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-PRISON INTERVIEW WITH LOS SIETE

-LIBERATION WOMEN'S UNION

-IIC ACTION

-MUNIBLACKCAUCUS

IN THIS ISSUE

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THE MOVEMENT PRESS

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NOVEMBER 1969

TORTURE IN BRAZIL

DOCUMENT NO, 1

EDITORS NOTE: The following document was smug­gled out of Brazil. The brother who sent it to usrequested that we do "everything within our power totranslate it and seek to have it pUblished broadly".Since he gave no address or suggestions on how wemight help, we assume that we can best show oursolidarity with our brothers and sisters strugglingagainst imperi.alism in Latin America by buildinga front against imperialism inside the monster.

On (date, late 1969), two sisters ("A" and"B"both respected educators) were arrested by the SSagents of the Brazilian "X" Army at (hour), andrequired to give the whereabouts of their brother("C", a student leader). It is clear that they knewnothing, for they had not seen their brother in morethan twel Ve months. They were then taken to the head­quarters of the "X" Army, in (address); upon enteringa large room, they saw some 40 men torturing 5 or6 people. Fifteen or twenty of them (ofthe torturers ­5 to 8 for each prisoner) were visibly under the in­fluence of alchohol, - a Dantian scene very similarto the GESTAPO, The two were mistreated, kickedand slapped. They were threatened with having theirclothing removed (one man, the most inebriated,called insistently for the "strip-tease" to begin ­indicating the frequency of this sort of treatment).

On the morning of the same day, "D" died whenwhen blown to bits by a bomb which he had beencarrying. His roomate f' E" ...was taken to the sametorture site; they wanted to know where his friendhad held his meetings. He was nude and was placedin "pau-de-arara" (tied hands and feet, arms aroundhis knees in a sitting position, and then hung fromthe ceiling by a pole passed under the knees - in this

, case he apparently was mishandled in a sitting po­sition on the floor); in this position, they forcedhis chest so far back that it lacerated - the boycried and screamed. After having been made to watchthis scene, "A" and" B" were again questioned aboutthe whereabouts of "C", They did not know.

Then they were shown the canvas sack whichcontained the pieces of "D". One of the soldiers doingthe beating jumped on top of the sack saying, "He

;doesn't deserve respect, communists ought to be treat­'ed like this. He opened the sack, and seeing that'" A" was the most impressionable, he left the boy'sremains at her feet and threatened to cook a pieceof his body and force her to eat it if she did nottalk.

Seeing that with physical and psychological torturethey were not getting any information, they triedsomething else, they tortured one sister in front ofthe other. They put "B" in an electric chair, placedher little fingers in electric sockets and began, togive her shcoks. "B" intuited that" A" was going tocry and began to take the shocks passively, For­tunately for them, the case of "E" was more serious,and it was decided to free them and to send for" E' s"girlfriend to be tortured in his presenCe. ThUS, withouthaving their presence, their declarations or protestsregistered, they left, their treatment having beeninterrupted.

THIS ISSUE IS DEDICATED TO THE SISTERS AND, BROTt-fERS WHO STRUGGLE'D IN CHICAGO TOBRING THE WAR HOME

oppressive nature of the Army.The Oleo Strut staff is a collective. We live in one

house and all work every day at the Strut. We havebeen working as a collective for 4 months and have beenvaryingly successful. Within the collective is a wo­men's caucus. We discuss all problems and polit­ical questions that arise. We discipline ourselvesindividually and from the collective we disciplineourselves as a group and criticize -each other formistakes we make as staff members.

We feel that our most important work is devel­oping GI organizers who are laying the groundworkfor a mass movement in the Army. One of the bestorganizing tools that has been established at FortHood is the Fatigue Press which is put out by theGIs.

In conclusion then, we are looking for people (mp.n,women, or couples) who are willing to:

l)make a commitment of at least six months, hope­fully starting in October or November, or as soon aspossible.

2) do shit work in the coffeehouse.3) learn about military law and counsel on court­

martials and CO applications.4) learn and make changes according to the demands

made by the working situation in Killeen and the Army.5) view their work as long-range, and not look for

regular victories. This is organizing, not activism andtakes patience. '

6) talk politics with guys in the Army and keepstudying and learning new ways to build a movement.

If you feel that this is the kind of work you wantto do, please write us immediately, so that we canbegin discussions about joining the staff. Tell us aboutyourself and what you have been doing, and we willdescribe in greater detail the work that goes on in theStrut. Write to: OLEO STRUT, 101 Avenue DKilleen, Texas 76541

,Detroit Staff: NOC, Box 9571 North End Station, Detroit; Michigan 48202.

Bulk orders at special rates available at all offices.

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,Chleaco Staff: Room 204, 162 N. cUnton, Cblcaco, Wlnols 60606--(312) 32'7-3681~ ,

'Los Angeles staff: Ken Cloke, Bob Niemann, Mike DaviS, Judy Davis. 165'7Federal Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90025 -- (213) 478-9509 .

OLEO STRUT IS RECRUITING

The Oleo strut is looking for new staff members.The strut is a GI coffeehouse located in Killeen',Texas near Fort Hood. As well as the regular ac­tivities of a GI coffee house, we hope to have aradical bookstore, combination military law andradical books library in tIE near future., Killeen is a small town with a population of35,000 people totally dependant on the Army forits income. Fort Hood itself is a 39.000 man ArmoredPost staffed largely by Viet Nam returnees. Thereis no basic training, and almost everyone is just ­waiting to get out. Because Fort Hood is a riotcontrol center and discipline is threatened by Namvets, the propaganda and coercion are heavy. A lotof guys seek escape in dope. In fact, a whole cult hasbeen developed around it.

For two reasons we have a firm understanding thatno one on the staff will use drugs in Killeen. The firstand most obvious is that it is a bust - an easy oneand one that will close the strut forever. The secondis equally important and is the reason that we talkagainst drugs to the guys who come to the Strut'., Use of drugs in the Army is as destructive as ghettouse of drugs. Guys are trying to escape the fact thatthey are in the Army and spend all their time gettinghigh instead of organizing. And of course the Armywould rather court-martial a guy for dope than pol­itics.

In an attempt to break down the barriers betweenthe GIs and the civilians, we have learned that shorthair and a «straight appearance" have increased theability of the GIs to talk and relate to us on an equalbasis. Our insistence on combatting the drug culturehere does not mean that we feel that people in thecities should have reached the same conclusions.Rather, we are looking for people willing to changethe surface of their life style to fit a small town and the

JOHN SINCLAIR WRITES FROM PRISON

-~

Dear Brothers and Sisters,My transfer to Marquette has been

postponed at least a few weeks, but theyare determined to send me there as soonas they can. A plgfromtthe CorrectionsDept. in Lansing came here to talk tome last Friday and told me how much Iwould like It up there and that they COUld­n't, possible send me into the generalprison population in Jackson because Iwould surely organize the prisoners torevolt against the prison authorities, andthey couldn't take a chance on that. SoI'll be shipped UP to Marquette P rison Inthe UpperPeninsula sometime next month.Then I'll be able to have my typewriterand get some work done.

It's really important now that thepeople out there start organizing todefend themselves against the approach­'ing' police state and to warn the broadn:asses of the people about the fascistterror that is upon us. People are goingto have to start egllcating themselvesand their br-otbersand sisters so we won'tbe unprepared when the shit comes down.- Chairman Mao's • Red Book" (Quot.

ations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung) isthe best study gUide, as Mao has provedthat the people's liberation can be won

through proper methods of thinking andmethods of work. As Che, Guevera said,"In Revolution one wins or dies" - Maowon! So did Fidel. As we know, Fidelstarted with 83 men, lost all but 12,and took those 12 men Into the moun­tains to get it together. 5 years later thePeople's Liberation Army marched tri­umphantly in Havana and set up the Peo­pie's Revolutionary Government, provingthat If'can be done.

Here In Amerika the conditions aredifferent but the need is the same- toestablish a people's party and a govern­ment of the people, by the people, andfor the people. A lot of us have felt thatwe can just "drop out" from the pig'ssociety and • do our thing" within the

!decadent corpse' of Amerika, but letme testify that it don't work. You can't«do your thing" in jail, and if s impos­sible to be "free" when the pig isbeating and carrying away you brothersand sisters.

And "LOVE/PEACE" by itself ,eitheras a slogan or a lifestyle, won't do iteither because as Eldridge Cleaver putIt, you can be sitting up there trippingand the pig will come up and beat yourhead in and carry you offto prison, where

'you don't do anyone' any good except theState; ,

The time for shucking and jivJ.Dg isover. Those' people who care about their'brothers and sisters in their hip com­munities are going to have to ,starf or­ganizing and spreading the word, ofARMED LOVE. Meaning, I love youall, but if you try to force me to liveunder your fascist state I will blowyour head off.

And the people who aren't ready forthis might as well get ready for theconcentration camps, because I'll seeyou there. The police are not playing~""they are moving to seize controlof the, cities (check out Wayne CountyRoman Gribbs running for Mayor ofDetroit and Washtenau County Sherrif,Doug, .Harvey's total disregard for thelegal' government of Ann Arbor), andthe unholy alliance of J. Edgar Hoover,Nixon, Atty.General John N. Mitchell,and new Supreme Court Judges, plusthe CIA, is serious about getting ridof long-haired dope-smoking revolution­ary youth.

And they don't care if you are" polit­ical" or not- - they know our way of lifeis a definite threat to their control just

because we don't accept their authority.I never used to be "political" eIther,but the pigs still attacked, beat, ar­rested and jailed me because I like toget high, go to dances, fuck and have agood time. I was in the House of Cor~rection In i966 for smoking dope beforeI ever heard of Mao Tse-tung, but I,didn't know why the pigs hated me so..Now I know that all of us had betterfind out.

The White Panther Party will hold amass meeting for all interested youngpeople in the near future--I urge every­one out there to attend this meeting andlisten to what my brothers have to say.There should be a chapter in every schooland town In Amerika; as Mao says,"It is up to us to educate the people".

I'll see you all soon. All Power to thePeople!

STP (Serve the People)John Sinclair (P"olitical Prisoner)

(Two weeks after this letter was writ­ten, John Sinclair was moved to Mar­quette Maximum Security Prison. Hisappeal to be let out on bail was denied,by the Michigan Supreme Court.

PAGE 2 MOVEMENT NOVEMBER 1969

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THE RULING CLASS STILL HAS ITS ASS..

A thousand people are gathered in Washing­ton Square in San Francisco. Forty to fiftySF tac squad members stand across the streetin full riot gear. More mounted tac squad arepoorly hidden on side streets. The demon­strators began moving up Columbus Street tomarch on the Fairmont Hotel-meeting placefor the International Ruling. Class-but wekept to the sidewalk, chanting and passing outleaflets to the curious bystanders.

The motive force behind ourorganizingwas that.the International Ruling Class had no right to meethere or anywhere else. We did massive educationaround who these imperialists are and what op­pression they're responsible for, both at home andabroad. We pushed for people to join us to "kickthe ass of the ruling class" and stop their "festivalof thieves" .

After five weeks of organizing for the InternationalIndustrial Conference, only 600 of the expected3000 or 4000 showed up. One local undergroundpaper caIled it a "farce staged by brontosaurs".On the basis of the turnout and the impotencepeople felt in the face of the pigs on the first dayof the week's actions, many people wrote the wholething off as a flop. This was wrong. The IIC actionsaccomplished several positive things and also forced .us to analyze our mistakes in a way that should "be useful in the future.

JAPAN WEEK-

The IIC was officiaIly scheduled as part ofa two-week trade and culture fair known as JapanWeek. Behind a facade of friendship, the Japaneseculture was used as a rip-off to seIl products andcover up the real economic motives behind the festiveoccasion. The trade fair was planned and pUIled offby American businessmen with participation of afew big Japanese businessment with American in­vestments. Japanese-Americans were excluded fromthe the planning committees and played no part inthe Trade week. .

While $1.4 million dollars was being spent onthis trade and tourist promotion, Japanese and Chi­nese Americans worked in the sweatshops of China­town for less than a doIlar an hour. Nothing wasever said about the detention of Japanese during

World War II nor about the recent destruction ofJapanese homes and businesses to build the newJapanese Trade and Cultural Center in San Fran­cisco.

But why all the- fuss over Japan? The Japaneseand US economies are interlocked to the extent thatone cahnot make advances without the other. Japanis the second largest market after Canada forUS goods, the largest US market for agriculturalgoods and an important target for US investments.This doesn't include the essential indirect US tradeof imports of raw materials to Japan from Asiaand Latin American companies owned by the US. Like­wise, the US is the largest importer of Japanesegoods accounting for 30% of Japanese exports.

But even immediately more important than ex­panding trade with Japan and the development ofSan Francisco as the "WaIl Street of the West"

is the renewal of the Japanese":US security Treatywhich comes up for ratification in 1970.The treatyis central to continued US domination (economic,military, and political) in Asia. Through the treaty,Japan grants the US "the use by its land, air, andnaval forces of facilities in Japan". If the treatyis renewed it wiIl insure the US continued main­tenance of its 100 military facilities in Japan, itscommand headquarters, transport depot for troops,storage of weapons (including CBW and nuclear),supply depots for Viet Nam and bases for its twicedaily B- 52 bombing missions to Vietnam flown fromOkinawa. With its massive military presence, theJapanese economy is virtuaIly dependent on the USmilitary spending as a key factor in the economy.

The Asian-American Political Alliance, the RedGuard of Chinatown, and SDS staged a demonstra­tion at the docking of the destroyer" Amatsukaza"on September 5. The action was a good build-upfor the IIC the following week and focused attentionon th e American-Japanese Security pact. SomeJapanese tycoons on their way to the IIC wereon board the ship. They were met by 75 peopleand the SF Mime Troupe all with flags , picketsigns, and the Japanese National Anthem.

The international impact of this demonstration wasimportant. Japanese students and workers areplanning to shut their country down to preventthe ratification of the security pact. Ours wasgreeted as the first action taken by the movementin the US in direct solidarity with the movementin Japan. The demonstration was carried in themedia throughout Japan and the Zengukaren looksforward to co-ordinated actions and alliance -in­struggle against the ratification of the 1970 security'pact.

I.I.C.

The IIC was scheduled during the latter half of theTrade Fair to enable Japanese businessmen toattend both. Seven hundred top level business leadersfrom over 60 countries gathered at the fourthquadrannual meeting. The meeting was co-sponsoredby the Stanford Research Institute, a major govern­ment contractor specializing in military and coun­t.er-insurgency research, and the National IndustrialConference Board, a private organization dedicated tothe glorification of "private enterprise" .

The policy board included 28 of the heaviest rulingclass businessmen representing such corporationsas Chase Manhattan Bank, Royal Dutch Shell, USSteel, AT&T, Standard Oil, Bank of California, UnionCarbide, IBM and Safeway Stores. 2/3 of those at­tending were from other capitalist countries or fromneo-colonies. David RockefeIler, Rodger Blough,Ernest Arbuckle and Edgar Kaiser et.aI. met todiscuss problems and techniques of expanding themulti-national corporate control over the resources,markets and peorles of both the Third World and theindustrialized countries.

Although the conference's theme was "Closing theWorld's Income Gap", the businessmen jabbered inthe jargon of "cost structures, profit centers, andmanagement of change". All of the world's prob­lems were seen as technical rath:!~ than political.Topics of discussi00nt out to participants be­fore the conferen;.;.e included such gems as "re­moving impediments to private foreign investment","modern day "Capitalism'S role in the developing

nations", "influence of anti-trust legislation oninternational trade and investments" ,and" developingfeasible alternatives to free coIlective bargaininl!'and strikes·. Their discussions indicated thatthe only way to close the worlds "income gap"was through private enterprise - private profit.

They were most interested in creating a man­agerial class, the problems of economic nationalism,the disaffection of the young and the propagation ofthe sociaIly-consciousrhetoric of neo-imperialism.HoIland's Dick Stikker, Secretary-General of NATOfrom 1961 to 1964 , urged against the "pessimis~ic

fear of revolution - the fear I am so sure that eachof us in this haIl experiences every day when heopens his newspaper and reads about... open resist­ance to every form of establishment."

BROWN WALKOUT

Months ago, Latinos got together in Denverand planned a high school walk-out for Sept.16thto be coordinated throughout the Southwest aroundthe demands of bi-lingual education and self-de­termination for brown people. SDS worked with LosSiete de La Raza urging white students to joinin solidarity with and support of Latino demands.Safeway was a focus after students left schoolbecause they are still selling grapes and because ofthe heavy use of DDT and otherpesticides onproduce which is .menacing' the lives and healthof farm workers and consumers.

