Rural History of La Plata Basin

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Rural History of the Rio de la Plata, 1600-1850: Results of a Historiographical RenaissanceAuthor(s): Juan Carlos Garavaglia and Jorge D. GelmanSource: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 30, No. 3 (1995), pp. 75-105Published by: The Latin American Studies AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2503980 .Accessed: 14/05/2014 02:15

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LatinAmerican esearch eview

of the Riode la Plata countryside merges hat iffers onsiderably romthe one held by historians ntil few years go. Theseworkshavealsoraisednew questions bout heyears etween 650 nd 1800 nd subse-quentdevelopment n the region.We shall ttempt ere o present briefinventory f these dvances nd research ssues.

It s necessary t the outset o clarify hatwemeanby the Rio dela Plata as the region nder tudy. We are not referring o what onceincluded he vast expanse of the Viceroyalty f the Rio de la Plata butrather o the one bordering heriver tself, n area with set of distinctecologicalnd historical haracteristicsefining tsrural history. asically,the Rio de la Plata ncludeswhat oday s the republic f Uruguay longwith he Argentine rovinces fBuenosAires, antaF6,Entre ios, nd thesouthern art fCordoba. he bibliographic eferencesisted ealprimar-ilywith uenosAires nd southwest ruguay, he egionsmost requentlydiscussed n the recent esearch. his imited overage mmediately ointstoward ne of our main onclusions egarding uture esearch eeds.

The underlying auses of this historiographical enaissance re asubject eyond hepurpose nd scopeof the present rticle.Neverthe-less,we think t mportant oindicate t least three uch causes.

First, reassessment egan n the 1970s f nternalmarkets s avital factor orunderstanding atin American conomic developmentsince he colonial ra. Themost nfluential orks n this rea have beenthose of Carlos SempatAssadourian Assadourian 983).While schol-ars were tudying heAtlantic xportmarket n hides and other attleby-products rom heregion, hey lso began to focus on the growingand marketing f agricultural roducts ound for ocal and regionalmarkets.

A secondrelevant actor n this enaissance as been reconsidera-tion of the roleand characteristics f the state nd the colonial lites ncomparison ith he national eriod.Colonial liteswerebasically om-mercial, nd the olonial tate was primarily nterested n continuing hedevelopment f ctivities elated o mining seeAssadourian 983; ocolow1978, 989). hesefindings ave made t possible ostudy heestancieros(large-scale anchers) merging t the nd of the ighteenth entury n anew ight nd to reassess heir onflicts ith he mercantile ectors.

Finally, ystematic tilization f massive primary ources n therural worldby applying uitablemethodologies as made t possible oreread nd reinterpret io de la Plata history nd has allowed old andnew images omingle, owsupported y a more olid base than merecommentaries n colonial eports ritten y travelers nd officials. hemost mportant nd frequently onsulted ources ave beenestancia ec-ords, iezmosthe enth aid to the SpanishCrown n cropproduction),alcabalassales taxes), opulation nd agricultural ensuses, arish egis-

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RURAL HISTORY OF THE RIO DE LA PLATA

ters, nd inventories. he remarkable hing which hows he new ine ofinquiry aken by most recent ublications) s that ome of the sourcesnow being xamined fresh ave been n print or everal decades.

Rural Production

Until few years go, when historians alked bout the colonialand postcolonial ountryside round he Rio de la Plata, hey dentified twith ows and more ows-perhaps alsoadmitting o a few mules ndsheep.Butfarming asnot he business f those iving long the Riodela Plata, who ate nothing ut meat nd detested arm work more hananything see as examplesLevene1927-1928; .A. Garcia1900;Giberti1974; ala de Touron, e la Torre, nd Rodriguez 967, 968, 978; ndBarran nd Nahum 963). A few xceptions ointed ut the xistence fmore iversified grarian conomy oward he nd of he olonial ra seeHalperin 1972;Weinberg 956), but in some instances hey did so toexplain heprecarious ature f uch farming nd farmers nd the fore-ordained mpossibility f prospering. s Weinberg ommented, he ob-jectwas to explain the ragedy f colonialfarming.

Todaywe know that he situation was not that bad. From arlycolonization t the nd of the ixteenth entury nward, he mportanceofwheat n the ocal economy as far rom egligibleGonzailez ebrero1993, 994). or the eighteenth entury, t has been possible odeterminethat ome two-thirds f the diezmos n the ate-colonial io de la Plataregion aid under he heading f gricultural roduction ere evied ongrains, heat n particular. egetable aising was also a significant ctiv-ity Garavaglia 985, 989a; Gelman 989b). read uddenly egan to ap-pear on local tables, nd residents tarted ating quash, watermelons,poultry, nions, eans, nd corn.

Ashas happened egarding ther egions, onsiderable ebatehasarisen ver he value of diezmos s sources or measuring grarian ro-duction compareGaravaglia 985, 989a;Amaral nd Ghio 1990;GarciaBelsunce 988).Yetthe utilizing f more reliable ources ike records fdiezmos ollected irectly ver periodofyears, ensus ists f farmingoperations, nd inventories asmerely onfirmed hefirst mpression fan agrarian conomy hat had diversified y the end of the colonialperiod.At the regional conomic evel, attle aising nd wheat growingseem ohavebeenthe main ctivities-of qual mportance nd comple-mentary n a certain ense. But other attle-related ctivities lso ap-peared n addition o raising ows, along with an array f grain ndfodder ultivation, ruit nd vegetable rowing, nd poultry aising seeGelman 992b; anedo 1993c; i Stefano 988).

