Journal of Philippine Culture and SocietyVolume I, Number 1 March 2009Cordillera Studies Center, University of the Philippines Baguio

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ISSN 2094-0262

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THE CORDILLERA REVIEWJournal of Philippine Culture and Society

Contents

LAWRENCE A. REIDWho are the Indigenous?Origins and Transformations / 3

JUNE PRILL-BRETTVoices from the Other Side: Impressions fromSome Igorot Participants in U.S. CulturalExhibitions in the Early 1900s / 27

ANALYN SALVADOR-AMORESBreaking Barriers of Ethnocentrism:Re-examining Igorot Representation throughMaterial Culture and Visual Research Methods / 47

RAYMUNDO D. ROVILLOSTechnologies for Disciplining Bodiesand Spaces in Abra (1823-1898) / 81

RESIL B. MOJARESIsabelo’s Archive:The Formation of Philippine Studies / 105

Volume 1, Number 1 March 2009

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Who are the Indigenous?Origins and Transformations

LAWRENCE A. REIDUniversity of Hawai‘i

1. Introduction

When Professor Tolentino invited me to speak to you,1 I was particularlyinterested in the challenge that he gave me. He said: “Despite greatstrides in Cordillera Studies in the last 20 years or so, the study oflanguages in the Cordillera region has not been given adequate attentionin academic forums and conferences, hence, we feel that the 1st

International Conference on Cordillera Studies should be an occasionto review the field of Cordillera linguistics and to address current issuesin the study of indigenous languages. We would appreciate it if youcould come to the conference to share with us your views on this matter.”

The two parts of that request that intrigued me are contained in thephrases “the field of Cordillera linguistics” and “current issues in thestudy of indigenous languages.” In order to discuss these matters, weneed to know what we are talking about. What IS “Cordillera linguistics”and what ARE “indigenous languages”? I want to address the secondquestion first. The simple answer to that is this: ‘indigenous languages’are languages spoken by indigenous peoples. However, if we ask “Whoare the indigenous peoples and why are they referred to as indigenous?”we run into an interesting set of problems.

So in the first part of my talk I want to discuss the variousinterpretations that are given for the term ‘indigenous’ in order for us toget a better perspective on the relationships that exist between thelanguages spoken in the Cordillera region and the languages that arespoken in other parts of the Philippines. In the second part, I will reviewwhat is known about the origins of Philippine languages, from botharchaeological and linguistic perspectives and in particular the changesor transformations that have brought about the set of languages thathave been called Cordilleran. In the final section, I will focus on one ofthose languages to address some of the current issues that affect notonly that language, but all languages spoken by minorities in theCordillera and other parts of the Philippines, minorities that in thePhilippines today often go by the name of ‘indigenous peoples’. In myconclusion I will try to draw together the various strands of the talk to

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Voices from the Other Side: Impressionsfrom Some Igorot Participants in U.S.Cultural Exhibitions in the Early 1900s

JUNE PRILL-BRETTUniversity of the Philippines Baguio

I. Introduction: The St. Louis Fair of 1904

In the 1900s Igorots from some parts of the Cordillera, such as Bontoc,Suyoc, and Abra, were recruited to join other Filipinos for the purposeof exhibiting their respective ethnic cultures at the 1904 InternationalExposition in St. Louis, Missouri (see Afable 1997, 2000; Igorot Village1904; Philippine Exposition 1904). A grand celebration to mark thecentennial of the United States’ acquisition of the Louisiana Territoryfrom France, this fair became an occasion for the young imperialistnation to show off its new colonial acquisition—the Philippine Islands.

The purpose of the first exhibit of Filipino ethnic groups at theSaint Louis Fair was expressed by Albert Jenks (quoted in Jenks 1950,203-204) in 1904:

The purpose of the ethnologic exhibit at the Exposition in theStates is twofold: first, the American visitor may have anopportunity to understand the different tribes of people in theseIslands. There will be representatives from all the various stagesof culture, from the least-civilized…, the semi-civilized…, to thecivilized and cultured….1 They will also be represented asnaturally as possible so the Americans at home can get as goodan idea of the Philippine people as possible without actuallyvisiting the Islands. The second reason for sending them is so thatthe Filipinos may have a much better idea of what America reallyis and what her people are—with the result, it is hoped, that seedsown in the Islands by the visitors to America, when they returnto their homes in the Philippines, will result in the fruits of peace,industry, and progress along the lines of American ideals for theIslands.