The IIC and Latino walkout had originally. beenplanned separately but when it was discovered thatthe times planned for the actions were the sameand that Ernest Arbuckle, president of the board ofSafeway Stores, Inc., was on the policy board of theIIC, plans were <:oordinated. Actions led by brownpeople with White' participation went on throughoutthe region. Richmond had a successful walkout(see article in -this issue) The majority ofthe ThirdWorld students walked out of Mission High in SF.to picket 4 Safeways in the Mission district. SanLeandro-Hayward saw over 1000 students walk out insupport of the demands. Threatened by a walkoutth e San Jose city council planned a 5 hour raIly inthe city stadium marking the Mexican Independenceday. Eight to ten thousand students attended theraIly. As there was not originaIly a lot of impetusfor a walkout, the power structure unwittingly aidedin the spreading of Brown consciousness.' Theactions were successful and laid the foundation forco-ordination and support of Los Siete de la Raza.

ORGANIZING FOCUS

We directed the main thrust of our organizingefforts towards recruiting working class people, ex­peciaIly youth, to participate in the IIC demonstra­tions. SDS worked with the newly formed high schoolStudents Union for both the IIC and the Latino walkout.The opening of school was only a few days before theIIC, so studentorganizing was limited. High schoolsand junior colleges were the targets of intensiveleafletting at registration and the beginning ofclasses. We worked with youth on the streets, onlocal" strips" as well as the more well-known areasof Haight Street and Telegraph Ave.

CONTINUED ON P. 18

NOVEMBER 1969 / MOVEMENT--- 'PAGE 3

UNION OFREVOLUTIONARYWOMEN

by Mary Lou Greenberg

"The thesis must clearly point out that real freedom for women ispossible only through communism. The inseparable connection betweenthe social and human position of the woman, and private property in themeans of production, must be strongly brought out. That will draw aclear and ineradicable line of distinction between our policy and femin­ism. And it will also supply the basis for regarding the woman questionas a part of the social question, of the workers' problem, and so bind itfirmly to the proletarian class struggle and the revolution."

-Lenin, in a conversation with Clara Zetkin, 1920.

"Women have been put down long 'enough. We're tired of getting thelowest wages and the crummiest work; of being used as strike-breakers,as a cheap supply of labor, and as unpaid servants in the home. We'retired of working for other people who just get richer while we get poorer.We want a society where workers work for themselves, not bosses; wh"erewomen and men, black, brown, yellow, and red, are treated equally onthe job, in the community, in the home, and in the schools; where jobsare available for all and each person is guaranteed food, clothing, shelter,health care, child care, and a good standard of living. We believe thatonly when workers instead of bigshot bosses run society and the govern­ment will women as well as men be free. We know that women cannot befully free until ALL working people are free, but we must unite now andbegin to fight for our freedom."

-Opening statement of the Liberation Women's Union Program. PHOlb/BARBARA ROTIlKRUG

The statement above represents the initial attempt'of a group of Bay Area women to make the connections,that Lenin saw necessary, between the exploitation andoppression of women and the exploitation and op­pression of all working people.

This connection has, of course, beeR made before:by some women's liberation groups who use it toshow why organizing women around the issues ofwomen's liberation is inherently "revolutionary",and by radical and left groups which are now tackingon "women's issues" to their platforms, but basicallyforgetting about them after that.

The Liberation Women's Union is attempting to dosomething which neither of these approaches has sofar done. That is, to organize women on the basisof their real needs as women and, through a workingclass-oriented program and series of demands, to,relate each issue and specific struggle to the overallclass struggle. '

Lenin recognized the need for" appropriate bodies"to carryon work among women, "special methodsof agitation and forms of organization". "That is notfeminism, that is practical, revolutionary expediency..That is why it is right for us to put forward demandsfavorable to women•.practical conclusions which wehave drawn from the burning needs, the shamefulhumiliation of women in bourgeois society, defenselessand without rights."

TEN DEMANDS

Briefly, the demands of the LWU are:

1) EQUAL WORK AT EQUAL PAY, inclUding no racialor sexual discrimination in hiring, promotion, or payscales.2) FREE, 24-HOUR, CHILD CARE CENTERS FOR ALLCHILDREN.! '

:, ~) I SHARING HOUSEHOLD WORK. "Household workis not just "women's work". It should be shared byall family members."4) FREE, EQUAL AND REAL EDUCATION, includingno more "tracking" by sex, race or economic class."We demand that schools teach about the role womenhave played in history; we demand that they, tellabout the struggles of American working people andabout the struggles of poor and oppressed peopleeverywhere."5) FREE, COMPLETE HEALTH CARE, includingfree birth control information to all who wish it; safefree abortions to women who want them; no forcedsterilization of anyone.6) CONTROL OVER PERSONAL' RELATIONSHIPS,including equal rights for all women and men, marriedor unmarried, and for all children born in or out ofmarriage.7) AN END TO BRAINWASHING. "We demand anend to the degrading image of women on TV, in themovies, in books and in advertising. We will notbe brainwashed any longer into buying things that justmake big businessment richer."8) SELF-DETERMINATION FOR NATIONAL MIN­ORITY AND THIRD WORLD PEOPLES.9) AN END TO U.S .. IMPERIALIST WARS OF AG­GRESSION.10) CONTROL OVER SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS, in­cluding ·We demand that the courts, police and othersocial institutions such as national, state, and localgovernment stop oppressing the people. The presentinadequate and degrading system of welfare must be

replaced by a program which guarantees ~'ii adequateincome for everyone".We must stop the taxingofpoorand working women and men and' make the bigcorporations pay instead. '

PERSONAL TO POLITICAL

The first thing we did upon coming together thissum mer was work out this program and demands.Some of us had participated in and were still in­volved with small groups Hn the existing women' pliberation movement. We had gained an understandingof the social--rather than individual--causes offemaleoppression and,exploitation through participating in oneor another of the small women's groups, the mostcommon organizational form of the WL movement sofar.

We recognized that some middle-class women mayindeed be made aware of the inherently exploitativeand oppressive nature of U.S. monopoly capitalismthrough first becoming aware of and understandingtheir own person oppression as women. We had also'seenthatthis was not inevitable. Those middle-classwomen- who DID make the connection, whose con­sciousnesses supposedly had been raised from anindividual to a social level of understanding, wereby and large unable to fight their oppression excepton a purely personal level--1.e., moving into acommune, divorcing their husbands, taking off theirbras, uncurling their hair, etc.

In fact when some of these women began to seekways of acting outside the small group- - for instanceprotesting job discrimination, or participating in ananti-war protest--they were sometimes discouragedand warned against being co-opted by the male left.I n some parts of the WL movement, those who sug­gested such action were suspected of being agentsfor male-dominated groups. .

In addition, we .were quite aWare that any move­ment which purports to seek liberation for a con­siderable segment of society, in this case ·half thepopulation, must address itself to the needs of thepoorest sectors of that group if it is to succeed inits intent. Radical historian William L. O'Neill hadpointed out, in an article in Dissent entitled, "Fem­inism as a Radical Ideology,'" that the early feminists"invariably refused to admit that differences in stationamong women were of any importance;"Equal rightsfor women did not mean the same thing to a factorygirl that it meant to a college graduate" .

Despite the fact that this article was widely cir­culated in at least several small WL groups and thatmany women realized that our' experiences withand understanding of the needs of working and lowerclass women were, at best, limited, there waslittle, if any, attempt made to find out what we didnbt know and to make the WL movement serve allwomen instead of just a privileged few. (The severalforces and splits within the general WL movement arewell defined in the McAfee- Wood article, "Breadand Roses" , in the June 1969 LEVIATHAN).

'AN APPROPRIATE BODY

It was therefore clear that within the existingdlfuse WL movement an aiternative was needed formiddle-class women who'wanted to activelyfight forwomen's liberation as a part of the overall revolu­tionary movement, as well to make the ideas of wo­men's liberation work in the interests of working

and poor women.At the same time this summer, women whose partic­

pation in the small WL groups had been limited,or non:existent, but who were deeply concerned withthe position of women as part of their commit­ment to building a revolutionary movement among theworkers and youth in this country, were beginning tofeel the need, in Lenin's words, for an "appropriatebody" to concentrate on the conditions and needs ofwome~ " "

Through' a common need to create such an organ­ization which would concentrate on organizing non­professional workin g women, wives of working men,and, women on welfare, we began meeting together.Unlike some' groups which initially form around ageneral idea and then after a period of time evolvea programmatic approach to organizing, We felt thenecessity to begin work immediately on a programand demands around which we could unite women andfrom which an organization might grow.

Most ,of us already were members of specificorganizations and/or collectives, for instance theBay Area Revolutionary Union; SDS; a collective inHayward doing working class organizing; women'sliberation groups which had begun to seriously talkabout organizing working women; San FranciscoNewsreel, etc. '

We all had at least an elementary understandingof Marxism, and were united on the necessity ofsocialist revolution led by the working class. In aseries of meetings we worked out' an initial programand series of demands which were discussed by thewhole group, re-drafted, and discussed again. At­tendence kept increasing, and at each meeting newwomen came. At this point no publicity has been givento the group except through word of mouth. It wasobvious, though, that a number of women weremov­ing in the same direction and felt a need to shareexperiences and work together in a disciplined,directed way around women's issues.

COLLECTIVES OF WOMEN

After the first version of the program had beenfinalized (on the basis of our experience with it,it may go' through several more versions), we begandiscussing organizational questions. There are sevenbasic geographical areas around the Bay represented.Between 50 and 75 women attended at least one ofthe program-discussing meetings, and all geograph­ical areas have been represented at all meetings.The group is predominantly white, although aChicano woman active in the brown movement hasparticipated from the beginning, and an early meetingwas held with two Black Panther women. Most ofus in LWU come from middle class and studentbackgrounds; most are now working in non-pro­fessional type jobs - in factories, clerical work,communications,etc. - or will be working in thenear future; others are doing work in their com­munities or on state college or junior college cam-

. 'The org:iIlizational 'structure is complicated: ina couple of these areas there are several separatebut close-working groups participating, plus several"independent" women. A steering committee has beenset up, composed of representatives from eachgeographical area, which will assist communicationsbetween groups, schedule plenary meeting, and discussin detail the proposed structure, aims and activitiesof the LWU.

PAGE 4 MOVEMENT NOVEMBER 1969

IJEFEIISE

ACTION·STUDY

At this early stage, the organization exists pri­marily to exchange information between groups andindividuals already engaged in organizing women'Our eventual goal is to assist in creating a revo­lutionary mass organization of women with a workingclass perspective which will at the appropriate timejoin with similar organizations to forge a reVOlutionaryparty in this country.

To move toward this goal, we must form collec­tives of women, organized around a revolutionary pro­gram and series of demands. At the present time,separate LWU collectives are not meeting in allareas due to different existing situations and needs.For instance, in one area there are several workingclass community groups and organizations alreadyexisting. Women from these groups are representedon the LWU steering committee, participate in generalLWU actions, and may use the program in their organ­izing work, but at this time do not plan to form aseparate LWU collective or chapter. In other areas,separate LWU collectives are already forming.

Whatever organizational form finally evolves, thesuccess or failure of the LWU will depend on whetheror not it is able to organize actions around the demandsand truly serve the people.,-in this case, working andpoor women.

In addition to exchanging information, the LWU willfocus on two areas: study and action. The steeringcommittee has prepared a reading list and severalstudy plans for use as each area needs. Many ofthe women are already involved in stUdy groups whichfocus on the works of Marx, Lenin and Mao; for thosewho are not and for new members of the organiza­tion, special study groups will be set up. Along withbasic revolutionary literature, we will study thehistory ofwomen' s and labor movements in this countryandcurrent WL pUblications and literature.

In the area of action, we will conduct propagandaaddressed to women on women's .issues and on anti­imperialist issues in general (for instance, the fallanti- Vietnam War moratoriums and mobilizations);and plan actions around particular issues in eacharea and the LWU demands.

Our experiences with organizing around a program

We have found already that the question of women'sliberation can be one of the most difficult to raisein general political work. We have also found thatonce raised, it leads to increased political conscious­ness of both men and women. The idea that wiveshave a right to attend their husband's union meetings,for instance, increases the political awareness of thewomen and makes them feel that they are a part ofworkers' struggles, too. It also helps expand the con­cept of "worker", and puts union struggles into abroader social context.

In the process of tearing down--or at least cracking­the institutions of male supremacy (for instance, all­male unions with their attendent ideas that union meet­ings are for men only; that women shouldn't be onthe picket line; that women aren' t "workers"; thatunionizatiQn isn' t necessary for women), the found­ations for male chauvinism wUl also crumble. Whenmen see that women can be helpful on a picket line,they wUl begin to change their ideas of women as 'meek, docile, and servile creatures. Once releasedfrom the ideas of male chauvinism and the prac­tices of male supremacy, men and women can uniteto fight the common enemy.

The Liberation Women's Union is actively seekingthe participation of, or alliances with, other womenwho basically agree with ,our approach and program.We wUl also unite with other women on areas wecan agree on, and we welcome comments and crit­icisms. For more information on the LWU and acomplete copy of the program and demands, write.Mary Lou Greenberg, c/o The Movement.

CRACKING THE FOUNDATION

entire body. In addition, we expect members tocombat male supremacy and male chauvinism inall aspects of personal behavior and political work.For instance, we must not hesitate to assume pos­itions of leadership or voice our opinions in anyother, mixed (male and female) collectives andorganizations we are 'in. We must be on our guardagainst conciously or unconsciously responding inbourgeois, "feminine" ways to male actions or state­ments We must combat the ideas of male chauvinismin ourselves as well as in males, and we must dressand act in ways that do not further our sexual ob­jectification. We must actively raise the oppression andexploitation of women as it relates to capitalistexploitation and oppression of all people, and we mustnever separate the fight for women's liberation fromthe fight for the liberation of all people.

--1,I

CONSCIOUSNESS & KARATE

Two other areas are also important in the devel­opment of a strong, revolutionary women' s movement:each LWU member is expected to learn some formof self-defense (we are in the process of locatingkarate instructors); and each woman who is seriousabout bUilding such a movement must take the ideasof women's liberation seriously in her own personallife, The LWU hopes to be a disciplined organiza­tion in expecting members to participate in studyand self-defense classes and be responsible to theorganization for carrying out decisions made by the

and specific demands is extremely limited at present.Our work so far has shown that it is a very usefultool for making contacts with other women who arealready organized and who are likewise looking forwomen with whom to unite. We are currently ex­perimenting with ways of utilizing the program and ourefforts will vary from area to area at present. Acondensed form of the program, similar to theone included earlier in' the article with a list ofcontact phone numbers, will be printed on the backsof leaflets issued for specific actions of generalpropaganda purposes. For instance, the LWU will

'participate as a group in the Nov. 15 Get-Out-of­Vietnam march in San Fr'ancisco and will distributea LWU leaflet along the way. For the future, we are'anticipating simultaneous organizing around one key

. demand in each geographical area.In addition to general organizing, we will par-

'ticipate as individuals or as a group in specific ac­tions to support the struggles of other women--onpicket lines, in Welfare hearings, in demonstrationsfor support of political prisoners, etc. LWU womenhave walked the picket line with strikers and theirwives in the current Pittsburge-Des Moines Steelstrike in San Jose and will support the strikers andtheir wives in whatever way we can--from providingbabysitters to participating in demonstrations at theplant. We plan to be able to mobilize large numbersof women on short notice for supportive demonstra­tions or other action whereever and whenever suchsupport is need ed in the Bay Area. We also hopeit will be possible to form alliances with BlackPanther and Chicano women for mutual support.

23ft!JOlYThe July 23rd Defense Committee is desperately in need of funds. We organized

to assist in the legal defense of the five Black people who were indicted in theGlenville Shoot-out in 1968, when three policemeD and one civilian were k1lled.

The first person to be tried was Ahmed (Fred Evans) who was convicted andsentenced to die in the electric chaJ.r. Unfortunately, the Defense Committee didnot get into fUll swing unW the time of Ahmed's conviction.

Ahmed was defended by court-appointed attorneys stanley Toliver and CharlesFleming. Although the court normally pays about $3,500·. to EACH attorneyfor a, case such as this, these lawyer~ received that amount altogether. Mr.Toll1ver's share was immediately seized for income taxes. Mr. Fleming isfacing possible charges because the Committee sent him $200 after he hadapplied for his state fee.

Ahmed's case is being appealed. We urgently need money to be able to pay forthis legal service.

Non-Du (Lathan Donald) is presently on trial. He, too, has court-, appointedattorneys. These lawyers have been hostile to the Committee and went so far asask the judge to make us leave the courtroom. It is obvious that the Committeeis extremely liml.ted in the kind of defense for Non-Du due to the hostility andlack of cooperation from his attorneys.