These discoveries' aveobligedhistorians o reconsider lmost

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the ntire ural istory f he olonial Rio de la Plata nd to try o capturethe ensions hat musthave risen uring he ransition rom he olonialera to the first ecadesof the national eriod,when an apparently essdiversified gricultural conomywas being consolidated.'We say ap-parently ecause official iscourse uring hefirst alf f henineteenthcentury nd the iterature ritten n that eriodhavepresented mono-cultural conomy eared round raising attle for xport. ome recentstudieshavetaken more nuancedview of the ituation n showing hatthe ransition as neither s rapid nor s complete s might eassumed(Brown 979;Mateo 1993c).2

It became lear hatmonoculture as not the ituation t the ndof the colonialperiod, nd this finding aised several questions ightaway. f historians ere convinced hat hegauchoswere not farmers,thenwhowasgrowing hose ens f housands fbushels fwheat?Howdid the abor cyclesfor he various ctivitiesmesh, onflict, r coordi-nate?How did the different gricultural roducts ccess and and mar-kets? Did specialization evelop according o region nd the type ofoperations edicated o one activity r another?

Types f arming ndRanching perationsAccompanying heperception f a monocultural attle conomy

from olonial times until t least the mid-nineteenth entury was theimagedominating he iterature f a powerful lass of estancieros howeremonopolizing and and livestock nd trying oemploy herest fthe population s conchabadoscontract aborers). hispopulation onsis-ted essentially f gauchos,who wererather ntisocial nd likely o runoff with the ndians or to rustle ome of the abundant herds of cattleroaming reely ver he ountryside. auchoswouldhire hemselves ut

as farm aborers nlywhen hey eeded ommodities ot upplied y thegreat generosity f nature n the Rio de la Plata region, uch as wine,brandy, obacco, r yerbamate.Here oo few xceptions ppeared ntheArgentine istoriography, specially n the Uruguayan iterature, hichhad to explainArtiguismo nd its so-called and reform.3 heseexcep-tions recognized he existence n colonialtimes of a somewhat morecomplex grarian ociety hat ncluded mall-scale erders nd farmers

1. We put discoveries n quotes because a few authors had already noted in some mannerthe existence of a more diversified conomy. t should be emphasized, however, hat fairlyreliable figures re only beginning o be attached to these phenomena and integrated nto abroader and more complex whole.

2. Jonathan rown's 1979) book, one of the few exceptions hat portrayed rather iffer-ent mage of the Buenos Aires countryside n the first alfof the nineteenth entury, till hasnot been translated nto Spanish, more than fifteen ears after t appeared in English.

3. In 1988 Guillermo Vazquez Franco published his book questioning for he first ime toour knowledge) the nature of Gervasio de Artigas's land reform. azquez Franco took theposition that he Reglamento del anto 5 primarily xpressed the needs of the estancieros.

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(see Weinberg 956; Halperin 1972;Barran nd Nahum 1963; Sala deTouron, e la Torre, nd Rodriguez 978). ut venthese tudiespointedout the great ower f estancierosn the olonial eriod nd the ntrinsicweakness f smallproducers. he mplication as that he expansion fthe great stancias n the nineteenth entury nd their wners' ttain-ment f political owerwere imply he continuation nd consolidationof a situation xisting incetime mmemorial.

Recent tudies eveal very ifferent icture, lthough ome con-temporary uthors till nsist n the near total dominance f the greatcolonial semi-feudal stancieros. hese ssessments ave reformulatedaccording o eftist erspectives omeof he raditional chema fRicardoLevene,which ate back eventy ears compare evene 927withAzcuyAmeghino nd Martinez ougnac 1989).4

In the first lace, nalysis f nventories f ate-colonialestancias(meaning roductive stablishments s defined n Garavaglia 993c)hasrevealed hat hese perations ere omparatively odest: he value ofthe largest nes (except n a few unusual instances) ould hardly becomparedwith that of an ordinary eneral tore n town Mayo andFernaindez 988;Garavaglia 993c). hus the argecolonial stancias fBuenosAires eem to havebeenthe xceptions o the rule.Bythe nd ofthe ighteenth entury, heBanda Oriental lready ontained ome arge-scaleestanciaswith ens f housands f nimals, ut ven here, omeofthese states oncealed more omplicated nternal roductive ituationthat ncluded rrendatarios leaseholders),medierostenant armers), ndeven slaves who had the right o cultivate heir wn parcels Gelman1989a, 992b).Moresignificantly, hese arge stancias were urroundedby a multitude f mall attle nd farming nits hat ould competewiththe stancias ngoodcircumstances, hich aried ccording othe imes,the region, nd the product.

In some nstances, t has beenpossible omeasure he magnitudeof these arge nd small farms. onditions eemto have beenfairly imi-lar n the BuenosAires ountryside nd the Coloniaregion f the BandaOriental. irst, however, t is necessary o distinguish etween attleranching nd wheat farming.

As far s ranching s concerned, here eems o havebeena fairlyhigh concentration f cattle n a few of the large ranches estanciaswith more han thousandhead, far from he mageof the greatnine-teenth-century stancia).At the same time, ountless mall and tinyrancheswereoperating ith hundreds r even a few dozen cattle Gel-man 1992b;Garavaglia 993c).

Withwheat, he ituation iffered onsiderably. lthough he arge

4. This ubjectwouldrequire detailed iscussion hat annot e attempted ithin heconfines f this rticle.

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estanciasgrewwheat,most harvesting ookplace on tiny amily arms(Gelman 992b; i Stefano 988).Relevant egional ifferences merged,and they willbe discussed ater. he most ompelling xample s the andon the outskirts f BuenosAires. t had been turned ntowheat-growingchacrasfields or nnual crops), whichwereownedby influential ndi-viduals from he city r by ocal farmers nd yielded far morewheatthan he mall farms.5 evertheless, hese andowners ould often easepart of their rable ands to small-scale ampesinosoreduce he risks ffarming.

In addition o studying ifferences n products nd regions, t salso essential o examine hanges hat ccurred ver ime. Although heconclusionsn this egard avebeen ess definite ofar, istorians an seethat he ighteenth entury, specially he ast quarter, itnessed ignifi-cant growth n the number f arge attle-raising stancias, specially nthe Banda Oriental. his growth was inspired y the extraordinary n-crease n opportunities or xporting ides nd (toa lesser xtent) altedmeat.Yetthis ate-colonial rowth n estancias oes not appear to havecome t the xpense f ampesinos. n the ontrary, stancia rowth asparalleled y growth n the number f mallfarms Gelman 993c; rad-kin 993c).n this egard, basic unanswered esearchuestion swhetherthe more systematic rowth f large estancias n the first alf of thenineteenth entury ollowed he ighteenth-century attern r accordingto the usual thinking) uch growth ccurred t the expense f the cam-pesinopopulation.