Over the past decades there has been considerable interest amongFilipino and foreign scholars, writers, and some of the descendants ofthe Igorots who participated in the 1904 Fair, about the ways in whichFilipinos, particularly the “Igorrotes,”were represented in the writingsand photographs of the early 1900s. Among the Philippine ethnic

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Breaking Barriers of Ethnocentrism:Re-examining Igorot Representation throughMaterial Culture and Visual Research Methods

ANALYN SALVADOR-AMORESUniversity of the Philippines Baguio

The material culture found on the body is physical evidence of humanexperience, an indication of the physical body’s designation as the sitefor constructing identities through the use of distinct markers ofdifference and similarity. It provides a reified object for analysis thatcaptures the markings in the work of identity construction andrepresentation. Turner (1986, 17) sees the body as an indicator ofcultural capital. Any visible markers or investments on the body may beinterpreted as carriers of a system of signs that stand for and expressrelations of power. As such, Turner contends, the body can be construedas a repository—an archive of sorts—for these systems of signs that arebearers of social meaning and symbolism. Processes that involve makingchanges on the body (body decoration) play an essential role inrepresenting identity and knowledge, and provide an important basisfor understanding various aspects of the past as well as contemporaryculture. Nash (1989, 10-15) contends that body decorations are boundarymechanisms and cultural markers of difference. The differences amonggroups are index features that are easily seen, grasped, understood,and reacted to in social situations where there are minimal culturalitems involved in the membership of the group.

In the Philippines, very little is known about traditional tattoos,tooth blackening, and other forms of irreversible and permanentalterations of the body. There are Spanish accounts of a few and isolatedexamples of such practices in the early 18th century. There is also somedocumentation in archaeological collections and ethnographies writtenduring the American period. On the whole, however, the subject is notwell-documented, and existing literature is quite limited andunrevealing. Most accounts are ethnocentric, unable to fully explainthe complicated interactions of people and things involved in thesepractices. The markers on the Igorot body, when regarded in the contextof the culture itself, provide a clear notion of the Igorot sense of logicand beauty; however, in most of the literature, these markers arefrequently interpreted as deviations associated with the themes ofotherness and difference.

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Technologies for Disciplining Bodiesand Spaces in Abra (1823-1898)

RAYMUNDO D. ROVILLOSUniversity of the Philippines Baguio

Spanish attempts to subjugate the Cordillera became particularly intensefrom the middle to the last part of the 19th century due to revived colonialinterest in the Philippine archipelago with the opening of the SuezCanal in the middle of the century (Corpuz 1997, Legarda 1999). Therewas also a renewed effort to stimulate commerce and agriculture andexploit the great wealth of the island’s timber and mineral resources.New economic policies and programs in the archipelago were triggeredby the sudden collapse of the Spanish Empire during the Napoleonicinvasion. In its attempt to regain its lost glory and consolidate itspossessions, Spain continued its territorial projects in the nowindependent America and maintained its links with the overseasprovinces of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines (Capel 1994, 58). Inthese territories Spain launched new, more organized projects that wouldsystematize the generation of knowledge about colonized bodies andspaces. Such endeavors included new surveys and geographicalreconnaissance projects which were to serve as the basis of a modernadministrative structure (Capel 1994).

The Spaniards desperately needed to take possession of theCordillera because of its reportedly rich timber and mineral (gold andcopper) deposits, resources that they needed in their bid to competewith the new colonial powers. However, Spanish pacification effortshad always been frustrated by the natives of the Cordillera, collectivelylabeled “Igorot” by the Spaniards, who had resisted Spanish conquestsince the 17th century. The period 1823-1898 saw significant results inSpanish efforts to consolidate its stronghold in Abra, then a newlyestablished province. Because it was the take-off point for the Spanishofficial war against the Igorots, Abra became militarily and politicallystrategic. The Spaniards labeled the pacified natives of Abra as“Tinguian,” and gave this term the connotation of “noble-savage,”distinguishing the Tinguian from the Igorots who were seen asuncivilized and therefore deserving of conquest.