The most obvious fact is that the JULY 23rd DEFENSE COMMITTEE NEEDSMONEY TO PAY COMPETANT AND COOPERATIVE LAWYERS.

The third defendant, Alfred Thomas, has been committed to Lima State Hospitalfor the Criminally Insane. The Committee does not have the money to providecompetent and cooperative psychiatric help for him, that is, if he really needs it.

Two more young mf:!n are awaiting trial. .It is not uncommon for Blacks and poorpeople to be left in jail and forgotten. Although the Committee has not been ableto provide private legal counsel so far, th·-a Committee has been and continues tobe most diligent in bringing public attention to the case of the Glenville Five.

WHAT WE HAVE DONE

1) We challenged the Seminar on Violence in America at Case-Western ReserveUniversity to take a position on Ahmed's case. OUr actions caused quite a stiron the campus.

2) We held People's Court so that the people could hear for themselves the factsof a drunken police orgy in Glenville on July 23, 1968, when people were shot,property stolen, and women molested by the Cleveland police.

3) As a result of the testimony heard at People's Court from eye witnesses,we tried to petition Country Prosecutor John T. Corrigan. He refused to see usand instead issued an injunction to keep us out of the county courthouse. Whenwe appeared, unaware of the injunction, we were attac~ed by the police, beaten,sprayed with gas, and thrown into jail.

Twenty-six members of the July 23rd Defense Committee and supporters weretried and convicted for contempt of court and given stiffer sentences and finesthan is usually handed down «('ruel and unusual punishment). Our total bond is$40,000 and our sentences ranged from ten days to one year in prisonl

4) We appealed to Third World nations at the United Nations. W'= were suc­cessful in having the family of,~r.AklliDanielli, Ambassador from the Republicof Tanzania to the United Nations, come to Cleveland and visit with us and celebratethe first anniversary of the Glenville Shoot-out.

other Third World nations have agreed to visit and identify with us.5) Mr. James Form3,n, author of the Black Manifesto, came to Cleveland as

guest of the July 23rd Defense Committee. He spoke at the First Baptist Churchin Shaker Heights. He read the Manifesto to hundreds of p.-aople at Sunday ser­vices and called for support of the July 23rd Defense Committee and the GlenvilleFive.

6) W'~ are an active part of Operation Black Unity. We have people on thepicket lines in front of McDonald's hamburger restaurants every day.

THE JULY 23rd DEFENSE COMMITTEE IS O~ THE CASE. THE JULY 23rdDEFENSE COMMITTEE DESERVES YOUR FINANCIAL SUPPORT.

Please send contributions to July 23rd Defense Committee, P.O. Box 2404,East Cleveland, Ohio 44112

."

WUbur Grattan, National Chairman, Mae Mallory, Assistant ChairmanPhoto by SF Newsreel

NOVEMBER 1969 MOVEMENT PAGE 5

muni black caucus right on time

-1

The Black Caucus has organized bus drivers~ the San Francisco Municipal Railway(MUNI). The Caucus was formed about sixmonths ago when a strike situation mademany workers dig the misleading role playedby the union leadership. This is an interviewwith Wilbert Powe and Jose Wilson of theCentral Committee of the Muni Black Caucusand with Ducho, the advisor to the MuniBlack Caucus.

MOVEMENT: Why are you involved in organizingtransport workers? Do you see the transportationindustry as strategic?

JOSE: We didn't pick the transportation industry toorganize. As workers in the transportation industry,we decided to organize where we were. There'sonly one difference between a worker in a GeneralMotors plant and one in transport, the type of workthey do. We're all workers. We 'aren't concernedabout this being a stretegic stronghold, as far asshutting the city down. We were concerned aboutthe fact that, as workers, we saw that we were beingexploited and we wanted to put an end to this exploit­ation.

MOVEMENT:. What's the. work like, what :l;re ,thepeople like, what kinds of things do you have to takeaccount of in your organizing strategy?

WILBERT: Up until last year, the turnover of peopleleaving the job on the Muni railway was well over50 percent. This is because ofthewayMuni is run, andbecause the union does not meet the needs and desiresof the workers there. We just got some new buseshere in San Francisco. A few. They say its becausethe public didn't vote to get new busses. They turnedit down twice. We understand why people would voteagainst any goddamn thing that Muni wanted becauseof the way that Muni is run. We' reworking with sched­ules that are outdated, with equipment that's obsolete.People don't get the service that they should. Sonaturally when a proposltion comes up on the ballotthat Muni should get new busses, people just turn theirback on it.

Muni Railway is dictatorial, not only to theworkers,but to the people of san Francisco. We have to deal withthe membership of our local, 250A, andwehave to, asrevolutionaries, fight on all fronts, to meet the needsof the public. The riding public sees the driver asanother part of the bus, not as another working person.Also, the bus drivers are politically immature, theyhave nothing to tell the peopl.e about what the driversare ,doin~ because the union isn't working in theirinterests or the interests of the people.

MOVEMENT: Muni's a non-profit corporation?

JOSE: Supposedly. Run by the city. The citizens ofSan Francisco pay for the Muni Railway, so anytimeanything comes up about the Muni, it is importantto the people. But it hasn't met the needs of thepeople. '

WILBERT: As far as the Muni Railway being profitor non-profit, if they're working with the city, thegoddamned city is profitable, the government is aprofitable organization. Non-profit ain't nothinbut a myth. We know where Muni gets its ordersfrom, the city has been brought to a point by pigAlioto where fascism is rampant.

We have to work with bus drivers who are making4 dollars and 15 cents an hour. Some of them think,we're getting more money. In fact they get less. Thinkabout the surtax that's been extended since the Nixonadministration has been in power. As workers get payincreases, they have more taxes to pay.

CLASS STRUGGLE

MOVEMENT: is there a problem, with the workersmaking $4.15 an hour raising the level of conciousnessand struggle? Some people would say they're too hookedinto the system to become revolutionary?

WILBERT: We relate to class struggle, and whethera proletarian is making $4.15 an hour or $ 2.00 an hour,

PAGE 6

he's still basically in the same shape. Perhaps you canaccumulate more material goods than another memberof the working class, but we say fuckthat, you're stillbeing exploited, still being placed in expendable cat­egories, like being sent to Vietnam, so we relate tothe class struggle.

We understand that there's a particular problemwhen talking to people who are making $4.00 an hour,different than when talking to people who aren't makinganything. When you're talking to a brother on the streetwho don't have a job, then he's gonna tell you whathe know, what he's doing, where he's been, how hecame to be where he is. The things that he'll tellyou will point right back at the system.

It gets more difficult when you deal with peoplewho have a high school diploma and even two or threeyears of college, who have been pre-programmed intoan acceptance of the American way of life. We have todeal with people according to their background andwhere they come from ... learn whether they come froma petty bourgeois background or whether they've alwaysbeen the brothers on the block. To begin with, whenwe talk to people individually, then we have to learnhow they relate to the the, black liberation struggle,and how they relate to whether or not there shouldbe changes at Muni. But without being mechanical,we have to relate to them in accordance to their classbackground and class conciousness.

MOVEMENT: How did the Black Caucus develop?

JOSE: The black caucus was' fomed by black bus­drivers who were fed up with the way the union wasn'trepresenting them. A strike was called for the purposeof the 1800 platform employees going out in supportof some benefits for 150 miscellaneous employeeswho are also in the union. That was about six monthsago.

SOLIDARITY VS. RACISM

DUCHO: When we started there was a lack of intereston some workers' part as to what we were doing andquite a lot of confusion among older workers whowere upset that a caucus was being formed on Mun­icipal Railway property. They couldn't see the signif­icance of a caucus when they felt that the union wasworking in.. the best interest of all the workers. Thisconfusion came particularly from some older. blackworkers who had struggled in the union for a long timein an effort to 'gain some leadership positions in theunion. There's a black local union President now. Hecampaigned on the populanty' of the black 'POWermovement, and was elected by the majority of blackworkers on the property, there being about 60 to 65percent black busdriverso

This president is an opportunist, and he has notperformed adequately for the president of a union ofsuch size. But when the black caucus started, therewas a feeling that we were racists, that we were tryingto form a new union, that we were trying to disruptand divide the union, which is not so at all. So we hadto educate the other workers as to the purpose andfunction of the caucus, and why there was a need for

~ne;, ;

WILBERT:There was opposition to the name BlackCaucus. We ran a leaflet on that, how we understandthat in a racist system people are easily racistoriented and about how if they judged our practicethey'd find that racism wasn't a factor in the blackcaucus. There is no antagonistic racism between blackand white drivers. But the leadership that came inunder the legend of black power in 1967 perpetuatedthe same program as the white leadership. That'swhy the union leadership attacks us.

JOSE: Not long after we started we worked on acasewhere a cable car driver was forced to come back towork with his foot wrapped up, using a cane. We tookthe case to his union representative and pushed it. Wealso wrote it up. He was a white worker. We neededsomething like that to break down the thought of racism,because of the name of the organization.

WILBERT: The Central Com mittee of the Black Caucusis black. Understand something: the caucus was formedby black bus drivers but its on the same lines as anyrevolutionary organization that wants solidarity. TheCentral Committee is black, but anybody can join. Wehave white members.

DUCHO: We came into being when the union was tryingto put forth a strike position for the total membershipinvolving these 150 miscellaneous employees. There'sa dual nature to the question of the miscellaneousemployees. They're in the union partly for their ownadvantage on the one hand, and on the other keepingthem in the union increases membership and gives thelocal leadership some prestige. The miscellaneousemployees are supervisory personnel. A lot of thegrievances between management and platform employ­ees stem from these supervisorypersonnel, such asinspectors and dispatchers. Now how in the hell canthe union operate in the best interest of both theplatform employees and the miscellaneous employees.It's a divided house. The supervisory personnel reallycould care Jess, because they have management to de­fend them and don' t need the union for that. We saythe union is using these miscellaneous employees,while inadequately representing the platform employ­ees. We've raised this with the union, asked them totake it to the International Convention. The local

MOVEMENT

-

leadership refused to accept it, so the problem stillexists and hasn't been dealt with.

UNION iSSUES

MOVEMENT: What other issues have you raised sincethe time?

DUCHO: There's the question of by-laws. The local·leadership has quoted them in and out of context onevery issue that came up. Members of the blackcaucus went to the union office, and requested ourcopies of the bY-laws, which is the right of every unionmember. The president was out of town, so we talkedwith the Secretary Treasurer. He said we couldn't havea copy because they were all out, and some more wereat the printers., On further questioning he didn't knowthe name of the printer, when the by-laws had beensent. He said only the President had this information.We knew the Secretary Treasurer, who signs all thevouchers, all the papers would have this information,so we knew he was lying. We put out a flyer to thiseffect telling what had happened. And found out no onehad ever had any by-laws.

They came up with a copy of some Old proposedby-laws, but they'd never been approved by either theInternational or the membership like they're supposedto be. Nothing had been done.

Because of the questons that W(~ raised. and thequestions raised by many drivers, the union was forcedinto coming 'up with by-laws. And before they coulddo this, at a union meeting th~ acting President had tostate clearly that there were no by-laws. At the nextunion meeting, a month later, by-laws suddenlyap­peared. They came out of the sky. They had neverbeen before the membership for approval. The, situationwas clear, and so this was one area where we raisedthe awareness of our fellow union members, where they

began to ask the questions, and began to learn thatthere are certain things that they are entitled to, andthings that the union leadership is doing in their namethat are lies.

WILBERT: We also worked on the rules that applyto probationary employees. They're rigid. For exam­ple, if you're sick and you're a probationary employeeyou can only be off 14 days. More than that and you'reterminated. Nobody can determine when their body'sgoing to heal Some members of Local 250A were

, dismissed for this and the Black Caucus took the case,went all the way to the Civil Service Commission, andgot the jobs blick.

RAISING CONSCIOUSNESS

MOVEMENT: You've also started a newspaper>?

DUCHO: Right. A lot of the information we havegathered we were unable to disseminate at the unionhall because of rules that the leadership brought upto limit us in the amount of time we can speak. Wehad. to put out a newspaper. We put it out with informa­tion coming from the workers, from other drivers,questions that they ask, questions they're not gettingany answers to, situa:tions that exist in various div­isions of the Muni. Also things that go down at theunion meeting, because some drivers work nights andare unable to attend, and they have no other way ofknOWing what's going on in the union, The leadershipdoesn't even put out a paper. The last issue we put outwas the fourth, and before that we put out some fliers.

MOVEMENT: What's the response to the paper been?

DUCHO: Very favorable from the workers. We'reputting out information they have sought, and there wasno source before. We're now better able to see what theworkers want, because when they read the paper theyhave com ments, questions, criticism. We can then knowhow to improve, we can learn about specific incidents,check them out, and report on them to the drivers.Because of the paper, more drivers are beginning tounderstand the purpose and needs ofthe caucus. We'vealso had two rallies for the purpose of informing thedrivers why there's a black caucus.

MOVEMENT: In specific union work, how do you relategrievances about unsafe busses, or privileges for mis­cellaneous employees, to the black liberation struggle?

NOVEMBER 1969

JOSE: Before the drivers can relate toblack liberation, being workers and being programmedto take the money they make and go out and buy thecommodities other workers produce, we have to showthem that the conditions under which they work areexploitative conditions.

When we've raised the awareness of explotiation,we can also extend that to show where the communityunrest comes from. It comes from the system. Theunion leadership of all international unions workshand in hand with ·the bosses. And the bosses, inturn, control the' governllient. We have to show themthat the union is not working in their interests becausethe past history of the union shows they have notlived up to the constitutions and promises theylaid down for rank and file workers. We have to showhow the leadership of the unions has never had theinterests of the workers in mind, and have alwaysrelated to the workers as expendable when it comes tothe bosses, because they were getting theirs offthe top.

WILBERT: We have to get people to relate to change,and for us, change means revolution. It's the sameprocess of education that goes down on the job asgoes down in the community. When people understandwhat they are being SUbjected to in their own com­munities, then surely they'll understand what hhey'rebeing subjected to on the job. As revolutionariesit is our duty to raise these questions. It's the samestruggle going on at Muni as in the community. Thepeople in the society who have money are the samepeople who become International presidents, and thepeople in the community who have inadequate livingconditions are the people who become platform em­ployees. We want to raise the level of awareness onthe job so that drivers can go into the community anddeal with it.

MOVEMENT: What's your organization strategy? Doyou want to take over the leadership of the local,or agitate, or what?

WILBERT; No, we're riot agitators, we're revolution­aries. We relate to raising the political consciousnessof the workers there, mainly at ~rst in terms ofconditions on the job. Why don't you have all newbusses, instead of a few? Why are we still usingschedules that are ten years old when we knowthat in the past ten years this city has changed tre­mendously as far as transportation goes. We haveto understand first that we have to have a strongbase locally, to move from. When we raise the levelof consciousness of the membership to the point wherethey can put forth a strong localleadership, then what­ever comes down from the International)hat local lead­ership will be able to combat.

BLACK CAUCUS PROGRAM

"d::ro8'C''<

~(')::ro

MOVEMENT: The Black Caucus has a 7 point program:What is it?

I

JOSE and WILBERT (1. to r.)

19CONTINUED ON P.

JOSE; One time Lennard Airriess, the InternationalRepresentative, called up the police and told themthere were two Black Panthers in the office, when

MOVEMENT: What kind of repression has the caucusfaced?

California. Other than that we' have no bonafidecoalitions at this time. We are working with peoplein several different locals, and we are constantlymaking contact with people who are having problemswithin their local unions and are trying to come up withstrategy and tactics to handle the problems.

In New York City there's a revolutionaryelementinthe Transit workers union who are trying to start anindependant union because of the shit that's comingdown between the TWV and the Transit Authority. Wekeep in touch with them, although at this time wedon't intend to split the union out here or start anindependent union...but, we're revolutionaries andwe'll do what's necessary.

PANTHER TIES

WILBl:;RT, Imyself am a member ofthe Black PantherParty, an d these other brothers here on the CentralCommittee are very dedicated brothers and practicethe Party ideology, the ten point platform and programof the Party. That's what our relationship is withthe Party, we feel we are one, and if that shakesanybody, well right on. Our objective is to showpeople by practice what our politics are, and they arethe politics of the rank and file exercising their rightto change the system, the politics of revolution in thiscountry, and the politics of oppressed people all overthe world gaining liberation from this imperialist pigthat we here in Babylon are strategically close to.

WILBERT; We started in March. In April theystarted their repression. George Brady, then thechairman of the cuacus, was terminated, under thewrong rule. They tried to get rid of him on thegrounds he had been absent more times than he wasallowed in six months. We picked this shit uP, tookit up to the Civil Service Commission, and showedhe was terminated for his political beliefs. They hadto give his job back. At union meetings they tried toshut us up, and refused to recognize us on the floor.