Returning o the ate-colonial ituation, n order o be able to ex-plain the simultaneous ncrease n the number f estancieros nd cam-pesinos, t will be necessary o nvestigate whole eries f factors, uchas land control, tate policy, he development f markets, he varioussectors' pportunities or ccessto markets, egional haracteristics, ndthe demographic volution f eachregion. esearch n these opicswillmake t possible ostudy how expanding stancias ould have handledtheir eed for abor n an environment ominated y family arming.

Land nd the tateRegrettably, esearch dvances n this ubject emainmodest.Ma-

jor tudieshavebeenconducted n the first alf f he nineteenth enturythat tend to qualify he mpact of the arge and grants made by the

government f JuanManuelde Rosas. t still eems clear, owever, hatthe Rosas government nd those preceding t favored xpansion f thegreat atifundios rom he 820s nd 1830s nward. hanks o these tud-ies,historians ow have a more ealistic dea of the practice f distribut-

5. The same may apply to the and around Montevideo, n area that waits n-depthstudy.

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ingpublic ands nd concentrating hem n private ands,whichwent nuntil he middle f the nineteenth entury Infesta 986; nfesta nd Va-lencia 987;nfesta 993). xhaustive orkhas beendoneon Uruguay, nparticular monumental econstruction f landownership efore ndafter he warsof ndependence ndertaken y Lucia Salade Touron ndher olleagues seeSala de Touron, e la Torre, nd Rodriguez 967,968,1972, 978).Thesestudies re problematical, owever, n the subject faccess to land.

The general endency as been to associate egal ownership flandwith ccess o and, which an actually akemany ifferent orms.fone looks at the maps showing andownership hatwere drawn up bySalade Touron nd her eam, he mpression hat merges s the near otalpredominance f arge arms. et n many ases, within he argeholdinga multitude f small farms with various kinds of accessto land wereoperating. ifferent pproaches avebeen suggested y the few eriousstudiesmade recently f and n the colonialperiod nd the first alf fthe nineteenth entury Banzato nd Quinteros 992;Canedo1993b)ndby an analysis f published ources Pivel Devoto1964).

During he colonial period, he supply of fertile and was fluid,especiallynthemost ecently olonized ones. n these reas, heprocessof filing nd establishing land claimmight avebeensimpler ormorepowerful ndividuals ut did not excludepoorer ettlers. n fact, t isdifficult ofind ny clear preference n the part of the colonialgovern-ment or onsolidating andownership orereadily or he arge and-owners o the detriment f smallholders PivelDevoto 1964).Rather, tseems hat n those egions hegovernment pparently acked ny learlydefined olicy when t cameto confirming egal ownership f and. Thiscontext ermitted airly asy access, specially n a situation where heexpansion f arge stanciaswas restricted.

To avoid confusion ver terms ere, we must mphasize hat heideaof fluid upply f fertile and s relative nd on the ndian frontieroften ntailed xtremely igh evels f risk or ettlers. oreover, espitethe existence f a market or and that was still imperfect, hediver-gence n prices between, orexample, he rich grain- nd vegetable-growing ones near Buenos Aires and the cattle-raising ones on theMagdalenafrontier whichwere xposed o ndian ttacks) s clearproofof differences n supply nd demand for and. Such differences ecomeeven more pronouncedwhen the Rio de la Plata region s a whole scomparedwith nearby egions ikeCuyoand Tucumain. n the pampafrontier, reviously nknown spects of ndian ifeon the frontier ndcontacts etween heraces here ave been lluminatednstudies yRautlMandrini 1986, 987),MiguelAngelPalermo 1988), orge ustos 1993),CarlosMayo nd Amalia Latrubesse1993),ilviaRatto 1994),nd others.

Returning othe problem f egalownership f and, he ituation

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seems o have changed fter 820, with greater endency oward stab-lishing wnership, specially or arge expanses of land (Banzato andQuinteros 992). Butbeyond he understudied uestion f egal owner-ship, t is crucial o examinehow farming perations eveloped evenwhen egal ownership f the and was not possible.

Aseries f olonial and postcolonial) ources as shown hat oorsettlers n the countryside ad good opportunities o obtain parcels fland. They could rent and within he boundaries f a large holding,where he andowner lacedfamilies or arious urposes: o consolidatethe nner oundaries f the property, oprevent attle rom scaping, oobtain ental ncome, r to guarantee referential ccessto the surplusseasonal labor of campesino amilies or operating he estancia.Cam-pesinos could also find and in one of the numerous reas still unoc-cupiedat the end of the colonialperiod.

The situation iffered n the areas settled arlier, specially nthose losest o urban markets nd ports, where and seems o havebeenlargely n private hands (although many andholders ad only smallplots).Leasing one of these parcels meant making sizable payment(Mateo 1993c; radkin 993c). olonial and policiesmust havechangedmarkedly n this espect fter ndependence, hen groups lose to politi-cal authorities ecameexplicitly nterested n exploiting he new pros-pectsopenedup by the world market or ivestock roducts.

In nineteenth-century ruguay, owever, wists nd turns werefrequent or mall farms, nd even the Portuguese overnment f CarlosFederico ecor during he Portuguese ccupation f the Banda Oriental(1816-1825) ppears to have refrained rom hanging he rules of thegameradically Salade Touron, e la Torre, nd Rodriguez 972,1978).nArgentina, he prevailing deology nd the interests f the classes inpower might eem to have been decidedly ro-estanciero, ut massiveincorporation f additional racts f and nto farming ay havecreatednewopportunities or oor ettlers ith r without ccess o egalowner-ship of land (Mateo 1993a).Moreover, clearly ro-estancia deologyappears to have crystallizedmore slowly n Argentina han has beenthought. imilarly, he state's otal dentification ith recently stab-lished ocial classhas turned ut to be less clear-cut Halperin 992). nthis egard, he low shaping f new ruling lass n the Riode la Plataregion nd its connectionwith the social or occupational ategory festanciero r hacendado re beginning o be reevaluated Fradkin

1993b). tudies by Halperin 1992) and Fradkin 1993b)have demon-strated hat long analytical oadmust be traveled o turn statisticalgrouping nto ruling lass.