The Spaniards systematically employed several technologies ormethods of surveillance and control such as road construction, creationof market centers (tiangges), census taking and medicine. In this paper,

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Isabelo’s Archive:The Formation of Philippine Studies

RESIL B. MOJARESUniversity of San Carlos

Something of consequence happened in 1885. On March 15 of that year,an open letter appeared in the Manila press, issued by a young Ilocanojournalist named Isabelo de los Reyes.1 In his letter, Isabelo called onpeople to send to him and to publications in Manila manuscripts,documents, and all kinds of verbal or non-verbal materials relating tolocal folklore. The appeal seemed innocuous enough except for theambition that was behind it. Proudly announcing that the “youngscience” (ciencia niña) of folk-lore was the “New School” (Nueva Escuela)in Europe, he urged his readers to form a movement he called folk-loreregional Filipino. He wrote:

‘Folk-Lore de Filipinas’ has for its aim to collect, compile, and publishall of the knowledge of our people (pueblo) in the diverse branchesof science (Medicine, Hygiene, Botany, Politics, Morals,Agriculture, Industry, Arts, Mathematics, Sociology, Philosophy,History, Anthropology, Archaeology, Languages, etc…)

Such knowledge, he said, is found in local customs and traditionspreserved in writings, monuments, artifacts, and oral traditions,encompassing verbal and art forms, vocabularies and speech practices,ceremonies and games, and other expressions of popular behavior andthought: “in sum, all the elements constitutive of the genius, theknowledge and languages of Filipinos… [the] indispensable materialsfor the understanding and scientific reconstruction of Filipino historyand culture” [Isabelo’s emphasis].

The appeal did not quite generate the response Isabelo hoped forand the folklore society he had in mind did not materialize. Four yearslater and almost singlehandedly, he would publish El Folk-Lore Filipino(1889a), a two-volume compilation of local knowledge to demonstratewhat he had in mind. A man of many projects, Isabelo could not howeversustain what he had begun. The significance of what he was up to wasnot fully appreciated in his time, perhaps because its full intent was notmade quite explicit. I think it is not fully appreciated even in our owntime, in part because the idea of folklore has contracted into somethingless ambitious and encompassing than what Isabelo proposed.

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THE CORDILLERA REVIEW is the official research journal of the Universityof the Philippines Baguio. TCR is a multidisciplinary journal devoted tostudies on Philippine culture and society. Given the geographical locationand research thrust of the University of the Philippines Baguio, TCR puts anemphasis on research pertaining to the Cordillera region and other parts ofNorthern Luzon, Philippines. It encourages submission of comparativestudies and papers that contribute to the debate on theoretical andmethodological approaches to the study of indigenous and upland societies.It also accepts reviews of recent publications related to Cordillera andPhilippine Studies. Although it cannot accommodate scientific or empiricalpapers in the hard sciences, the journal welcomes articles on science andtechnology that relate to Philippine issues and concerns.

Review process

TCR is a refereed publication that subscribes to the established standards ofacademic publications. Articles submitted to the journal are subjected to adouble-blind review process. Initial screening of manuscripts is done by theBoard of Editors. Articles that meet the requirements of the journal are thenreferred, for comments and recommendation, to external reviewers fromdifferent academic institutions in the Philippines and abroad. The finaldecision is made by the Editor-in-Chief in consultation with the othermembers of the Board of Editors. Together, they review the entire refereeprocess, to ensure that all editorial suggestions have been addressed.

Submission guidelines

The prescribed length for regular articles is 15 to 50 double-spaced,typewritten pages, inclusive of endnotes and reference list. Longer workscan be considered, based on merit.

Manuscripts must be in MS Word format. For typeface, use Times NewRoman, 12 points. Illustrations, figures, and tables should use the MS Officepackage facilities and must be in their proper place in the Word document.As an alternative, graphic materials can be sent as separate files, theirplacement properly indicated in the manuscript. All illustrations, figures,and tables should be appropriately captioned.

TCR follows the author-date documentation system of the Chicago Manual ofStyle, 15th edition. Sources are briefly cited in the text, with full bibliographicinformation provided in a list of references. All notes should appear at the

THE CORDILLERA REVIEWJournal of Philippine Culture and Society

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end of the article. Below are some examples of materials cited in this style,showing the format for in-text citation (T) and reference-list entry (R).

Book by one authorT: (Keesing 1962, 201)R: Keesing, Felix. 1962. The ethnohistory of Northern Luzon. Stanford:

Stanford University Press.Book with editor as “author”T: (Banks and Morphy 1977, 43)R: Banks, Marcus, and Howard Morphy, eds. 1997. Rethinking visual

anthropology. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.Component part by one author in a work by anotherT: (Ileto 1995, 64-65)R: Ileto, Reynaldo. 1995. Cholera and the origins of the American

sanitary order in the Philippines. In Discrepant histories: Translocal essays on Filipino culture, ed. Vicente Rafael, 51-81. Manila: Anvil.