MOVEMENT: What's the relationship to the BlackPanther Party?

MOVEMENT: Are there black caucuses in othertransport unions? What about link ups with other blackcaucuses?

DVCHO: The fifth point of the program is that wereject all rumors or hearsay that are not given theofficial word of the Caucus. We had to make this pointbecause of all the rumors being spread about us andwhat we stood for among the drivers. That's anotherreason why we came out with the paper.

JOSE; The sixth point is that the caucus does notrecognize the union as being above contructive crit­icism. Criticism is to be administered in an educationalmanner, not to destroy, but to build and strengthen.'Through criticism we expose the union leadership andeducate.

The seventh point is that it is not the intention ofthe Black Caucus to disrupt the workings of thegrievance procedures, which this union with honor hasachieved in the past. Every grievance that comes forthfrom the membership to the extent that the union hasdealt with it and the members were satisfied, we sayright on to that. The objective of the Black Caucus isto unite the workers for the purpose of bringingabout positive and concrete changes in the laws, rulesconditions, and thier application. When laws, rulesand policies do not serve the workers, we altack them.

MOVEMENT: Does the Caucus itself run candidates?

WILBERT: Should members and central committeepeople run for office? Membersaskuswhywe haven't,when we've raised so many questions about how fuckedup things are. We say that our main purpose is toraise the consciousness ofthe workers, and then they'llvote for men among themselves who are not oppor­tnists, and who understand the necessity for strongunions. If the membership wanted us to representthem, and a partiCUlar situation arose where we feltthis would serve their needs then we wouia. 'fhewhole union leadership is up for election in May andthis is what the cuacus is about right now, raising thepolitical consciousness of the members so that whenpeople come campaigning for different positions, theywill be able to judge whether they'll serve them or not.

support him if he will work in the interest of theworkers.

JOSE: One way we can do that is specify exactlywhat our black president now is doing that's not inthe workers' interests, That way they'll understandclearly that when he says, "I'm doing this for you",he's not.

JOSE: To add to that. The special privileges don't comedown so much from the union leadership, but from thebosses. The bosses set up theseso-calledspecial dutyjobs. Its a special privilege to be in the dispatchersoffice, you do less work and make the same money asplatform employees. These jobs am given to people whoadhere to policies set down by the management andthese policies are endorsed by the union by the merefact that the union does not attack this practice. Wesay; if there's an opening for a dispatcher then thereshould be examinations given for dispatcher. We sayopen up the ranks. Not using a position to play onfavoritism and cause dissension among the workers.The bosses play that game: divide and conquer.

WILBERT: The first point is that the Black Caucus.will attack all forms of discrimination and racismamong workers. Immediately upon any of this shitibeing perpetrated by the International, the local lead­ership, or th~ boss, we'll be there to fight it andexplain how racism goes against the interests of theworkers.

The second point is that the Black Caucus is againstthe individual acceptance of special privileges andfavoritism. We understand how Toms and lackeys aredeveloped, by getting special privileges. By getting jobsthat have less work to them. And people get these pos­itions because of their loyalty to the policies of theunion leadership. With the union leadership workingonly for its own and the bosses advantage, they needsome workers within the workers to perpetuate theirposition. We haveworkers in Local 250Awhoare Tomsand lackeys. When the black caucus runs down aprogressive line or expose something, these work@Tsrun some madness to confuse the membership. And theyget paid for this. We're against special privileges.Period.

WILBERT; The third point of the program is theBlack Caucus will actively support all unions workingin the best interest of the workers. We don't support aunion that turns its back on its membership, justbecause the membership is politically ignorant. Ifthe leadership of a union sees the membership isignorant politically, and it is educating the mem­bership, and struggling together with it, we support it.

MOVEMENT: Have you supported any unions in this'area?

JOSE-: Notany specific union. There have been worirersfrom many local unions that we have stood in sol-idarity with. I

The fourth point of the program is that the Caucuswill support or select members seeking political of-fice in the union after we've run a background survey WILBERT: Right now we have a working coalition withof his history, union activities, sincerity. then wewill the Black Panther Caucus of the V.A W. in Fremont.

NOVEMBER 1969 ; MOVEMENT--"l'AGE7

YBUN6 ~ElRB5 MEiVE IN NEW lEiRK

MOVEMENT

EDITOR'S NOTE: The Young Lords Organization is spreading. It wasfirst established in Chicago (see May, June and July 1969 issues of theMOVEMENT). Now the YLO is building in New York City, where over amillion Puerto Ricans live.

The following is an interview with Yoruba, Minister of Informationfrom New York. Parts of the interview were originally in LNS; otherparts are special to the MOVEMENT'

HOSPITAL CONTROL

CONTINUED ON P. 13

YORUBA: What we try to do is takestuff like Marx and Lenin and try totranslate it into street language. Somaybe they can't catch what Marx issaying, but when one of us runs it downto them, they can dig on dialecticalmaterialism. That will work for a sixtyyear old mother of the kids in liberationschool.

MOVEMENT: What sort 9f work do youdo in' your P, E classes?

FILMS TO POLITICS

YORUBA: We've been instituting a com­munity political education (P. E )class.We show Newsreel films that range from"Off the Pig" to films on Venezuela.We take the people through changes, blowtheir minds, show them people laughingin Cuba, show them Bobby Seale sayinghe's not a racist and then we run a P. E,class right on that. And they're comingoff pretty good. We're trying to offsetthe image that the pigs have given us.The pigs work in collusion, and the gamethey're trying to play for the march inChicago is saying that the Lords are-agang. They thing they can run the samegame here so they're trying to say thatthe Lords are a gang. But gangs haven'tbeen around New York .for almost fif­teen years. The people are hip to tl'je fact:that we feea Kids in the morning; we have"a free breakfast program, and they think,well if they're a gang why do they feedkids? .

'We hadthree Breakfast for School Children pro­grams going on in New York. One isbeing run jointly with the Panthers at 116thStreet in El Barrio (Spanish Harlem), andanother we run jointly along with streetpeople on the Lower East Side. We hada third, but we were thrown out 'causethe director of the place on lloth Streetsaid we walked in in the mornings withshotguns.

MOVEMENT: What kind of day to daywork is going on in the community?

NOVEMBER 1969

The other thing is schools, we've beendoing alot of college and high schoolorganizing. The high schools have beengoing pretty well, what we've been tryingto push is a Third World StudentsParty. The big organizing problems havebeen the technical schools, the voca­tional schools. They keep the studentsisolated so they don't even know what'shappening .outside the school. They livein the community and that's where we canget to them, but a vocational schoolis a penitentiary worse than other schoolsThe object of the school is to make youobsolete before you get out, sotheytrainyou for a job, by the time you get outit's mechanized. It kills off our people,and that's the killd of institution that keepsthe ghetto a ghetto. One of the thingswe're pushing is how the government,the pigs, keep the ghetto a ghetto.

ees, construction and heath code en­forcement.10) Any community, union, or workersorganization must support all the pointsof this program an d work and fight forthat or be shown as what they are­enemies of the poor people of EastHarlem.

saying things like that Lords burn downschools, and the Lords are a gang. Thehospital thing is coming along prettywell.

(Ten Point Health Program of the YoungLords Organization)I) We want total self-determination of allhealth services in East Harlem (ElBarrio) through an incorporated Com­munity-Staff Governing Board for Met­ropolitan Hospital. (Staff is anyone andeveryone working at Metropolitan).2) We want immediate replacement ofall Lindsay administrators by com munityand staff appointed people whose practicehas demonstrated their commitment toserve our poor community.3) We demand immediate end to con­struction of the new emergency roomuntil the Metropolitan Hospital Com­munity-Staff Governing Board inspectsand approves them or authorizes newplans. .4) We i/ant employment for our people.All jobs filled in El Barrio must be filledby residents first,usingon-the-jobtrain­ing and other educational opportunitiesas bases for service and promotion.5) We want free pUblicly supported healthcare for. treatment and prevention. WEWANT AN END TO ALL FEES,6) We want total.decentralization-- blockhealth officers 'responsible to the com­munity-staff board should be instituted.7) We want "door-to-door" preventivehealth services emphasizing environ­ment and sanitation control, nutrition,drug addiction, maternal and child careand senior citizen's services.8) We want education programs forall the people to expose heaith problems- .s;mitation, rats, poor housing, malnu­trition, police brutality, pollution, andother forms of oppression.9) We. want total control by the Met­ropolitan hospital community-staff gov­erning board of the budget allocations,medical policy along 'the above points"hiring, firing, and salaries of employ-

hitting on is the poverty pimps in thecommunity. See, if we take the positionthat the Barrio and the ghetto is a colony,then these anti- poverty agencies and pov­erty pimps are outposts, like Fort Savageor Fort Courage in the West when the In­dians were trying to take care of somebusiness; they're the man's eyes and earsin the colony. When we brought the marchuptown, these jive pigs cut out. They saidthis is an East Harlem demonstration, butthat's jive, it was a welfare' demon­stration. So the people saw where thatwas at. And it's hard for the povertypimps to show their faces in the com­munity now. What thy're trying to do howis buy us out, we've gotten strangeoffers from people who want to pick upour rent, and Lindsay's aides comingaround wanting to set up interviews with.Lindsay and the Young Lords. Lindsaywas supposed to make three appear­ances in East Harlem because tbis is anelection year, but the work has gottenout to him that East Harlem is kind ofhot. So he hasn't shown up.

We've also been working at Metro­politan Hospital organizing the workersand the community people aound theisslle of the lay advisory board thatthe' city was trying to push on ourpeople for the hospital. After the schoolthing last year, people are pretty hipto what a lay advisory board is: abunch of jive middle class people sittingon the board giving recommendations tosomebody who mayor may not take them.What we're trying to institute is a com­munity-staff governing board. Last Wed­nesday, we had a meeting withthe EastHarlem Health Council and we presenteda ten point program that they passed. Sowhat we've got to do now is beat theadniinistration" at organizing tlie. people:"Since they're ip the hospital what they've

"been doing is Jiocking Lords' fro in goinginto the Hospital, and the second thing is

,~~~~

MOVEMENT: What is the history of theLords in New York':?

YORUBA: We've been working under­ground in New York since January andwe surfaced around July. The first issuewe picked on was garbage in the streets.Since it was the most visible, it was theeasiest to organize around. What we didwas take the garbage and throw up bar­ricades in the street using the garbage,which served a dual purpose: one, it ef­fectively symbolized that the Barrio isa colony, and we were able to barricadeoff parts of the colony. And the secondthing was the whole garbage issue, dirtystreets, and it breeds rats. It picked upvery little attention the first couple ofweeks, but then it kept on just snow­balling. We WOUld. have fifteen Lordsin the beginning doing it and about threehundred street people coming in, and 'itblows the pigs' minds. If you're good youcan do your thing and then melt intothe community. That's ~hat we've beenable to do, and they can't tell PuertoRicans apart, it's fantastic.

Right after the garbage thing, we movedinto welfare. We were working with themothers on that, and we had people onthe Lower East Side working on that,at P.S 15. We had an action of thepeople, then we blocked the TriboroBridge complex on 125th St., and thenwhat we did was fantastic. We took thepeople from East Harlem and marchedup 125th St. into Harlem. You see, for along time the man runs his divide andconquer game in the colony by telling oneperson you're Puerto Rican and tellingsomeone else you're black, and there­fore you two are different. Well, that'sjive, because everybody's on welfareand e.,ierybOdy's poor;" and everybodyshould be fighting on the same side of therevolution.. So we took them up f25th­St. which was a symbolic thing, and forthe first time a lot of those motherssaw an organized group of blacks, andwe brought them to the reclamation siteand we stayed there for a while and wecame back when the pigs started bustingheads cause we scared shit out ofthem.We had cut across their precinct lines bygoin~~p l25th St.

And the people saw where the jive wasat, because one of the things we've been

PAGE 8

EDITOR'S NOTE: Six of Los Siete, the seven. Latin ·brothers accused of murdering a pig,have been in jail for the last five months.·Their trial will begin in less than a month. Asthey await trial, their sisters and brothers onthe outside have been organizing the Bay Area­Brown community to defend the seven andthemselves. Los Siete organization providesthe Mission District of San Francisco with a .breakfast program, free medical and legal aid, .political education,· and a newspaper (for de­tails see MOVEMENT, Aug. 1969).

After some hassle with the pigs, we were. able to interview the brothers in jail. Werapped for several hours with Nelson Rodri­guez, Mario Martinez, Tony (Rudolfo) Mar­tinez, Jose Rios, Bebe (Danilo) Melendez andPinky (Gary) Lescallet. The seventh accuSedbrother, Gio Lopez, is in parts unlmown.FREE LOS SIETE!MOVEMENT: Would you rap a little about what youwere into before the bu§t?

JOSE: I was in high school and trying to get outof school. I was intending to go to the College ofSan Mateo (CSM) when the new semester started.I was really looking forward to attending collegeand staying in college - trying to talk to the peoplewhile in school, rather than just being out in thestreets. Because I could see for myself that therewas a lot of people who were sort of like givingup. I was sort of like giving up myself. But Marioand .NelsQn were talking to me. I heard that they hada good program up at CSM

I was going to Balboa High School before I gotbusted. You know, the education in high school isnot so good. The classes I wa s taking weren'tinteresting, so I wanted to give it up. Once I heardabout the Program at CSM, I decided to stay inhigh school and try to get along till I could go toCSM.

HISTORY OF HARASSMENT

But most of the time I stayed in the MissionDistrict. The brothers there have to constantlydeal with the pig harassment. You know, the pigsjust park in front of you and take out their shotgunsand they make a big thing about goingtoarrestsome­one. All the people see what's going on.

I remember a couple of nights before everythingcame down. There was some pig walking by thisfriend of ours - someone in the group caned out• pig" - so the pig turned around -and s~artedchasing us. They caught this friend of mine and theystarted beating him and beating him - blood wascoming out of his head. The only reason why theystarted clubbing him was cause someone said• pigs". But they didn't really know who it was,

NOVEMBER 1969

they just wanted to get anybody. Just to get in theirlicks.

NELSON: Another time the pigs shot someone in. the Mission just for yelling • pig" • Before we got

popped, the harassment, of brown people was reallyheavy. The pigs had declared war against the broth­ers down in the. Mission District. About a monthbefore the bust, an· article came out in the news­paper about how the merchants were being terror­ized by the brothers down in the Mission. Well,nothing like that ever happened. The proof is thatthis woman who owns a store down at 20th and Mis­sion;.- the name is. II Anne and Daughters", well shecame with one of her daughters and apologized tous, because she· knew· it .was all lies. After that,the pigs were going by in unmarked cars and takingpictures of the brothers standing outside, so thatthey could show them to the other shifts that comeon to ·harass the people that they seen on the streets.As far as I know, none of the merchants in theMission never gave any work to any of us, in­cluding any of the brothers on the block. And asfar as I ~ow, nobody ever terrorized anybody.I guess they just wanted to clean up the streetsof .so-called bums, who are really our oppressedbrothers~ .

TONY: None of the brothers I knew had a goodsteady job. I've been down there ever since I cameto the United States about 8 years ago, and I don'tknow of anybody having jobs for more than a month.I don't think there's more than two or three brotherswho have jobs working for the merchants in theMission. So they had no right to harass them andcall them terrorists, .cause there weren't any acts

.of terrorism. Maybe there were a few crimes,but that always happens.

SAN MATEO STRUGGLE

MOVEMENT: What were the rest of you into beforethe bust?

MARIO: Before this thing happened I was attendingthe College of San Mateo. We got involved in thisprogram that was teaching us what the system hadbeen hiding from us. We started learning thetruth about the system, and about our people.We started learning about our identity.

Before, in high school, they taught us a wholebunch of lies - that's the reason why alot of usdidn't make it through high school. Only one of usever graduated from high school. There were manyreasons. The teachers weren't right. We didn't knowthat till we went to CSM and could compare theclasses taught by them and the classes taught byour people. That makes a real big difference, causein one class you hear about "this great people" andin another class you find out about how "this greatpeople" is a big lie.

MOVEMENT: Could you explain more about theProgram at San Mateo?

MARIO: The program started out with black people.

MOVEMENT

,•

They.started recruiting in the high schools and inthe streets. They started recruiting the brothers.You could get financial aid for going to this programand good classes. You didn't need a high school.diploma - you just go up there and get tutored.

MOVEMENT;was it at that time that you hadan organization called COBRA?