Inventories rom he ast decadesof the colonial ra ndicate hatland was the element f east value when comparedwith attle, laves,and buildings. herefore heproblem f ownership f and appears to

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havebeen ess significant han ccess to and use (Mayo and Fernaindez1988;Garavaglia 993c).Here population tudies how that aising ropstended o be the preferred ctivity n campesino arms mong youngerheads of household. As they ged, their ctivities ould have becomemore omplex f they got nto attle aising. his pattern was undoubt-edlyrelated o the hanging vailability f family abor ver he ife ycleof the domestic nit, nd it would also tend to corroborate he relativeease of acquiring plot of fertile and, especially ne not close to awaterway essential or attle aising). t was not as easy to becomecattle reeder f any mportance.

Asto whether market or and existed r not, t s evident hatmany f he findings ustdiscussed ndicate partial nswer o the ues-tion.One fact s indisputable: lthough and prices eem o havebehavedwith much ess short-term lasticity handid prices for attle products(that s, theywere ess sensitive o economic hanges),and prices ariednotably ccording o location: roximity o the Buenos Aires or Mon-tevideomarketplace, he ndian frontier, aterways, nd rinconadas. 6Bythe nd of the olonial eriod, he and market as still n formation,that s to say, t was still n imperfect arket. uring he era of nde-pendence, he ffect f tate fferings f and only omplicated heprob-lem see Infesta 986, 993).

Markets orAgricultural roductsHistorians re beginning oknowmuchmore bout he function-

ingof the markets or gricultural roducts rom heRio de la Plata reaat the end of the colonial period, specially he market n the city ofBuenosAires. ome detailed tudies n cattle nd wheat markets n thecity ave lready eenmade, long with general tudy fprices hat idnot cover eef r hides but ncluded erky, heat, nd other griculturalproducts Garavaglia 991, 994;Johnson 990).

The first oint oemerge s that, ontrary orecent hinking, heBuenosAiresmarket as a large-scale onsumer f bread nd thereforeofwheat.Two of the tudies mentioned bove calculated hat read on-sumption ouldhave ccounted or 0to 50 percent f he otal iet f hecity's opulation see Johnson 990; Garavaglia 991).7 t an average ftwo and a half anegasf wheat onsumed nnually er Portefio aboutfour ushels er person), hedemandwas closeto fifteen housand an-egas n 1721 nd climbed oeighty housand ear he nd of the century

6. Rinconadas re the corners formed by waterways and other natural features of theterrain uch as pools and small groves that facilitated attle raising prior to wire fencing.

7. This percentage esulted not only from he mportance f bread on the tables of BuenosAires but also from he relatively ow cost of the other rucial ngredient n the ocal dietmeat.

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due to population rowth. he market orwheat was virtually losedduring he colonial period due to a series of measures hat mpededimporting heat and hindered ts export. Wheat or flour from therregions n the viceroyalty as sent to Buenos Aires only n years ofextreme carcity, hen elevated prices could ustify he high costs ofoverland ransport.

In general, his market as supplied dequately y ocalproduc-tion nd does not eem to have experienced he rises n supply ufferedin other egions n Latin America, xcept uring engthy eriods f se-veredrought nd disease, s happened n 1803 nd 1804.This elf-suffi-ciencywas based on large-scalewheat production n the Buenos Airescountryside nd alongthe rivers, hich avethe city's ort and that fMontevideo) ccessto a vast hinterland t low shipping osts.

Although he mount roduced y the BuenosAires ountrysideusually overed what he city onsumed, owheatwould have been eftover for he rural population orfor he nextyear's planting,making tnecessary o draw on a broader hinterland.8 nd freight harges fortransporting heat long the shores f rivers were undoubtedlymuchlower han from ome nland reas of the BuenosAires ountryside. nthe Coloniaregion, or xample, ne study found hat private artieswerenot he nly neswhosought o send their urpluswheat o BuenosAires: mportant esidents f the citywould contract ocollect heColo-nia wheat diezmo n order o take part n the grain market Gelman1993c).

The city's rade n bread grains ppears to have been controlledlargely y one group of ndividuals, hich ncluded few majormer-chants particularly hosewith ontracts or ollecting iezmos), akers,and owners f tahonasmills hat sed animal power). hecabildotowncouncil) ried o control heprice fbread norder oavoid hortages ndalso fixed price ceiling on wheat prices n lean years. But the citygovernment acked nstitutions ike he positopublicgranary) nd alhon-diga grain xchange) hatwerenormally ound n Spainand other atinAmerican olonial ities. uch institutions ould have allowed the ca-bildoto participate irectly n themarket ycontrolling sizable hare fthe sales. n BuenosAires, n contrast, heatpricesfluctuated harplyfrom ne year o the next, ollowing herhythms f good and bad har-vests, nd price wings werefurther xacerbated y the speculation fsome arge dealers.Fluctuations lso occurred hroughout heyear c-cording othe gricultural ycle. hesewideswings n prices uggest heproblems hat hose growingwheat for he Buenos Airesmarketmust

8. For example, calculations show that in the years from 1784 to 1798, the amount ofwheat produced in the Buenos Aires countryside orresponded on average to what the cityconsumed, leaving no surplus for nyone else's needs (see Garavaglia 1991).

