnsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas
The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas
As are the place chameleons (which tend to behave like vowels)
Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and CodasOnsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas
The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas
As are the place chameleons (which tend to behave like vowels)
The unstable anterior and posterior phones are mostly “pure junctures”Place of Articulation Approximants
C = Canonical realization across accent levelsN = Non-canonical realization, No = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables
PART SEVEN
The Special Status of Coronal Consonants
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant(reflecting the front cavity resonance)
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant(reflecting the front cavity resonance)
The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant(reflecting the front cavity resonance)
The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels
Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant(reflecting the front cavity resonance)
The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels
Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz
Thus, the “absence” of a coda segment points, by implication, to the alveolar place of articulation under many circumstances
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position)
A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized
One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant(reflecting the front cavity resonance)
The locus (target) frequency of ALVEOLAR is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels
Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz
Thus, the “absence” of a coda segment points, by implication, to the alveolar place of articulation under many circumstances
This hypothesis is schematically illustrated on the next two slides
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
HEAVILY ACCENTED Syllables
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
UNACCENTED Syllables
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
There is something ELSE that is “special” about coronal segments in codas
Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?
Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS
Preponderance of Coda Coronals
All accent levels combined (canonical elements)
Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS
In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets
Preponderance of Coda Coronals
All accent levels combined (canonical elements)
Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS
In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets
The disparity in place distribution in coda position implies that coronals are a “default” category
Preponderance of Coda Coronals
All accent levels combined (canonical elements)
Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS
In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets
The disparity in place distribution in coda position implies that coronals are a “default” category, and that codas may contain less information than onsets
Preponderance of Coda Coronals
All accent levels combined (canonical elements)
Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments
Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals
Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)
Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments
Particularly with respect to the preponderance of coronal segments in codas
Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals
Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)
Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments
Particularly with respect to the preponderance of coronal segments in codas
Suggesting that codas are inherently less informative than onsets regardless of accent level
Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals
Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)
FINALE
What’s Going on in Pronunciation?
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms …
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms …(1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms …(1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms …(1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups –
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented
The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented
The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space
The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented
The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space
The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space
The prevalence of coronal coda consonants is probably linked to the predominance of front and central vowels
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not
Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior
The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete
The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels)
The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented
The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space
The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space
The prevalence of coronal coda consonants is probably linked to the predominance of front and central vowels
Such patterns point to the likely importance of efficient information coding in the specification of the phonetic properties of spoken language
What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)
That’s All
Many Thanks for Your Time and Attention