MARIO: Yes, it's still there. Before it used to bethe Brown Heritage Club. Then we had this strikebecause the administration at CSM wasn't meetingoUr demands. Alot·of students had to drop out becausethe administration wasn't giving the bread for theprogram. They were also trying to pick our coun­selors. We wanted our own. That' swhenwe changedthe name of the organization to the COBRAS. (Itstands for Confederation of Brown Race for Action)My brother, Tony, was the chairman of it.

MOVEMENT: Tony, you want to talk some moreabout COBRA?

TONY: COBRA came about because the strugglewas getting pretty heavy over the Program. stu­dents were dropping out. The administration wasn'ttaking care of the needs of the students. Theywere continually taking out counselors and trying toinfiltrate the program by putting in people whoworked for the administration. So when the strikestarte d everybody came into a common front,We had the strike and due to the strike we gotnew counselors and a new ethnic studies depart­

'ment. (for a story on the San Mateo strike, seeMovement, Feb. 1969). After the strike, COBRA started building its ideo­

logy towards recruiting more people to be students•So actually, before we all got busted, we wereinvolved in a heavy recruitment program to .getbrothers from the block to be students. We talkedto all the brothers we grew up with and tried to makethem see how many lies had been put to them and thatthey needed education so they could understand thewhole political spectrum of the country. We re­cruited al ot of people and COBRA grew alot.Now the organization is doing alot in our defense.They're doing alot to get people involved in pol­itical activities.

They see that for all these years our peoplehave been denied many things. None of our peoplehave really got educated. You look up statisticsand they will tell you that Brown people in this stateand in this nation are the ones that are at thebottom of the scale. Black people have risen upa little, but only because of their political struggle.So once our people become politically aware, theycan begin to struggle and do something about thethings that are going on.

The philosophy of the College Readiness Programwas really built, under the leadership of Bob Hoover.The philosophy spoke to self-determination which issomething our people lack. It's been forgotten fora long time - not necessarily forgotten - but it's

CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE·

PAGE 9

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CONTINUED FROM PAGE 11

'MARIO: OUr people need education. We're in theMission and hear things like people wanting tojoin the Green Berets - There are many examplesof this ignorance in the streets - You see all theseguys turil1ng to ,drugs. They don't see that thatis no help and only oppresses us more. .

MOVEMENT: Most of you corne, from CentralAmerica. How do you relate the oppression andstruggle of the people there to here?

BEBE: The Yanqui imperialist tuns everythingdown there. Like I went back to' there in' 63.They got the American Fruit Company down there..The people and country don't have the chance toproduce their own crops so they could .profit off ofit. They got all these Rockefellers and all these otherpeople down there, just making profit off the peopleand land that isn' t theirs. Up here, it's the same way.They make money off of us. They tell us they'llgive us $1.35· to work at this damn NeighborhoodYouth Corps. They tell you to dig a ditch and thatditch might become a resevoir some day and all yougot paid for it was $1.35. OUr people has more know;.ledge than that. They tell us "that's all you're goodfor" - we need more lawyers, we need moreprofessors and teachers and so forth. The system.up here just don't let the brown people have achance. Th e grape boycott and Los Siete de la Razahas awakened a lot of people up - we tell them ­"You' re better than the Man tells you". You can dosomething - something for your people.

BLACK AND BROWN UNITY

MOVEMENT: How is the coaliton between Los Sieteand thf Panthers going?

TONY: The struggle is a class struggle of oppressedpeople. Black people and brown people are both op­pressed - maybe not in the same ways, but thesystem uses the same tactics. The young peoplehave finally, little by little, overcome the man'sdivide and conquer game.

We have learned a lot from the black people.We have learned from the many tactics they haveused in the struggle. The Black Panthers havehelped the movement for Los Siete a lot. Theyhave done this, because they have realized thatthey're not the only ones who are oppressed, becausewe are oppressed in the same manner. We have tobuild an ideology so that all people can be united ­not.just brown people, but black people too.

We have had to overcoine a lot of pr'oblems withinbrown people before we got to the stage we're atnow. Before the movem ent used to be just Chicano ­so-called Mexican Americans - they were leavinga lot of brown people out. Finally, we overcame thatwhen the "brown" term carne about, everybody ofbrown descent became united. Then the next stepwas to move to get united with black people. Nowwe're united on many fronts with black people.

NELSON: That kind of relates to the Salvador­Honduras war. You knOw that in El Salvador there'sa monopoly of 14 fam1l1es. Salvador is a pretty smallcountry and most of the peasants have to migrateto Honduras because there's twice as much landand the people like to get ahead. Well, the Hondurangovernment stereotypes their people into tellingthem "they've corne to invade our country". That' stheir old divide and conquer game again. Just like

.here. The people over there are still fighting eachother. There's a lot of illiteracy and what alwayscomes out on top is the oppressor brainwashingth e people into fighting each other. Just like blackand brown are still fighting in some places, likeBalboa. But there will always be Zapatas andVillas as examples.

MOVEMENT: Have you learned much from thestruggle of black brothers?

MARIO: The black people have been oppressed themost in this system. Black people have been inthis system more time than we have. From themwe have learned a lot of things. For instance, wehave" learned that the Man could not teach the blackpeople. Once black people started teaching theirown people, they really started getting someplace.So that should tell us, that when we start teaching our

PAGE 12

own people the many lJroblems and solutions to theproblems, we will get someplace.

TONY: Like in the strike in San Mateo. It wasstarted by black and brown students, We madethe administration change a little.

Another thing we have learned from black peopleis the tactics of pressure.The Man is not gonnagive nothing that he don't want to give, becausethis society works for a so-called majority - nowthis majority is well-off, but we are not well­off, so therefore we have to make it work for us.Black people have shown us that the only waysociety is gonna give way is by putting pressureon them. so this is what we try to do- it happenedin San Mateo, Ilnd they gave way, because we putpressure on them. The administration would neverhave moved unless our people forced them to move.We had to put the pressure on them. So we havelearned that we have to teach our people that wereally have to take matters into our own hands.The facilities to take care of our people are going tohave to be built by us. They can never by builtby the Man because the Man is' gonna run themtheir way, a way to oppress us.

Any program that is financed by the governmentis gonnagive their ideology - it's not gonna reallytake care of the people. In the communities rightnow, we have a lot of programs, a lot of clinicsand stuff. If you go to the programs they have,like the programs Alioto is talking about where hegives a chance to .young people to work in hisadministration, those programs are financed by the

.federal government - so the ideology of those pro­grams is their ideology. It doesn't relate to ourneeds, It's a program where you go and maybe youget 60 bucks a week and then you go horne and halfthe time you don't have to work. That kind of pro­gram will never get our people anywhere, becauseit's not teaching them nothing. .

RAISING LEVEL OF STRUGGLE

Many brown people, young people, have seen thatthis is a viol~nt society. The only way you gonna get'the things is' with violence. Maybe a lot of peopledon't like this, I doubt if anybody really wants tobe .violent - but nevertheless, we see it. This Isa violent society, so therefore we .have-to act inviolent ways. Whether an armed struggle has tobe done, I guess we'll have to get prepared for that.If we don't have to engage in armed struggle, wellwe'll be prepared for that too. Were gonnamake sure our people are in schoolS, so that if we.don't have to engage .in armed struggle, we can besure we'll. be represented by professionals, bypeople who know the needs and corne from the peoplewith those needs and will be able to take care ofthem.

MOVEMENT: How does that process go in decidingWhether or not armed struggle is necessary? Howare the issues raised?

TONY: One of the biggest issues raised is by thepolice. In our communities, just like in the blackcommunities, the pigs who patrol our commun­ities, don't corne from our communities. He comesinto our community, harasses people, does violentthings to the people and is never seen by the people.So slowly" we· have realized that there is a need forcom~unity . control of the police department. Nowwe feel that thepol1cemenwho patrol the communityshould live in the community, because then theYcan see the needs of our people and can movetowards solving those needs.

MOVEMENT: Do you think it's really possible topetition and get community control of pigs?

NELSON: Not really.

TONY: It's good for the people to engage in thoseactivities of petition to gain community control ofpigs. But they wUl never give way to this. Wecould have the whole brown community petition andI don't think they would allow it. It's good becauseit will show the people that the police departmentwon't do it that way - they want to build theirsystem their way. The petitions will show thatthe community will have to find other means toget real community control.

MOVEMENT: What are some other ways you areraising the consciousness of the people?

MARIO: We have to teach the people that we justcan't turn our backs on our people and go into thesystem, and just go along with their materialistvalues, a horne and a car. Through teaching ourpeople, we can get the$e professionals, these doc­tors that are needed for our community - lawyersthat are needed. We have t<t fight on every front ­whether it be petition, whether it be armed struggle ­whatever way. We have to try every method, nomatter how insignificant they may seem, we have totry everything. We need political education becausepeople just want to make it for themselves andfamilies and then they forget about the rest of thebrothers and sisters. But if we teach the rightideology, then all this manpower won't go to waste..we won't need to go to the clinic, because our peoplewill be working for us.

TONY: We have to try all these methods. Our peopleare just thrown into jail - their due process isdenied to them. Most of the time brown people gointo courts and they don't know what it is all about.They don' t know what is going on. They get sentencedto terms that are incredible and they're tried notby their peers, but by their white rulers. So we do

MOVEMENT

have to raise all these questions, How we do ithas gotta be decided by the people. So if we do thepetitions and they're denied, maybe we'll have to lookfor other solutions. Maybe we're gonna have to createa community force to be in charge of watching thepolice so that they don't make no cruel acts a­gainst the people. Maybe we will have to have alot of demonstrations.

MOVEMENT: Is there a problem with "browncapitalismn ?

TONY: I read in the paper the other day how theyhave a program that is financed through the EOCwhere they"re trying to build brown capitalismin the brown communities. But, it goes back to thesame thing. Black capitalism is gonna work for acertain fracion of the black people, like right nowthere's a black bourgeoisie - but those people don'tcare about the rest of their people. We see thisprogram of brown capitalism as another tacticof dividing and conquering the people. Because theygonna give money to certain people - the people theyfeel can make it - the people who they feel are goodand those people are just gonna get the money forthemselves. .

MOVEMENT: How do you relate to the problem ofcultural nationalism?

TONY: We see the cultural problem of black peopleand brown people to be different because the cultureof brown peopleisnationlilistic from the beginning,because our families are real close - so that we havealways kept our culture.within our communities. Sothat hasn't been too much of a problem.

BROWN UNITY

The only problem we encountered was that of unity,. the whole masses uniting to confront the problem•.

Now that we've got our people together, the van­guard of our people has realized that ties have tobe made. with black and even white people. Whitepeople are also oppressed, maybe in differentways, but they're still oppressed. There are alotof white people working for us in the defense. Sowe do see the necessity and we encourage it. Mostof the young people on the block think that the enemy'1s the regular white guy on the block too. They try

· to blame their'oppression on him. So wetry to makethem see that he's not the enemy. We think we'rereally getting someplace by educating them throughdifferent methods to see who their enemy really is.

MARIO: We still have some of that problem, though,Just like the problem of the US organization andthe Black Panthers. The Panthers don't think that thething will corne down so that black people fight everywhitey they see.. shoot ern all down. They see thatthe black people alone can't get no place in this

· country. They have to unite - they have to create.· unity with all the oppressed. masses, because of thesituation where the capitalist people are oppressingall the lower class.es. ~. '.

The problem we have had, th e crown people, isthat most of the foreigners - those from Centraland South America - think about nationalism. Every­body is nationalist and they go back to their country.Before we used to think as El Salvadorians. I'mfrom El Salvador and "thars what's happening,that's all' there is to it". We were taught by thissystem that black people were inferior' to us!yellow people a little above that. None of us can'ever be as goOd as white. We've encountered allthese problems. .

One problem especially is with the chicano Move­ment, which is just strictly from Mexico. WithChicanos, you know, if you're white,' sometimesyou can't talk to them guys. All they see ispeople from Mexico and nobody else, This is badbecause they are alienating themselves. That' swhere this term "brown people" carne about whereyou can unite all the people of brown color, thatincludes the people of Hawaii, Samoa, the Islarids.

We see too that it can't just be brown people ­it has to be all the oppressed classes - whetherthey be white or whatever color they be.

KNOW YOUR ENEMY

MOVEMENT: We've talked a lot about education, buthaven' t talked about your own education since you've

·been in jail. Have you learned much here? _

BEBE: Well, you know' the library here only hasrinky-dink rejects from the library. They don'treally have too many books that you could right­eously absorb knowledge out of. As far as learning,we generally discuss things about our people. BrotherTony here usually tells us' about class struggleand how the movement for La Raza was going whenhe was out at CSM. But as far as literature goes, youcan read Jane Eyre up to here.

TONY: We can get some knowledge from the bookshere. What mainly we've been trying to do is readbetween the lines by looking at the opinions of allthese people. By comparing their opinions with ouropinions, we see the difference and we see themany problems created by those opinions, Plus wediscuss and talk alot between ourselves about themovement, about our people's struggle.

Right now we're waiting for an order the Courtis supposed to give us so we can get the books.They already have it set up with the Collegeso they can send us some books. Hopefully wecan get our books, so we can continue with our

CONTINUED ON P, 18

NOVEMBER 1969

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MOVEMENT: What kind of things couldyou see white radicals doing?

INTERNATIONALISM

YORUBA; They're going to have tostart going into working class commun­ities, and I know some people who aredoing this so that's why I say there ishope, taking a job as a worker, takingup residence in the community and notcoming out with politics, not hittingsomeone on the head with politics, just

, getting 's6 't~at ypq, can make ,friendswith a person, start rapping, have a beer,go out with him, go bowling, whateverthey do. Do whatever the people do, Ithink this is the way they trained the VietMinh. When Ho Chi Minh was trainingthe cadre, he said go out to the tribalpeople, go out to the people in the ricepaddies, and if they file their teeth downto the gums, you file your teeth down tothe gums. You 'cannot talk about theworking class unless you become partof their struggle. Huey says we arecamels to be ridden upon by the people,but they've got to stop mouthing it andstart doing it, the'y have got to start livingin working class conditions and notliving so much off the movement. Themovement has a way of insulating youfrom a lot that's going down,

For a long time SDS, which is thesymbolic organization, has come acrossas a campus-based organization. It'stime to get back to the working class and,relating more to the street people.IN CHICAGO'

MOVEMENT: Recently the YLO partici­pated in the demonstrations in Chicago.What happened?

YORUBA: Well, I have to exclude theWeathermen, 'cause we wern't involvedin their thing. But the Young Lords,Panthers and RYM II were supportingeach other. Thursday we were at theFederal Court Building and hospitaldemonstrations. Friday we leafletted'on the Albizu Campos March Saturday.Campos was a Puerto Rican indepen­dence leader, and a hero of our people,We tied that in with the assassination ofWilfredo Perez, a membe'r'C;f'the LatinKings Organization, which stopped gang­banging?and became political once theysaw the Lords taking care of business.

The March Saturday was great. Wehad close to 1500 people, Old, young,RYM II, LORDS, gangs - everybody. Itwas the first time Chicago witnessed amass march for Campos, and the firsttime anyone ever marched on Division'Street, where the Puerto Ricans a '-e at.Then the rally at Humboldt Park toppedthings off beautifully. The pigs werescared shitless at seeing so many spies,niggers, longhairs, PEOPLE, in oneplace, loving each other, revolutionarylove, dig, and being one. It blew thefascists' minds, what little they haveto blow, and gave us all one big high.

MOVEMENT: What is the internationalposition of the Young Lords?

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who'll say, Yeah, man, I'm with you. an effort, and that's good, they still got aThat's why sisters are so beautiful _ long fucking way to go. RYM II comes outonce you've' got a sister, you've got of a bag a lot of the time like they'rea Lord for life. a reaction to Weatherman, and Wea­

therman comes out of a bag wherethey have to be more militant thanmilitant. There's no need for that. Theworking class people don't have to betold about militancy because they livewith it, and they are potentially the mostmilitant force in this country. The whiteworking class people working in unitywith the working class of the colony arethe hope for the world, and that's whereit's really at.

YOR UBA: The Young Lords Organizationis a revolutionary vanguard, and assuch we belie\<e that the whole worldmust be freed, We are one with the lib­eration struggle in Puerto Rico; weare one with the cane-cutters in Cuba,we are one with the revolutionary move­ments in Vietnam, South Africa, themoon if necessary.