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haveexperienced. hesefluctuations lsorequire nalysis f the varyingpossibilities or uccess of different roups n the market when priceswererising r falling.The market or eef n Buenos Airesby the end of the eighteenthcentury as one of the richest ver eenfor heconsumption f animalprotein. nevitably, he appearanceof meat-salting lants, which pro-cessedthe carcasses f arge nimals s did facilities upplyingmeatforthe ity, reated ome tensions n this market, ut the bundance f beefand mutton ontinued o be noteworthy. istorians now ittle bout hemarket or hides,but because they werebasically ntended orforeigntrade, rice fluctuations epended argely n the opportunities or x-porting hem.9 With o egalrestrictions n exports except egarding hepayment f appropriate axes), his xport radedepended on the vail-ability f hips otransport hehides nd evenmore n peacetime ondi-tions n the Atlantic, hichwererare n that ra. Scholars ack eries flocalprices or eather, nd European ecords re not very seful ecauseit is clear that when hides were expensive broad, the situation wasprobably ust the opposite n BuenosAires nd Montevideo, ut due tothe ack of shipping pportunities ather han to any decrease n theirsupply. n otherwords, t canbe presumed hatwhen hipments f hidesfrom orts long the Rio de la Plata were down, priceswould also bedownbecause hehides hat ouldnot be shippedwerepiling p in ocalwarehouses. ther actors lsocould have contributed ofluctuations nleather rices: prolonged rought r cattle isease,whichwould havereduced he supply during eriods of normal rade; r the opposite,persistently igh ate f xport or ides.But hese actors ppear ohavebeen ess pertinent n the ate-colonial eriod han he ctualpossibilityor lack of t for xporting ides, whichdepended on the cadenceof therecurring ars n Europe.

Scholars ow have reasonably ood dea of he ups and downs nhide exports rom heport of Buenos Airesduring eriods of war andpeace until 1796 Moutoukias 988).Prices ppear to have adapted tothese hanges ut were ess dramatically ffected hanwheat rices Gel-man1993a).One factor t work herewas the relative aseof djusting hesupply fhides omarket pportunities y imiting laughter nd tempo-rarily ncreasing he ize of heherd.Not all producers ere n a positionto make this kind of adjustment, owever.

As for the questionof cattle xports uring he early years ofindependence, t s hard ounderstand hy o few dvanceshavebeenmade sincethe 1852work of Woodbine arish his figures erved s a

9. There was also something f a local market or hides, the extent f which s impossibleto measure. n both the city nd the country, ides were used to meet various needs, not theleast being the making of bags for toring nd transporting wheat. See, for example, JosePerez Castellano's 1848 findings 1968, 1:284).

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partial asis for MironBurgin's lassic work n 1946) nd the 1966 rticleby Rodolfo Merediz see Parish 1852;Burgin 960; nd Merediz1966).Onlytwo recent tudies by Miguel AngelRosalhave supplied data thatenhanceunderstanding f nternal rade n livestock roducts etween1831 nd 1850 Rosal 1992,1994).

As for the relationship xisting etween he different ypes ofproducers nd their markets uring he colonialperiod, historians avemade only wo efforts o approach hat uestion, ne on the Coloniare-gion of the Banda Oriental Gelman 1993a)and the other n the meatprovisioning f Buenos Aires Garavaglia 994). n Colonia large andsmall producers like participated ctively n the markets, lthough ndifferent ays.Generally,arge stancieros ere ble to go directly othemost mportant markets with their ivestock roducts, whereas mallranchers ad to content hemselves ith elling o localmiddlemen-generally hopkeepers ot nvolved n production ut often inanced ylarge dealers n BuenosAires or Montevideo. s for heBuenosAiresmarket or meat,medium- nd small-scale attle rowers ominated hecity's meat upply, t least until round 1810, nd the supply tructureprobably id not changemuch n the following ecades.

On the subject f hides, he Colonia examplemakes t clear thatduring easonal or economic eriods of poor prices for producers, hepoorest anchers ad to ncrease heir ales as much s possible n orderto pay for he necessities f ife nd settle ebts contracted uring heproductive ycle there s nothing urprising bout the typical cam-pesino ehavior f hese herders). eanwhile, arge-scale attle ancherswould try o imit laughtering, ayoff eons, nd wait for rices orise.It has also been found, owever, hat he horde of middlemen couringthe ountryside nd the bsence fmonopolistic ontrol n marketing yshopkeepers r estancieros reated ertain pacesthat imited he mer-cantile xploitation f campesinos nd even ofpeons working n the s-tancias n the region.

The situation may havebeen quite different fter 820,when thestate ttitude may have ed to ncreasingly irect ontrol y a handful findividuals f he marketing f gricultural nd cattle roducts ntendedfor xport. ut this ssue stillneeds to be studied nd documented m-pirically.

TheEstancia nd the Workforce

One of the areas in which recent tudies first made substantialheadwaywas in knowledge f the great stancias. he existence f pri-mary ources such as account ooks, nventories, nd overseers' orre-

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RURAL HISTORY OF THE RIO DE LAPLATA

spondence) or heseunits of production-resources acking or mallcampesino lots-has made it possible to approach he subject f thelarge stancias with certain egree f reliability.What an be said today bout the colonial stancias n the Riodela Plata vicinity? irst, egarding he stancieros nd their tatus n colo-nial society, istorians ave come a long way from he old image of theall-powerful stanciero ominating he Rosas era. Some studies haveclearly emonstrated hatmost stancias were modest farms, ith thefew exceptions rising n Uruguay Mayo and Fernaindez 988;Mayo1991b; aravaglia 993c). he colonial lite efinitely ust e sought lse-where ecause t did not reside n the ountryside. herewere ome argeestanciasbelonging o a few members f the Buenos Aires elite, butanalysis f their ctivities as revealed hat heir membership n the litestemmed ot from heir arming nd ranching ctivities ut from un-ning businesses nd acquiring olitical ower. n all cases,their uralactivity as only ne facet f the arger etting f their iversification fmajor ctivities Socolow1978; radkin 992; Gelman 989d;Moutoukias1992).