Article in journalT: (Worcester 1906, 839-840)R: Worcester, Dean C. 1906. The non-Christian tribes of Northern

Luzon. The Philippine Journal of Science 8 (1): 791-864.Unpublished workT: (De Raedt 1969, 86)R: De Raedt, Jules. 1969. Myth and ritual: A relational study of

Buwaya mythology, ritual and cosmology, PhD diss., University of Chicago.

Article in online publicationT: (Galloway 2001)R: Galloway, Robert C. 2001. Rediscovering the 1904 World’s Fair:

Human bites human. The Ampersand, July. http://www. webster.edu/corbetre/dogtown/fair/galloway.html (accessed July 22, 2008).

For a quick guide to Chicago-style citation, see:<http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org./tools_citationguide.html>

The manuscript should be sent as e-mail attachment to any of the followingaddresses:

csc@upb.edu.phcordillerastudies@gmail.com

Contributors must submit a short curriculum vitae, with all the relevantcontact information. They should also certify that their manuscript has notbeen published, and is not being considered for publication elsewhere.

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RECENT TITLESfrom the Cordillera Studies CenterUniversity of the Philippines Baguio

FRAGMENTS OF A CITY’S HISTORYA Documentary History of BaguioEdited by Delfin Tolentino, Jr.2009, 80 pages.Published on the occasion of the centennial of the establishmentof Baguio as a chartered city, this volume is an attempt tochronicle the history of Baguio through a s election ofdocumentary sources. The anthology begins with Otto Scheerer’shistory of key Ibaloi families and the Spanish settlement ofBenguet, and ends with Robert Reed’s summing up of thedevelopments that led to the establishment of Baguio as a

colonial hill station and later as a regional capital. Though not a comprehensiveselection of texts, it attempts to represent every decade with an account of some keyevents, from the late Spanish period, when the place now called Baguio was still anIbaloi settlement, to the 1960s, when the city was already one of the most highlyurbanized areas in northern Luzon. It also seeks to present a variety of texts, fromofficial documents to informal narratives, to suggest how the identity of the city hasbeen formed by a wide range of discourses.

THE TINGUIANIsabelo de los ReyesTranslated from the Spanish by Ma. Elinora P. Imson2008, 76 pages

This is the first English translation of “El Tinguian,” one ofthe earliest ethnographic reports on the history, society, andculture of the Tinguian of Abra province, northern Philippines.Written by the renowned Filipino scholar and patriot Isabelode los Reyes, the original text appeared as the first section ofFi lip inas: Art iculos varios sobre etnograf ia, historia y

costumbres del pais (1887), a collection of articles on historical and ethnologicaltopics. Ferdinand Blumentritt, impressed with the erudition displayed by de los Reyesin his ethnological writings, wrote a German translation of “El Tinguian” which waspubli shed in Vienna in 1887. Fol lowing the prevailing western framework inethnological studies, De los Reyes organized his study on the Tinguian according to:(1) filiation of the Tinguian, (2) ethnography, (3) theogony, priests, temples, rites andsuperstitions, (4) government and laws, (5) customs and occupations, (6) philology,music and dance, and (7) history. However, within this Eurocentric construction, asResil Mojares asserts in Brains of the Nation, De los Reyes “takes a critical stance,interrogating what Europeans have said and claiming local, intimate knowledge of thesubject.” Thus, we have in “El Tinguian” one of the earliest forms of “nationalistcounter-representation.”

F or i nqu ir ie s on the se book s and o ther CSC p ub l i ca t ions , e -mai lc sc@upb . ed u. p h or cord i l le r as tudi e s@gmai l . com.

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THE

CORDILLERA

REVIEWJournal of PhilippineCulture and Society

Volume I, Number 1 March 2009

Who are the Indigenous?Origins and Transformations

LAWRENCE A. REID

Voices from the Other Side:Impressions from Some Igorot

Participants in U.S. CulturalExhibitions in the Early 1900s

JUNE PRILL-BRETT

Breaking Barriers of Ethnocentrism:Re-examining Igorot Representation

through Material Culture andVisual Research Methods

ANALYN SALVADOR-AMORES

Technologies for Disciplining Bodiesand Spaces in Abra (1823-1898)

RAYMUNDO D. ROVILLOS

Isabelo’s Archive:The Formation

of Philippine StudiesRESIL B. MOJARES

Cordillera Studies CenterUNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES BAGUIO

2600 Baguio City, Philippines

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