BIRTH OF A NATION

In a way, Weatherman ( a tendencywithin SDS) is trying to combat that whenthey talk about white militancy, and tryingto up the white militancy. I think they'regoing at it ass backwards, but I dig thedirection they're coming out of. Middleclass whites have all kinds of disad­vantages not only relating to people in thecolony but relating to white workingclass. I've found that it's easier for anItalian who's working in the factory whO'llmaking sixty bucks a week to relate tome than it is for him to relate to someonein SDS, who has all the best intentionsin the world. It's almost like some kindof a patronizing attitude, and this year'69-' 7C I think is going to be a crUcialyear for the mother country and for themovement in it, because what I seehappening with RYM II and Weathermanthey're trying to make some kind ofa turn back to their own working class.They've been working for a long time inthe colony and talking about Free Hueyand Free the New York 21, but now it'stime to talk about freeing the cat who'sworking in the factory, They're making

THE HOPE OF THE WORLD

MOVEMENT: How do the Lords feelabout relating to middle-class whites?

YORUBA: Young Lords as an organ­ization believes that coalitions and work­ing alliances are necessary among allgroups that are dedicated to fighting theman and getting rid ofthis mother-fuckerin a re'volutionary manner along sOlJIldMarxist-L~ninisf principles, bec.ause wecan't'do' it alone. Young Lords can't doit alone,Young Patriots can't doit alone,SDS can't do it alone. We've got to hangtogether and we've got to resolve ourcontradictions in the struggle, becauserevolutionary marriage will only occurin revolutionary struggle. Rememberthe flick U Birth of a Nation"? We'regoing through that now, the birth of a'nation, the birth of a world because I-take an inter-nationalist view of thestruggle, (1' m really turned on by the con-cept of an American Revolution II, and Idon't see that as just being a Patriot'sthing, I think the Patriots are thereas a catalyst to turn on the rest ofthe mother country, Last year, the na- .tion was being formed in the mothercountry, its birth pangswerestarting inthe mother country at the Chicago Demo­cratic Convention. Whites were gettingtheir asses kicked, and they were feelingit the way Blacks and Puerto Ricanshave felt it every day. I cried when Isaw that shit on TV, and I had a lot ofgood friends up there who got their asseswhipped. What makes me sadder is thatsome groups can still talk about marchingdown the street to end the war in Vietnam,when they can see where things are at.

MOVEMENT: Let me switch the topic.Whatever oppression Puerto Rican mensuffer, Puerto Rican women suffer twotimes over. Have the Young Lords in newYork begun to deal with women's op­pression?

MOVEMENT; In New York City the mainindustry is the garment industry andmost of the workers there are Blackand Puerto Rican. Have the Lordsmade any moves towards organization-inthp. sweatshops? '

they're in this thing, and they're cool,They're not calling themselves YoungLords, but they're Lords. So like we havea good estimation that in another monthand a half we'll be able to say that every­one in the Barrio is a Young Lord.It's picking up. I Just got" a call todayfrom a guy out in Queens that there'sa group of Puerto Ricans out there thatwant to start a branch. And the samething's happening in the South Bronxand the Lower East Side and Brooklyn.People in New Jersey and Connecticutare also coming into the thing,

The pigs work two ways around thatbust thing. The first thing they tried todo was they dealt repression on the peo­ple. We have had several actions in thestreet, mini-riots, mini-rebellions andthe pigs didn't touch the Lords hardly,but the people were the ones who weregetting busted and getting their asseskicked. So what we did, for the first catthat was busted in our action, we mobil­ized about a thousand people from thecommunity, marched up tothepig penand we demanded that he be set free, andhe was, The pigs were scared shit. Thenthey knew that this was a differend kindof a power they had to deal with, thiswasn't a jive little organization thatwears jackets running around like a gang.So what they're trying to do now sine ethey realize that we can stand up and sayOff the Pig and we got the little kidsin the street saying Off th e Pig, whatthey're trying to do how, is they'retrying to off us. We got the word out tothe community and they're defending us.When we walk down the street at nightwe're able to walk' into an apartment,knock on the door and say in Spanish,excuse me, I'm a Young Lord, I'm beingfollowed. The people get hip to that andthey let us in, or they let us in bars

'and let us out the back way, This is whatwe've been doing. It sounds romantic oradventurous, but it's true.

MOVEMENT: What is the relation be­tween the Young Lords and other Puerto,Rican groups in NYC?

YORUBA; Most of the other PuertoRican, or Latin groups, because we are'a Latin vanguard, that exist in New Yorkare poverty pimps, the anti-povertybloodsuckers that came up like pimplesafter all the rebellions. We relateto MPI (Movement Pro Independence),and not those mothers/cause they gotto be affed, Linasay gaveo' em orders 'to" ,', •bUy us off, but we threw 'em' out.'The type of Latin organizations we relateto mostly are the Social Clubs on thestreet, or youth clubs, or welfare moth-ers - grassroots people,

YORUBA; Young Lords all over beentrying to deal with it. Dig, I'm nottryin' to excuse the brothers, but it'sbeen hard for cats to deal with the factthat we ain't in this for the money,much less tel lin' him that there's moreto a woman than a piece of pussy. Dig,Latin women have to deal with this machosyndrome. She's been trained since birthto wait on her man. In New York though,we found a very down street sister ­and literally that means FIND - whodidn't know shit from Marx, but knewshe wanted to struggle. She was liber­ated every which way, she IS liberated,always been known on the block for beingfree. She ate the cats up whenever theycame out with any shit, you know?

But then she became a Rally Lord,'cause she couldn't be fUll time, That'sbeen our problem - keeping the sisters,Because of their peculiar oppression,they can't work full time. And if we getto the mothers, their husbands kick ourass. So we've been accused of malechauvinism. We're not. Cats that have itare dealin' with it, and cats who haveeliminated most of it get on the otherbrothers, Lately, we've been attractingsome heavy sisters. That's also becausesisters tend to lay in the cut and dig­if you're for real, rather than a guy

YORUBA; Nothing definite yet - that'sa motherfucker of a job. But some of ushave People that work in the garl)1entcanter, and we've been getting goodfeedback from cats that work therewho've been digging on us in the street.Eventually, we'll have to.

YORUBA: I never heard of ERAP before.But what we saw in the Young Lordswas that yeah, garbage collection is areform issue. Right now, Pretty PigLindsay has used our garbage thing as acampaign issue. The trick is to use areform issue for revolutionary purposes.So we used Chairman Cha Cha's lineabout observation and participation, andinvolved the people in struggle - dumpin'THE garbage in the streets, while welaid down a rap as to WHY we were doingthis. It worked, and we were able toleave the garbage and move on to otherthings.

MOVEMENT; How did the Lords buildoff the garbage action?

YOR UBA; When we first started with thegarbage, we had a hard core of peoplewho had been together in different formssince January. Some were college, butmost were off the blocks. At that timewe met on roofs, parks, apartments ­anywhere, Whenever we took to thestreets, we were able to see who couldfunction and who couldn't. That was prac­tice. From that practice, and because afew of us had been in ttl! struggle before,we laid out a basic· theory, and dug how,,, "they related to that. Combining theorywith practice, we were able to eliminatethe duds.

Then, after getting the word out to thepeople 'bout the Young Lords, we wereable to set up an office. From there, wemoved on to other programs.

MOVEMENT; What kind of trouble havethe police been giving you?

What's good about it is that we're notgetting other Lords, but we got peopleright off the block, these are workingmen, they got families to support, women,housewives, they're in their forties, and

PEOPLE'S PATROL

MOVEMENT: When you first startedtalking about this garbage issue, itreminded me of a discussion that wasgoing on in the Movem,mt a few yearsago around the ERAP community organ­izing projects. They had the idea thatyou could move from the garbage cansto socialism, but ended up being hungup on garbage cans. How do the 'Lordssee an issue like garbage collectionstrategically, in terms of raising thelevel of struggle?

EVERYONE IN THE BARRIO

YORUBA; We were expecting a raidon the office last week, so what we'vebeen doing is getting out to the people.The people in the Barrio are just up,really up in arms about this whole thing,Saturday night (Sept.20), a friend whowecalled Loco, was murdered by anotherbrother. He was trying to stop a fightso the guy decided to cut him up. Hewas stabbed four times, and the pigscame, and they let him bleed in thestreet. He died in the back of the pigcar, they didn't get the ambulance or any­thing, And seven detectives came downdrunk to check it out and instead of in­vestigating, they were trying to write aticket out for a brother who had onlyone headlight on his car, So what hap­pened w.as, what we've been trying to pushout for a long time is a people'S patrol,an underground movement of the peopleon the block in the Latin community,similar to the way Panthers started outin Oakland. We came up against a lotof cynicism about the whole thing, pat­rolling the streets against the pigs isa completely foreign idea in New York.But we sold it. And with what happenedover the weekend, we've been able to or­ganize cadre easily, Now we've got aboutfive tight blocks, and there's about twohundred people that will be moving nextweek some time on these patrols. They'rea total underground movement. We relateit to an iceberg, most of the icebergis underwater but part of it is abovewater, that would be like the Young Lordsoffice and the people that you see in beretsand shit like that.

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 8We've been doing P.E, since January,

since the Lords first came off. Youjust walk into a crowd and start rap­ping, Sometimes people will come overto you and say why are you wearing aberet or why are you wearing a buttonthat says "Tengo Puerto Rico en miCorazon", why do you say you havePuerto Rico in your heart, We just pickup from there,

young'lords

NOVEMBER 1969 MOVEMENT PAGE 13

NOVEMBER 1969

The usual appraisal of the struggle we are desc:ibing isthat it is anarchism, Blanquism, the old terrol'lsm, theacts of individuals isolated from the masses, which demoral­ise _the workers, repel wide strata of the population, dis-

,organise the movement and injure the revolution. Examplesin support of this appraisal can easily be found in the eventsreported every day in the newspapers.

But are such examples convineing? In order to test this,let us take a locality where the form of struggle we areexamining is most developed-the Lettish Territory. This isthe way Novoye Vremya (in its issues of September 9 and12) complains of the activities of the Lettish Social-Demo­crats. The Lettish Social-Democratic Labour Party (a sec­tion of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party) regu­larly issues its paper in 30,000 copies. The announcementcolumns publish lists of spies whom it is the duty of everydecent person to exterminate. People who assist the policeare proclaimed "enemies of the revolution", liable to execu­tion and, moreover, to confiscation of property. The public

III

II

Having established the general Marxist propositions,let us turn to the Russian revolution. Let us recall thehistorical development of the forms of struggle it produced.First there were the economic strikes of workers (1896-1900),then the pol.itical demonstrations of workers and students(1901-02), peasant revolts (1902), the beginning of masspolitical strikes variously combined with demonstrations(Rostov 1902, the strikes in the summer of 1903, January 9,1905), the all-Russian political strike accompanied by localcases of bal'l'icade fighting (October 1905), mass barricadefighting and armed uprising (1905, December), the peace­ful parliamentary struggle (April-J une 1906), partial mili­tary revolts (J une 1905-J uly 1906) and partial peasantrevolts (autumn 1905-autumn 1906).

Such is the state of affairs in the autumn of 1906 as con­cerns forms of struggle in general. The "retaliatory" form ofstruggle adopted by the autocracy is the Black-Hundredpogrom, from Kishinev in the spring of 1903 to Sedletsin the autumn of 1906. All through this period the organisa­tion of Black~Hundred pogroms and the beating up of Jews,students, revolutionaries and class-conscious workers con­tinued to progress and perfect itself, combining the violenceof Black-Hundred troops with the violence of hired ruffians,going as far as the use of artillery in villages and towns andmerging with punitive expeditions, punitive trains a!\dso forth.

Such is the principal background of the picture. Againstthis backgl:Ound there stands out-unquestionably assomething partial, secondary and auxiliary-the phenomenonto the study and assessment of which the present article isdevoted. What is this phenomenon? What are its forms?What are its causes? When did it arise and how far has itspread? What is its significance in the general course ofthe revolution? What is its relation to the struggle of theworking class ol'ganised and led by Social-Democracy? Suchare the questions which we must now proceed to examin-eafter having sketched t~e general background of the picture.

The phenomenan in which we are interested is the armedstruggle. It is conducted by individuals and by small groul,ls.Some belong to revolutionary organisations, while others(the majority in certain parts of Russia) do not belong toany revolutionary organisation. Armed strugg'e pursues twodiOerent aims, which must be strictly distinguished: in thefirst place, this struggle aims at assassinating individuals,chiefs and subordinates in the army and police; in thesecond place, it aims at the confiscation of monetary fundsboth from the government and from private persons. Theconfiscated funds go partly into the treasury of the Party,partly for the special purpose of arming and preparing foran uprising, and partly for the maintenance. of persons en­gaged in the struggle we are describing. The big expropriations(such as the Caucasian, involving over 200,000 rubles, andthe Moscow, involving 875,000 rubles) went in fact firstand foremost to revolutionary parties-small expropriationsgo mostly, and sometimes entirely, to the maintenance ofthe "expropriators". This form of struggle undoubtedly be­came widely developed and extensive only in 1906, i.e.,after the December uprising. The intensification of the polit­ical crisis to the point of an armed struggle and, in partic­ular, the intensi fication of poverty, hunger and unem ploy­ment in town and country, was one of the important causesof the struggle we are describing. This form of struggle wasadopted as the preferable and even exclusive form of socialstruggle by the vagabond elements of the population, thelumpen proletariat and anarchist groups. Declaration ofmartial law, mobilisation of fresh troops, Black-Hundredpogroms (Sedlets), and military courts must be regarded asthe "retaliatory" form of struggle adopted by the autocracy.

The question of guerrilla action is one that greatly interestsour Party and the mass of the workers. We have dealt withthis question in passing several times, and now we proposeto give the more complete statement of our views we havepromised.

EDITOR'S NOTE: Debate over adventurism has beenraging in the movement, mostly in connection withdiscussions of the National SDS Actions in Chicago.We think that this piece by Lenin sheds some freshlight on the subject. (By the way, when Lenin usesthe term "Guerrilla Warf~e" he is referring to whatwe call "heavy street fighting," he is not talking aboutguerrilla warfare as defined by Mao, Ho, Giap andChe.)

As we go to press, people are just returning fromChicago and have not had time to carefully analyzeand evaluate the actions. Since the bourgeois andmovement press is full of accounts of what happened,we have decided to wait until we can publish a usefuland honest analytic story of that struggle.

Let us begin from the beginning. What are the fundamentaldemands which every Marxist should make of an examina-

. tion af the question of forms of struggle? In the first place,Marxism differs from all primitive. forms of socialism bynot binding the movement to anyone particular form ofstruggle. It recognises the most varied forms of struggle;and it does not "concoct" them, but only generalises, organ­ises, gives conscious expression to those forms of struggleof the revolutionary classes which arise of thems'elves in thecourse of the movement. Absolutely hostile to all abstractformulas and to all doctrinaire recipes, Marxism demands anattentive attitude to the mass struggle in progress, which,as the movement develops, as the class-consciousness of themasses grows, as economic and political crises become acute,continually gives rise to new and more varied methodsof defence and attack. Marxism, therefore, positively doesnot reject any form of struggle. Under no circumstances doesMarxism confine itself to the forms of struggle possible andin existence at the given moment only, recognising as it doesthat new forms of struggle, unknown to the participants ofthe given period, inevitably arise as the given social situa­tion changes: .. In this respect Marxism learns, if we mayso express it, from mass practice, and makes no claim what­ever to teach the masses forms of struggle invented by "sys­tematisers" in the seclusion of their studies. We know-saidKautsky, for instance, when examining the forms ofsocial revolution-that the coming crisis will introducenew forms of struggle that we are now unable toforesee. .

In _the second place, Marxism demands an absolutelyhistorical examination of the question of the forms of strug­gle. To treat this question apart from the concrete historicalsituation betrays a failure to understand the rudiments ofdialectical materialism. At different stages of economic evo­lution, depending on differences in political, national-cul­tural, living and other conditions, different forms of strugglecome to the fore and become the princi pal forms of struggle;and in connection with this, the secondary, auxiliary formsof struggle undergo change in their turn. To attempt toanswer yes or no to the question whether arw particularmeans of struggle should be used, without making a detailedexamination of the concrete situation of the given move­ment at the given stage of its development, means completelyto abandon the Marxist position.

These are the two principal theoretical propositions bywhich we must be guided. The history of Marxism in West­ern Europe provides an infinite number of examples corro­borating what has been said. European Social-Democracyat the present time regards parliamental"lsrn and the tradeunion movement as the principal forms of struggle; it recog­nised insurrection in the past, and is quite prepared to recog­nise it, should conditions change, in the future-despite theopinion of bourgeois liberals like the Russian Cadets andthe Bezzaglavtsi. 110 Social-Democracy in the seventies re­jectedthe general strike as a social panaeea, as a meansof overthrowing the bourgeoisie at one stroke by non-po'tit­ical means-but Social-Democracy fully recognises the masspolitical strike (especially after the experience of Russiain 1905) as one of the methods of struggle essential undercertain conditions. Social-Democracy recognised street bar­ricade fighting in the forties, rejected it for definite reasonsat the end of tht> nineteenth c.entury, and expressed completerea_dines,> to rcviSI~ the laUn!' view'uttd to admit the expedi­ellcy of hal'rieade fighting after the experience of Moscow,which, in the words of K. Kautsky, initiated new tacticsof barricade fighting.

is instructed to give money to the Social-Democratic Partyonly against signed and stamped receipt. In the Party'slatest report, showing a total' income of 48,000 rubles forthe year, there figures a sum of 5,600 rubles contributedby the Libau branch for arms which was obtained b'y expro­priation. Naturally, Novoye Vremya rages and fumes againstthis "revolutionary law", against this "terror government".