TheMontevideo lite eems o havebeen more losely iedto thefate of the Uruguayan ountryside. he situation esulted rom hatelite's ailure ocompetewith heBuenosAires litefor ontrol ver hecommercial rena of the viceroyalty Salade Touron t al. 1967;Barrainand Nahum 1963).

The secondpoint hat ll the tudies f estancias eem to substan-tiate s that he great stanciero as not feudal ord ontrolling servilerural population nd mainly oncernedwith ocialprestige. ather, heestanciawas an enterprise penly riented oward ommercial ain, ndits factors f production, t least n terms f the workforce, ere alsocommercial.n contrast owhat s known bout some of the greathaci-endasof hat ra nPeruor NewSpainor even n the northern nterior fthe Riode la Plata viceroyalty,he conomic trategy f coastal stanciasdid not mphasize nternal roduction f he maximum umber f goodsand services.Rather, uch estancias cquired what they needed n themarket Halperin,1975; ayo 1984;Amaral 987;Gelman 992b;alvatoreand Brown 987).

As for he workforce n the estancias, uite a bit s known, ndnow, hanks ounderstanding he arger ontext urrounding heestan-cias, certain henomena ot previously nderstood an be explained.Most mportant s the finding hatproductive stablishments, hetherlarge r average nsize,relied n a steady upply f laves. t s now muchmore vident hat lavery unctioned s an element f tability nd con-sistency n agrarian elations f production long the Rio de la Plata(Amaral 987;Gelman 989a;Garavaglia 993a, 993b; oldberg nd Mallo1993).Butwhat bout the hired workforce?

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Efforts osubstantiate hepredominance f he ampesino opula-tion n the olonial ountryside averaised n important uestion boutthe vailability f workforce or he arge stancias, iven he xistenceof genuine lternatives or ampesinos bout how to make a living.Aninitial nswer merged rom tudying roduction ycles or attle aising(mainly n large ranches) nd wheatgrowing mostly n small plots ofland). These ycles ppear to have been argely omplementary, llowingmembers f ampesino amilies hose main ccupation as raising heatto hire hemselves ut on cattle-raising stanciasmost of the year ndthus supplement he family ncomewith wages (Gelman 989b). t hasevenbeenpossible overify mpirically he easonalmovement f cam-pesinoswho became peons and viceversa Gelman 989b).The question f the estancias' access to a more table workforceremained nsolved, owever, specially bout workers eededto covertasks on the estancias during wheat-harvesting onths, when prac-tically he entire ural population was busy with harvesting. he prob-lem seems to have been resolved oward he end of the colonialperiodbecauseof wo factors: he mportation fAfrican laves, nd the rrivalof free mmigrants rom ther egions. Manyof these men camealone.Some were ingle menwho had no choicebut to hire hemselves ut, tleast until they could get married n the new location;others weremarried men who were working obring heir amilies o join them.Much light has been shed on this questionby family nd populationstudies. Despitethe complaints f estancieros nd the earlier erspec-tive dopted by historians, ate-colonial stancias o not ppear to havesuffered rom ny particular carcity f workers.Moreover, hey eemto have benefited rom he presence f the campesinopopulation nbeing able to hire a temporary orkforce hat had its own means ofsubsistence.

This ituation mayhavechanged rasticallyn the first alf f thenineteenth entury, hen he great xpansion nestancias, estrictions nthe slavetrade, nd the huge demand for men to fight n the wars mayhave made the campesino opulation potential workforce o be com-peted for ather hanmerely source f easonalhelpwith anch hores.Studies re also needed to determine hether change n the technicalconditions f cattle aising nd the development f salting lants on alarge calemight avecontributed uring hefirst alf f the nineteenthcentury oa steadier ngoing emand or abor yestancias. igorous a-bor egislation criminalizing agrancy was passed in the first ecadesfollowing ndependence,nd ts provisions or ompulsory ubmission oconchabocontract abor)seem to have been aimed more t small cam-pesinos acking egalrights o andthan t the famous auchos see Slatta1980; abato1985;RodriguezMolas1968).

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Campesinos

At this uncture, e will attempt o explain what we mean bycampesinon the Riode la Plata context.10efining ustwhat his onceptentails sdifficult, irst f ll because tcomprises istinct ocial ypes ndevendifferent inds f productive ctivities. here were ampesinos hofarmed nd campesinos hoherded attle nd sheep. Mostherders erealso farmers nthe imited ense f he word-that s, they rew egetables.Butnot ll farmers ere herders. hile he pure armers oncentratedngrowing heat, heherders roduced alves nd sheep for he ity market,hides or xport, ilk, ool, nd-when they ad the pportunity-wheat.

Whatparticularly istinguished hese ampesino roducers romthe stancieros as that ampesinos elied asically n the use of familylabor. hat s, they id not resort o the market o meet heir aborneeds.In general, ampesinos ccupied more modest tretches f land thanestancieros,lthough he ight y which ampesinos ccupied and rangedconsiderably rom egal ownership o various forms f leasing whentheywerenot ngaging n the rather nformal ccupation funcultivatedland).These ampesinos ould produce or heir wn consumption r per-haps for he market, ut n either ase, they eemto have beenacting s

producers f use value because evenwhen hey articipated n the mar-ket, the purpose of their ales was not (and generally ould not be)accumulation ut the atisfaction f family ubsistence eeds. t nonethe-less seems to have been possible for some campesinos o escape thetreadmill f self-sufficiencyhrough process f accumulation. We be-lieve that he opportunity oaccumulate id existfor t least a few ofthese armers, lthough t was not hetypical ase. This ubject eeds tobe studied nmore etail, ut lear xamples ave lready een dentifiedinSan sidro nd Matanza, near he BuenosAires rain market Garavag-lia 1993a;Contente 993).Asnoted, he Rio de la Plata campesino amily n the ate-colonialperiod ngaged n an array f activities anging rom oultry aising ogrowing ruit, egetables, nd grains o raising attle nd sheep. Giventhe elative aseofobtaining ccess ofertile and, etting p a campesinofarm epended asically n thepossibility f stablishing family nd onthe volution f the family ycle hat would create laborforcewithouthaving oresort o the market the family-centered abor force lso in-volved third parties-whether elatives r nonrelatives-who ecame

10. The word campesino ould be replaced by small producer with little effect n thisdiscussion. It seems inappropriate here to quibble over words, but our preference s for aname closer to what was actually used at the time, one that has long been a fancy way ofsaying paisano n Spanish.