Nobody will be so bold as to call these activities of theLettish Social-Democrats anarchism, Blanquism or terror­ism. But why? Because here we have a clear connection be­tween the new form of struggle and the uprising which brokeout in December and which is again brewing. This connectionis not so perceptible in the case of Russia as a whole, butit exists. The fact that "guerrilla" warfare became wide­spread precisely after December, and its connection withthe accentuation not only of the economiC crisis but alsoof the political crisis is beyond dispute. The old Russianterrorism was an affair of the intellectual conspirator; todayas a general rule guerrilla warfare is waged by the workercombatant, or simply by the unemployed worker. Blanquismand anarchism easily occur to the minds of people who havea weakness for stereotype; but under the circumstances ofan uprising, which are so apparent in the Lettish Territory,the inappropriateness of such trite labels is only too obvious.

The exam pIe of the Letts clearly demonstrates how incor­rect, unscienti fic alld unhistorical is the. practice so v.erycommon among us of analysing guerrilla warfare withoutreference to the circumstances of an uprising. These circum­stances must he borne in mind, we must reflect on the pecul­iar features of an intermediate period between big acts ofinsurrection, we must realise what forms of struggle inevi­tably arise under such circumstances, and not try to shirkthe issue by a collection of words learned by rote, such asare used equally by the Cadets and the Novoye Vremya-ites:anarchism, robbery, hooliganism!

It is said that guerI"illa acts disorganise our work. Let usapply this argument to the situation that has existed sinceDecember 1905, to the period of Black-Hundred pogromsand martial law. What disorganises Jhe movement more insuch a pedod: the absence of resistance' or' organis~d'guertinawarfare? Compare the centre of Russia with her western bor­ders, with Poland and the Lettish Territory. It is unquestion­able that guenilla warfare is far more widespread and farmore developed in the western border regions. And it isequally unquestionable that the revolutionary movementin general, and the Social-Democratic movement in partic­ular, are more disorganised in central Russia than in thewestern border regions. Of course, it would not enter ourheads to conclude from this that the Polish and Lettish So­cial-Democratic movements are less disorganised thanks toguerrilla warfare. No. The only conclusion that can be drawnis that guerrilla wadare is not to blame for the state of disor­ganisation of the Social-Democratic working-class move­ment in Russia in 1906.

Allusion is often made in this respect to the peculiaritiesof national condi tions. But this allusion very clearly betraysthe weakness of the current argument. If it is a matter ofnational conditions then it is not a matter of anarchism,Blanquism or terrorism-sins that are common to Russiaas a whole and even to the Russians especially-but ofsomething else. Analyse this something else concretely, gentle­men! You will then find that national oppression or antag­onism explain nothing, because they have always existedin the western border regions, whereas guerrilla warfare hasbeen engendered only by the present historical period. Thereare many places where there is national oppression and allt-ag_onism, but no guerrilla struggle, which sometimes developswhere there is no national oppression whatever. A concreteanalysis of the question will show that it is not a matterof national oppression, but of conditions of insurrection.Guerrilla warfare is an inevitable form of struggle at atime when the mass movement has actually reached the pointof an uprising and when 'fairly large intervals occur betweenthe "big engagements" in the civil war.

It is not guerrilla actions which disorganise the move­ment, but the weakness of a party which is incapable of tak­ing such actions under its control. That is why the anathe­mas which we Russians usually hurl against gnerrilla actionsgo hand in hand with secret, casual, un organised guerrillaactions which really do disorganise the Party. Being in­capable of undorstanding what historical conditions giverise to this struggle, we are incapable of neutralising itsdeleterious aspects. Yet thtJ struggle is going on. It is engen­dered by powerful economic and political causes. It is notin our power to eliminate these causes or to eliminate thisstruggle. Our complaints against guerrilla warfare are com­plaints against our Party weakness in the matter of anuprising.

What we have said about disorganisation also applies todemoralisatioll. It is not guerrilla warfare which demoral­ises, but unorganised, irregular, non-party guerrilla acts.We shall not rid oi.ll'selves one least bit of this most unques­tionable demoralisation by condemning and cursing guerrilla

actions, for condemnation and curses are absolutely incapa­ble of putting a stop to a phenomenon which has been engen­dered by profound economic and political causes. It may beobjected that if we are incapable of putting a stop to an ab­normal and demoralising phenomenon, this is no reasonwhy the Party should adopt abnormal and demoralisingmethods of struggle. But such an objection would be a purelybourgeois-liberal and not a Marxist objection, because aMarxist cannot regard civil war, or guerrilla warfare, whichis one of its forms, as abnormal and demoralising in gen­eral. A Marxist bases himself on the class struggle, and notsocial peace. In certain periods of acute economic and polit­ical crises the class struggle ri pens in to a direct civil war,i. e., into an armed struggle between two sections of the peo­ple. In such periods a Marxist is obliged to take the stand ofcivil war. Any moral condemnation of civil war would beabsolutely impermissible from the stand point of Marx­ism.

In a period of civil war the ideal party of the proletariatis a fighting party. This is absolutely incontrovertible.We are quite prepared to grant that it is possible to argueand prove the inexpediency from the standpoint of civilwar of particular forms of civil war at any particular mo­ment. We fully admit criticism of diverse forms of civilwar from the standpoint of military expediency and absolute­ly agree that in this question it is the Social-Democraticpractical workers in each particular locality who must havethe final say. But we absolutely demand in the name of theprinci pIes of Marxism that an analysis of the conditions ofcivil war should not be evaded by hackneyed and stereo­typed talk about anarchism, Blanquism and terrorism, andthat senseless methods of guerrilla activity ,adopted bysome organisation or other of the Polish Socialist Partyat some moment or other should not be used as a bogeywhen discussing the question of the participation. of theSocial-Democratic Party as such in guerrilla warfare ingeneral.

The argument that guerrilla warfare disorganises themo¥einent must be regarded critically. Every new form ofstruggle, accompanied as it is by new dangers and newsacrifices, inevitably "disorganises" organisations which areunprepared for this new form of struggle. Our old propagandistcircles were disorganised by recourse to methods of agitation.Our committees were subsequently disorganised by recourseto demonstrations. Every military action in any war to acertain extent disorganises the ranks of the fighters. Butthis does not mean that one must not fight. It means thatone must learn to fight. That is all.

When I see Social-Democrats proudly and smugly declar­ing"we are not anarchists, thieves, robbers, we are superiorto all this, we reject guerrilla warfare", - I ask myself:Do these people realise what they are saying? Armed clashesand conflicts between the Black-Hundred government and thepopulation are taking place all over the country. This is anabsolutely inevitable phenomenon at the present stage ofdevelopment of the revolution. The population is spontane­ously and in an unorganised way-and for that very reasonoften in unfortunate and undesirable forms-reacting to thisphenomenon also by armed conflicts and attacks. I can under­stand us refraining from Party leadership of this spontane­ous struggle in a particular place or at a particular timebecause of the weakness and unpreparedness of our organi­sation. I realise that this question must be settled by thelocal practical workers, and that the remoulding of weakand unprepared organisations is no easy matter. But whenI see a Social-Democratic theoretician or publicist not dis­playing regret over this unpreparedness, but rather a proudsmugness and a self-exalted tendency to repeat phraseslearned by rote in early youth about anarchism, Blanquismand terrorism, I am hurt by this degradation of the mostrevolutionary doctrine in the world.

It is said that guerrilla warfare brings the class-conscious,proletarians into close association with degraded, drunkenriff-raff. That is true. But it only means that the party ofthe proletariat can never regard guerrilla warfare as the only,or even as the chief, method of struggle; it means that thismethod must be subordinated to other methods, that itmust be commensurate with the chief methods of warfare,and must be ennobled by the enlightening and organisinginfluence of socialism. And without this latter condition,all, positively all, methods of struggle in bourgeois societybring the proletariat into close association with the variousnon-pl"Oletarian strata above and below it and, if left to thespontaneous course of events, become frayed, corrupted andprostituted. Strikes, if left to the spontaneous course ofevents, become corrupted into "alliances"-agreements be-

, tween the workers and the masters against the consumers.Parliament becomes corrupted into a brothel, where a gangof bourgeois politicians barter wholesale and retail "nationalfreedom", "liberalism", "democracy", republicanism, anti-

CONTINUED ON P. 19

PAGE 15

".­---

MAdOR IIT.I

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VENCEREtlDS

people have another slogan: VICTORY OR DEATH.But no death can mean that the people will abandontheir struggle.

"My brothers died in the primt' of their youth:.Coco, before he had reached' 29; Inti, a iittle over31. The revolution had matured them t.o the pointof converting them into Latin American leaders.'

"Inti's death does no more than exact the promiseof revolutionary struggle on this continent.

"The efforts of our Brazilian and Uruguayan,Venezualan an!! Colombian comrades, of all ourbrothers of the Latin American struggle, must beredoubled in this moment to speed up the downfallof imperialism."

After Che's death, Inti wrote:"Let the imperialists and their lackeys' withold

their songs of victory, because the war has notended, it has just begun..

"We will return to the mountains!"Bolivia will again resound to our cry of

VICTORY OR DEATH!"

,5RtGAOE

The Venceremos Brigade has been reorganized.Before the plan was for 300 people to cut cane inCuba. Now the plan is for 600 to go. The peoplegoing will be working with the Centennial YouthColumn:-50,000 young Cuban volunteers. Thosepeople who join the Brigade will be able to concretelyshow their solidarity with the Cuban people and thefact that not all Americans aim to des'troy the Cubanrevolution..

The deadline for applications has been extended toOctober 28, 1969. The application itself has beensimplified. Write immediately to: Brigade, PO Box643, Cathedral Station, New York 10025.

I.;e;.:t;••~.,~••;t.;••;.t.;••~••~..~.,:.t:.,~••~••:.t:.,~••:.t:••:t;••~...~.1,:;:.:;:t,:;:t,~.,:;:,t:;:":;:t,~u:;:tt~tt:;:tt~tt2,t:;:,,:;:":;:":;:"~·1

'"\

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gle...Guerrilla warfare is the, most effective andcorrect method of armed struggle.

"For this reason, as long asthereisa single honestman in Latin America, guerrilla warfare will notdie."

As if to echo his words, fighting broke out in thestreets of La Paz and Sucre, Bolivia, as studentsdemonstrated in honor of Inti, proclaiming the theELN still Jives. In the capital during the nightof September 10 young members of the Universityof San Andres Law School marched through thestreets, shouting "Glory to Inti Peredo," "Long Livethe ELN," "Death to the Murderous Army", andsimilar slogans.

After a large rally in which a number of peoplespoke in honor of the fallen ELN chief, the youths oc­cupied the streets and blockaded traffic on the mainavenue.

Students from the teachers' college also demon­strated, blocking an avenue in the Mirafiores section.Before they'left they scrawled various messages ofsupport for the guerrillas and homage to Inti Peredo.

In Sucre a number of students and four cops werewounde.d when the pigs intervened to repress a similardemonstration by the students of that city. The out­breaks of violence in the str~tscontinued.

The Bolivian government,perfiaps fearing the strongsympathies that the people have for Inti and the guer­rillas, has been trying to dilute its bloody role withthe milk of human kindness now that Inti has beensuccessfully disposed of. Minister of the InteriorEufronio Padillaque, when he announced Inti's death,said he did' so "with pain". The Bolivian regime hasoffered to let Antonio go to La Paz to reclaim hisbrother's body, He has turned down the offer, saying,"I won't go because my return would .allow the Boliviangovernment to assume a t humanitarian' guise".

The following day (SepLll) when news of Inti's deathwas final, Antonio again spoke to the the revolutionarypress:

"The ELN, founded' by Comandante Ernesto CheGuevara, has suffered the harshest reverses in therevolutonary history of our time, in the death of itsmost couragious leader.s.

"This is not by chance, for it shows that the menwho lead our movement have always been in the frontline of fire and, on the other hand, that yankee im­perialism is putting all its resources into play inBoliVia, since they know itisthenervepoint where thegreater part of the future of Latin AmerJca will bedecided.

"In its short life the ELN has accumulated greatexperience, paid for very dearly. But it will finallylead to the victory.ofthe Bolivian people and, with th'eirvictory, to that of the peoples of our suffering con­tinent.

"Inti became for some a watchword, for others alegend, and for imperialism a nightmare. This wasso because his words and his actions were a challengeto the stupid assertions that the death of Che sig­nified the defeat of the guerrilla struggle in LatinAmerica.

"Inti's death will make imperialism -- aped by itspuppets in Latin America and, curiously, by the re­visionists - - again repe'at this same phrase, But the

by Karen Wald

"Guerrilla warfare in Bolivia is not dead; it .has just begun."

-Inti Paredo, Special Message toTricontinental following Che's death.

"The lackeys of Uncle Sam must not begiven time to gloat over their triumphs. Thehomage due our dead comrades must be paidin the, form of a new imperialist defeat, ofmany actions throughout our America: theAmerica of the guerrilla struggles."

-Antonio Paredo, on the deathof his brother.

OR DEATH,

GUERRILLA WARFARE WILL NOT DIE

But the fact remains that Inti was generally ac­knOWledged as the new leader of the revolutionarystruggle in Bolivia, and just as they did when Che!:lied, many will jump to say that Inti's death marksthe end of guerrilla war in Latin America. They willclaim further that this new death is evidence thatguerrilla warfare is the wrong tactic for LatinAmerica. But Inti refuted this himself in his mes­sage to the Tricontinental; referring to the setbacks,the many deaths, especially that of Che, he noted:

"But these painful events, far from frightening us,strengthen our revolutionary awareness, increase ourdetermination to fight for a just cause; make it.stauncher; and forge ... new fighters and leaders, whowill honor and pay homage to those who have alreadyfallen."Our single and final goal is the liberation of LatinAmerica.. ,We are convinced that the dream of Bo­livar and Che...will be attained through armed strug-

VICTORY

In the early morning hours of Sept. 9,13 vehiclescarrying a total of 60 assorted· police and armyagents surrounded a small house on :Santa Cruz streetin La Paz where Guido'" Inti" Peredo,'chiefof the ELN(Ejercito de Liberation Nacional, or National Lib­

'eration Army) of Bolivia and one of the few remainingsurvivors Of Che's guerrilla band, was asleep.

Latertb.at ~tnorning the government forces sprangtheir attack," and after a furious forty-minute gunbattle Inti lay dead.

Bernardo Martinez, who rented the apartment whereInti was staying, was wounded and in jail. A number ofsoldiers were wounded.

The ruJing Bolivian regime announced it was takingextreme, measures of security (read: new acts ofrepression) throughout the country.

The regime's official version is that Inti's gun(an M-I rifle according to one report; a Browningpistol according to another) jammed, and that he threwa grenade which rebounded off a wall of the room inwhich he was found, killing him.

The next morning his brother Antonio, from hisexile in Santiago, Chile, told a Prensa Latina re­porter: "The Bolivian government, as if shamed byits murders, always ~ays that revolutionaries perishby self-immolation. I think that the news of the death'of my brother Inti is true, but that he fell fighting,and was not the victim of (his own) grenade."

Inti's death, Antonio asserted, "will not mean theend of armed struggle in Bolivia. The leadership ofthe struggle fell into Inti's hands by a, quirk offate, but there are and there will be rnanyleaders readyto struggle ceaselessly and to liberate their country.

"if Che's death did not mean (asJIlany-thoug'ht) thefinal blow to the liberation struggle, much iess willthis happen with the death of my brother,"

Antonio wasn't putting his brother down with thisstatement, but rather following Inti's own words, re­flecting his brother's sense of humility, common tomost of the revolutionaries.

In Inti's message to the Tricontinental followingChe's death, in which he took up the task of defending

the fallen leader's concepts of guerrilla struggle as"the most effective· and surest method of seizingpower," the new ELN chief spoke of his new role:

"I do this without in the least considering myself'the immediate successor of Che Guevara: Being

Che's successor would be an undeservedly highhonor for me. I am rather acting in my capacity asan accidental heir to the last and most valuable teach­ings of the greatest revolutionary genius of LatinAmerica."