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drastically fter he 820s. ut hepace of these hanges nd the uestionof whether ampesino xpansion nd stock-raising n a small cale con-tinued re matters hat emain obe studied. he ittle hat s known romthe 1854 and 1869 censuses has forced cholars o be cautious Hal-perin 985; Mateo1993c).

Population,amilies,ndRelationsfProduction

Population tudies n the Rio de la Plata region ave proved o beone of the keys to reinterpreting he area's agricultural istory. hesestudieshaveenabled esearchers oconfirm henature nd dynamics fcampesino amily ife,migration rocesses, nd the characteristics f es-tancias nd their ossibilities or btaining workforce. he use of cen-suses and parish ecords as made possible here nd elsewhere n LatinAmerica n extensive pdating f historians' ision f the past.

First, tudies f the Riode la Plata population f the period havecontradicted he tandard mageof the prevalence f gauchos, hoseun-attached males who wandered from lace to place, seemingly avingbeenborn yGodknowswhat rtificial rocedure seeMoreno 989,1993;Andre,Blanco,del Hoyo, and Van Vliet 1991;Garavaglia 993a, 993b;Gelmafi 992c;Canedo 1993a;Mateo1991, 993c;GarciaBelsunce 992;Contente 993). hese tudies ave hown nstead hat amilies ccountedformost f hepopulation. lthough his act eems disarmingly videntin the pecialized iterature n LatinAmerica, twasnot oobvious n thelocal historiography n the Rio de la Plata.

Thepopulationwas a young ne about half he nhabitants ereyounger han wenty), ade up mostly f mall nuclear amilies,s wascommonwhere and was readily vailable.Access o and seems ohaveallowed arly ndependence or ouples,whocould set themselves p asseparate amilies s soon as they ccupied parcel. But he prevalence fnuclear amilies houldnot obscure he phenomenon f horizontality :theprimary ources especially ame ensuses) ave llowed he tudy fsurnames nd led to the conclusion hat networks f nuclear amilieslivednear achother. his horizontality,longwith ies mong ompatriotsresulting rom atterns f migration, einforcedampesino olidarity.

On BuenosAires, omparing opulation ith nits f production asverified hat henumber f ndividuals ppearing nthe 744 opulationistas peons nd contract aborers, r workers iving n wages a categorythat probably ncluded ndividuals who combined emporary ork speonswith ndependent roduction ctivity) epresentednly tiny rac-tion f he workforce eachproduction nit veraged nly 75 peons ndconchabados ).Mostof the workwas carried ut by family abor. n theBuenosAires ountrysidend nUruguay, his ituation ontinued hrough-out he olonial eriod.Although considerablencreasenthe lave ector

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has been noted, laves were oncentrated n the arge nd medium-sizedproduction nits, hile most roducers ere till elying nfamily abor asdemonstrated ythe 813 nd 1815 ensuses).What s remarkable sthat nBuenosAires s late s 1854, heproportion f independent roducers othe ependent orkforceemainedimilar o hat f 815,ven hough laveshad disappeared y hen nd employers adto resign hemselves o hiringunruly eons. The disintegration f slave relations f production as acomplex rocess hat dvanced nd regressed. ne recent tudy emon-strated he mportance f the thousands f freed laves who had beenseizedbypirate rivateers uring hewarbetween he Provinces f heRiode la Plata and the Brazilian mpire 1825-1828)Crespi 994).

Other indings f great nterest ave merged rom hefirst eriousstudy f birth nd death rates n the countryside n the first alf f thenineteenth entury, study ased on parish rchives Mateo1993b). erehistorians ave found populationwhosebasic behaviorwas much ikethat n other arge reas of classicfrontiers n new territory. hisfindingcan ead to reopening hediscussion bout he nature f heRiode la Platafrontier n the nineteenth entury nd to moving cholars way from heold image f n expanse ccupied lmost xclusively ycattle nd not bymen nd women. ndeed, fhistorians onsult classic tudy f he rontierpublished n 1968 nd compare t with ur present-day nowledge f thesubject, he ongroad traveled n the new direction illbe evident.11

Thesepopulation tudieshave hed ight n the question f wherethe estancias were able to obtain he regularworkforce hat ampesinofamilies id not provide. wo sectors f the population ulfilledhis unc-tion: slaves,whose numbers ncreased oward he end of the colonialperiod ut decreased teadily fter he war for ndependence nd the ivilwars; nd migrants, ho often rrived lone oras singlemenwhohad notyet een ble to obtain pieceof and. Allthe population yramids howclearly heequaldivision n numbers etween he sexesamong hildrenbut marked ncrease nmales f working ge, cohort onsisting argelyof nternal migrants nd slaves.

More s also known oday boutwhere hese reemigrants ame romand the easons or his movement fpopulation nthe ending nd receiv-ingcommunities. tudieshavebeenmadethus far n San Luis,Cordoba,and Santiago el Estero Garavagliand Wentzel 989;Romano 989; ar-berman 993;nd Mateo 1993a).husphenomena rebeginning oemergethat werenot nalyzedpreviously egarding he nternal migrants f the

11. According o Roberto Cort6s Conde, Argentina id not experience large-scale move-ent of population pushing the frontier arther nland.... When definitive ccupation of thenew territories ook place, there was little movement f population toward the new areas,which were rapidly occupied instead by herds of cattle being moved to the new lands insearch of new and better pastures (Cortes Conde 1968, 4). This view reflected what wasknown at the time about this ssue.

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period, uch s migratory hains, amily tructure n areasoforigin, ndmatrimonial references. easonaland permanent igrants lso explainthe significant ncrease n the Rio de la Plata population, which waspartly atural particularly iven he arly ge at which womenmarried)but also resulted rom he continuous ncorporation f persons rrivingfrom utside he region. hese phenomena re keys o understanding heeconomic rowth f the rural Rio de la Plata region t the end of thecolonialperiod nd the first alf f the nineteenth entury nd the ac-ceptable evelof harmony xisting etween stancieros nd campesinos,especiallyn the earlier eriod.12

This harmony etween stancieros nd campesinos as only el-ative nd must havechanged ignificantly ollowingndependence.13pioneering tudy y Pilar Gonzailez as revealed ome of the ocialten-sions reverberating n the countryside ight efore he beginnings fRosismo GonzalezBernaldo 987). tudiesby Ricardo alvatore 1991a,1992,1993)nd Carlos Cansanello1993,1994) avefocused n thedifficul-ties aced y he dominant roups ntheir fforts otighten ontrol ver heworkforce uring heyears fter he colony roke wayfrom pain.

Technologynd Ecosystems

Scholars ave lso made considerable rogress n the difficult er-rain of the history f ecosystems nd agricultural echnology. n initialstudy as been published n the ubject hatwehopewillopenthe opicto discussion Garavaglia 989). xcept or ome weeping verviews iketheworks fNoel Sbarra nd an excellent iscussion yengineer lfredoMontoya, his opic eemsto havebeen neglected incethe old studiesthat were made at the end of the nineteenth entury, hich were nothistorical n intent ut eminently ractical. tudy of this aspect is

clearly entral o a better nderstanding f Rio de la Plata rural ife.As mentioned, ne question hatmust be studied s the extent owhich he ncrease n producing altedmeat n the arlynineteenth en-tury hanged he echnical onditions or ivestock roduction, hich nturn ltered he balanceof he ntire ystem. n ike manner, ntroduction

12. In addition, these first pproaches to the subject of internal migration during thecolonial era and between 1810 and 1850 are important for improved understanding ofdevelopments in relations of production in the migrants' areas of origin. Without theescape hatch that migration o the ittoral egion onstituted, he colonial and postcolonial

history f Tucuman, Cuyo, and the owlands of the plains of Santiago de Estero n the Chacowould have been completely ifferent. oreover, t s worth noting hat migration went on along time n the Rio de la Plata area, dragging along into our own era.

13. The works of Lucia Sala de Touron et al. on the Uruguayan colonial era reveal nu-merous examples of conflicts between estancieros and poor rural dwellers. Also, thepublished and unpublished works of Pedro Andres Garcia (1758-1833) ndicate the ncreas-ingly trained ituation n the Buenos Aires countryside uring the early postrevolutionaryperiod (see, for example, Garcia 1969).

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of he balde olcadordumpbucket)mayhavemade t feasible o use someof the cabeceras outlying reas) that were disdained earlier y estan-cieros.14 ittle rogress as been made on this uestion incethe olderstudy by Noel Sbarra 1961). or example,we alreadyknow that t theend of the colonialperiod,wellsequippedwith raditional ucketswerein common use in long-colonized ural areas (Garavaglia 993d). Butnothing pecific s known bout the spread of the balde volcador fter1825.15 nother hange that occurred bit ater, he ntroduction ndspread of Eucalyptus lobulusn the humid pampa areas, also callsfordetailed tudy, s does the spread of wire fencing.

Regional ifferencesSignificant ifferences n the various gricultural egions f the

Rio de la Plata reahavebeenmentioned. hispoint s worth tressing e-causehistorians avebecome ware ofregional eterogeneity rom ead-ing the recent iterature.

Although iversity n production eems to have been commonthroughout he region uring he eighteenth entury nd at the begin-ning f he, ineteenth, reater mphasis n one activity r nother an be

found n different eriods due to several factors: roximity o majorconsumermarkets, he ecological haracteristics f each area, and thesettlement's omparative ge.Considerable ifference asfound etweenthe eastern nd western hores f the Rio de la Plata, with he easternside devotedmore oraising tock or hides.The western ide exhibitedinternal ifferences: strip lose to BuenosAiresdevoted osupplyinggrain nd produce for he city market; southern ural rea engagedmore n breeding attle o supply the urban market or meat; and anorthern ural rea that roduced mules nd cattle n a large cale. The

near west was probably n intermediate mixed rea of estancierosand campesino armers nd herders.Thetypes f farms nd ranches ncluded he arge stancias n the

BandaOriental thosewith more han en housand ead of cattle), n ascalerarely een n the western egion uring he olonialperiod.Otherdistinct evelopments ere he arge hacras urrounding uenosAiresand Montevideo. rom he ittle hat s known o far, t wouldappear hatin the new frontier egions f the Banda Oriental t the end of the igh-teenth entury to thenorth f he RioNegro), situation volved ike he

one that resumably redominated nthenineteenth entury: ore ows,14. Cabecera the head area) was paradoxically the portion of the estancia farthest rom

rivers nd streams nd the place where occupation by campesino families with precarioustitle to the land was generally olerated.

15. The traditional well with a bucket required t least two people working ogether o fillthe jagileles water ba,ins). A dump bucket made it possible for ne person with a horse(usually a child) to carry out the task-and in less time.

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lenge f hinking bout he ontinuities nd the remendous hanges hattranspired fter he revolution nd led to the building f a society hatdiffered onsiderably rom olonial ociety, specially n the rural phere.Oursurvey as made t pparent hat ecent esearch fforts avefocusedprimarily n the ate-colonial eriod nd that ew tudies n the first alfof the nineteenth entury re only beginning o appear. The time hascometo undertake imilar fforts or hecrucial ostcolonial ears, owthat wecanbuild on a more olidunderstanding f the previous eriod.

Gaps remain, long with many unanswered uestions. ut com-parison f the historiographic nventory resented ere with one pub-lished nly fiveyears go (Garavaglia 990) eveals he ong distancewehavecome ince hen nd how much he ast tenyearshavechanged urimage f he olonial ural world f he Rio de la Plata nd the arly earsof ndependence.

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