--

~-

PAGE 16 MOVEMENT NOVEMBER 1969

ethiopia .Iiberatedchewing gum they have managed to ripoff from the post exchange at Kagnew­the post exchange at Kagnew Station,which is a large American military"communications" base near the city ofAsmara.

In the rest of Ethiopia there is alsoresistance. The e-mporer's army hasbeen forced to shoot and kill large crowdsof students and to maintain a reign ofterror across the countryside. Thous­sands of student rebels have been jailed,many schools have been closed, and moredemonstrations are expected in thecoming months.

Haile Selasiie recently visited the Un­ited States, and was greeted with all thebullshit that the President, whoever hemay be, reserves for dictators. MoreU.S, aid, perhaps larger numbers ofU.S. troops will no doubt be forth­coming, as the United States franticallyseeks to bolster its decaying worldsystem of ojlpression. But meanwhile theEritrean Liberation Front is wagingpeople's war with such wide popularsupport that it' appears likely, espec­ially if their struggle is supported aroundthe world, that their resistance willbe Victorious.

Whereas the inmates of the hep ward of Laguna Honda hospital have been con­sistently deni~ proper' medical care and attention as listed below - we declarea generalstrikeuntU such conditions are rectified.

We demand food of quality and quantity fit for the consumption of human beings--we get three lousy cOld' meal!! supplemented by peanut butter, jelly and stalebread--tbis they call their high protein diet for hep patients. The same lousyShit that all patients are forced to eat.

We demand proper sanitation and health supplies. OUr bedding is chaAlred only oncea week (one patient was forced. to sl,eep ·on blood-soaked sheetsUDtil.b1s changti1gday came up). There are never clean towels, pajama tops, ice water, nor healthsupplies. Gener3J. Cleanliness suffer»·becausd dI. the overloadwork conditions forcedon the employees.

TO; Mafioso Alioto and his running dog lackies of San Francisco - imperialistcenter of the West... .

.HEPITITS SIx ON STRIKE HEPITITIS SIX ON STRIKE HEPITITIS SIX ON STRIKE

Editors Note; The. struggle never stops. Herel s what a brotperorganized whilein the hospital withhepititus~

"'fllllzllI, f,o", led

All of Ethiopia is poor and hungryaside from the ruling military clique.Only one person in 20 can read andwrite, per capita income is extremelylow. Medical care is for the mostpart non-existent, and food is scarce.Eritrea's 1.6 million people suffer mostof all, and recently natural disaster hascontributed to their misery. In the citiesof Eritrea, children of the poor runthrough the streets trying to sell the

Assab, far to the South on the RedSea, recently refused to pay taxes tothe Addis Ababa collectors and said thattheir tax money had gone to the newgovernment.

In .th e cities, the people lead a' duallife. On the surface there is a feignedadoration for the Emperor, but under­neath there is loyalty to the Front.

Recently, there have been a series ofdestructive explosions and some hijack­ings ofEthiopian Airlines Boeing 707' s.a plane was destroyed while on theground at an airport in Frankfort, Ger­many, and at Karachi airport, it hap­pened again. These acts are an effortof the Eritrean Liberation Front todemonstrate their strength, to bringthe world's attention to their struggle,and to hurt the profit and prestige ofthe Addis Ababa regime.

PEOPLE'S WAR

LIBERAnON FRONT

A few of the reports on the EritreanLiberation Front say that it is Muslimled. Religious tensions are one aspectof Eritrea (40% Christian, 40% Muslim,20% animist) but the struggle for nat­ional liberation has succeded in uniting

.many of different religions,while re-ligious fears and prejudices have faded.By the time that Eritrea was declareda colony in 1962, the former governerof Eritrea, who is a Christian, had goneunderground and today he is the VicePresident of the Eritrean LiberationFront.

ERITREA

Many people have heard of Ethiopia,but few know that there is a large, welldeveloped, and successful national lib­eration movement fighting there. Whenthe press talks of' Ethiopia, they talkmostly about the Emperor, Haile Sel­aissie, and see him as a great peace­maker, and one of the world's greatstatesmen. In fact he has been making waron the people of Ethiopia for years;in fact he' is' one of the world's greatbutchers.

The war in Ethiopia has gone almostcompletely unreported, yet the fewreports written recently describe the sit­uation as a fundamentally revolutionarysituation, that involves an unresponsiveoppressive ruling regime propped byforeign support, against a popular guer­rilla movement.

The guerrilla movement is based inEritrea, which is the Northeastern por­tion of what is called Ethiopia, and in­cludes all of the coastal area on theRed Sea. Eritrea was an Italian colonyduring the 19th and 20th centuries, up toWorld War 11. The inland section, whichwas formerly known as Abysinnia, hadbeen an Italian colony for onlyfiveyearswhen the war ended. The Emperors of The regular forces of the Front rangeinland Ethiopia always coveted Eritea's . from between 10,000 and 30,000 menseaports at Massawa and Assab, as well' and the Front now controls theas the milk and oil which several cities countryside of Eritrea. The Front hasproduce. But the Emperors historically succeeded in defeating or isolating thewere never able to totaUy conquer Er- major part of the Ethiopian Army. Anitrea. entire infantry division of 8000 men,

After World War 11 and the defeat of the trained by the United States has been mo-Italians, the big powers who won, an<:\ thebilized, and two squadrons of AmericanU,N., gave to Ethiopia what she had never warplanes have been trying unsuccess-been able to win by force; Eritrea. The fUlly to defeat the guerillas.United Nations formal arrangement was . The United States gives the imperialthat Eritrea would have federal status, regime inAddis Ababa, renoWned for itsthat is independent, but within a national decadence and obscene extra,vagence,federation with . the inland regions. In more economic aid than it gives to any1962 Ethiopia cancelled the federal sta- other African country. So called U.S.tus, and declared Eritrea an Imperial advisors are involved in the fighting, andColony. Since 1962 the Eritrean National the United States has admitted that asLiberation Front has waged aprotracted early as 1965 a U S. helicopter, manned

. guerrilla struggle against Haile Selas- by U;S~ pilots, was shot down ·whilesie's regime in Addis Ababa. In 1962 flying a reconaissance miSsion against·the Emperor decreed that Eritrea would the guerrillas. Yet. the people in' Eri~lose its flag, its parliament, and every trea look to the Front as their govern-other semblance or symbol of indepen- ment, and the guerillas move throughdence. . a countryside which once was known for

All shops' on Eritrea are required to barbaric and fierce tribesman and war-display the Emperor's portrait. Green riors who were hostile to outsiders, butsweaters are forbidden because green which now welcomes,feeds, and enter-is the national color of Eritrea. Eri- tains the guerillas. The. fierceness re-trea's native languages, among them mains, but many of the warrior tribes-Tigre and Tigrinja, are prohibited, and men, known as Shiftas, Join the Liber- ~Amharic, which is the language of the ation . Front, and are transformed intoEmperor's tribe, is th e only official disciplined guerilla soldiers.language. In 1962 the Eritrean civil The. front has set up five revolu-service was virtually liquidated. The tionary districts in which its own cadreEthiopian military and secret service serve the needs and help solve thehave replaced. the Eritrean police, and civil disputes of the people. In themass arrests and tight surveillance have Western and central regions of Erit-led to the establishment of detention rea, the government is visible: courts,camps throughout the countryside, which town meeting,. and mutual aid societiesare known euphemistically as "forti- go abouttheir work convened under treesfled hamlets". Even the sheiks around the city of

t*************************************************·······

Switcll ,. Fi,IItfil·$San Francisco (LNS) - American Gl'sare joining the military forces of the

. Provisional Revolutionary Government.(PRG) Recent figures quoted in the SanFrancisco Chronicle show desertions inthe field are running at the rate of tena day.

Those deserters who would ratherswitchAND fight join up with the PRG,bringing with them detailed knowledge ofhow to work American equipment andhow American units operate. There havebeen reports of misdirected artilleryand helicopter fire in the Mekong Deltabecause deserters used stolen radios tocut in on Army frequencies.

The PRG derives the greatest benefit·from the intelligence reports these GIsreceive, according to SOLIDARITY, a SanFrancisco newsletter run by eX-GIs.' Aslong as two years ago the US-Saigoncommand was astounded that the NationalLiberation Front would know of B-52strikes more than 24 hours in advance. Itconfused them because strike times werenever diVUlged to the Saigon troops. TheNLF also found out about attacks flownfrom Okinawa, Thailand and Guam.

The majority of the deserters chooseto stay in the rear areas so that they willnot have to fight their countrymen. But

two ex-Marine NLF advisors were killed'last April in a patrol skirmish near Phu

.Bat. Located north-east of Khe Sanh, PhuBai i~ the largest US Marine base nearthe DMZ: it is an extremely importantcommunications base. The'Marine Corpswas able to identify the two" traitors" butwould not release their names.

Some GIs who desert in the field do notwant to join the liberation forces, andmerely roam the countryside trying notto get caught. The PRG often nelps suchpersons find housing and food, expectingnothing in return.

According to a June report in the Ok­inawa Morning Star Journal, there areat least 3,000 AWOL Gl's hiding out inSaigon alone. Many recently returnedVietnamese veterans have reported ahigher estimate to SOLIDARITY editorFred Chard... they figure 5,000 to bea more realistic number.

For deserters wishing to leave Viet­nam, the PRG offers assistance in reach­ing countries which do not recognize thetradition of US service deserters, in­cluding Sweden, Japan, Cambodia andThailand. An estimated 300-500 desert­ers have received such assistance fromthe PRG to date.

We demand proper medical aid and attention. Patients are denied medicines whenthey need them and forced to spend hours suffering until the • schedUIecP' times. Somesupplies cannot be obtained at all. .

Visiting hours are limited fro m 2-4 pm - thus denying the vast majority of ourfriends and relatives, all working people, the right to visit us.

OUr reasons for being here are to obtain proper medical and health attention so wecan return to our jobs and help provide for our !am111es - yet our basic right toproper medical aid is being denied, denied because we come from poor and workingclass fam1lles and must rely on state medical services and welfare, which isinadequate for human survival. If we were rich capitalists or their well-paidlackies. we coUId afford to bUy proper medical aid - just like the rich Can afford tobuy anything they want in this society - but we're poor and working class, and assuch are doomed to fight in their imperialist wars and pay their taxes•••BASTA YA...

Mafioso Alioto oinked by Friday on a state hospital inspection tour and altersticking his snout in the door',he oinked ·OK, passit." We the inmates say NO _

ON STRIKE, SHUT IT DOWN. We unite with all poor and working people of theworld in our common struggle against US Imperialism and its avaricious bus­inessmen, its demogogic politicians, and its fascist pig cops.

POWER TO THE PEOPLE

FREE HUEY P. NEWTONFREE BOBBY SEALEFREE LOS SIETEFREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS

FREE THE HEPITITIS SIX

Send high-protein food, bedding, contributions and good vibes to Ward M-6Laguna Honda HOliPital, 731-9993

NOVEM.I:S~R 1969 MOVEMENT' PAGE 17

THIRD WORLD GROUPS

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 3

After the letdown Monday when only about 1/3to 1/4 of the projected people showed up, a lotof weaknesses were revealed. Both politically andtactically, there was a smorgasboard mentality:"here are our demands and a list of actions:take your pick~. Political demands were raisedto include occupation forces out of Vietnam, and theghetto, support for the NLF and PRG, liberation forBlack and Third World Peoples in the US, free. allpolitical prisoners, end the war-tax, tax the corp­orations, stop the oppression and exploitation ofwomen and end the raping of the land for profit.To go with this set of political demands was fivedays chucked fUll of demonstrations. Criticism of thispolitical and tactical approach was summed up inbiting satire by one of the local underground pres­ses with a cartoon calling for the protesting of"absolutely everything~ at "absolutely everytime~.

.,. A coalition of white radical and Thir.d Worldorganizations worked on the. actions, around theLationo Walkout and the IIC. SDS worked closelywith Los Siete de la Raza, the Asian-AmericanPolitical Alliance, the Chinatown-based Red Guard,the Haight Commune, Women's Liberation groupsand the newly formed High School Student Union.The organizations involved actively participated in asteering committee which co:'ordinated the activ­ities of all the groups involved. It set up a legaldefense network and medical aid groups. The coal­iton worked smoothly and had almost completeagreement around political strategy and issues forthe actions.

The differences arose over tactics when SDSwas criticized as adven.turistic to want to marchto the Fairmont when fewer than expected people,showed up for the rally in Washington Square.

!lARD LESSONS

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 12education. That's not to say that we have stopped,because there are a few books here we can getthat are pretty good that relate to us, that canbroaden our ideology.

POLITICAL PRISONERS

MARIO: It's not just a matter of books. There's alotwe can learn from the people here - the other pris­oners and the guards themselves.

We've been studying the oppressor and their tools,you know, the guards. From the time we came here,they were offering us the gas every time they passedus, but now they sometimes talk to us. We kind ofrap to them - I have with some of them -and you seemore how this system has brainwashed their ways.Some of our leaders say you must not fraternize withthe enemy, but you haveto learn aboutthe enemy. Youhave to know where he stands. You have to knowhim to know where his weak points are to attack him.

We have also learned from the inmates here. Wetalk to the white inmates, we talk to the blackinmates, to everybody. We have a lot in common ­we're all locked up ..

You have these so-called jailhouse lawyers.There's one right next door to us and this man hasa lot of knowledge - he's been to Cuba. We learna lot from him. He's white, but we have all thesethings in common. Like, I don't see no colors nomore, I see and feel oppression, but I can't seeth e colors. Before I did. Before I was from ElSalvador and everything else was different. Butafter you're here a while, this color thing fadesaway.

TONY: Many of us have learned about politicalprisoners. The other day I was reading that theSF State College cases were coming up to court.JUdge Kennedy said that these are not politicalcases, because they were being tried not for theirway of thinking but for their actions.

But after talking to all the inmates, you beginto realize that the term "political prisoner" isa very broad term that includes a lot of people.There are people here who are branded as criminalsbecause they have robbed something, but when yourealize they have robbed to survive and then lateron are just made statistics by the system - yourealize they, in a sense, are political prisonerstoo. They're tried because of those actions andif those actions have anything to do with the powerstructure, then they're political prisoners too.The whole jail, we're all political prisoners, oneway or another. They all have gone against thepower structure, in one way or another. And whenyou're dealing with the power structure, you'redealing with the political system. I see this ­they have put us behind bars, because of this so­called crime. But they haven't realized that they'reteaching us a lot in here. We've seen how all those

. pigs react to us. We hear all those remarks and bytheir remarks, we see their mentality. The Manhas no kind of mentality whatsoever.

stration. With a lot of work there was little acutalworker participation ( the whole strike committeefrom one strike showed up on Thursday night).There seems to be a contradiction here but it isnot as great as it may appear. Mobilization ofworkers was planned for Thursday and no workwas done to mobilize for Monday. The level ofdiscontent and strikes and SDS work is just be­ginning - the IIC was a beginning and there 'wasno discouragement. The fact thatany working classpeople showed up Thursday night was a positivesign. This does not mean that the student workwill take second place or be abandoned. But itdoes mean that the response was enthusiastic andshows a positive direction for more work in thisarea.By Don MonkerudNorthern Calif. SDS, Regional Staff

bBS SIETE

MOVEMEN'T: Is there anything else you want to say?

NELSON: We want to thank the people for,g.iving ustheir support and helping in our liberation.POWER TO THE PEOPLE.

BEBE: We used to be on A5 and there was this pigwho just got back from Vietnam. One day hejust walked by and told me, ·what is your peoplegonna do when you get gassed?" Well, you know,it kind of shocked me, so I told him, • Well, youknow, the same thing you'll be doing when yourhouse is burning.~ POWER TO THE PEOPLE

MARIO: The system is the cause of the crimerate. We've learned from Cuba and China how theirrevolution has solved so many problems - throughteaching the people. There's hardly any illiteracy.There's no illiteracy in Cuba. Like in here, alot ofthese people see all these things and are readyto do· something about it. But we're at an earlystage in this country. We have to make a lot more

. , people see.We look at this country like an octopus. It's

here that the struggle has to be carried on themost. In countries like Vietnam and Bolivia, they'restriking at one arm - but here iswherethe head ofall the oppression is. Once we cut the head off, thearms won't be doing any harm.

The organizing done among the working class wasperhaps the most positive aspect of the IIC. We usedthe IIC to follow up labor contacts made in paststrikes at Standard Oil in Richmond, the candyworkers strike in Oakland, Bell Telephone workersin S. F., the Dow strike in Pittsburg (California),and the J.I. Case Farm Machinery Co. in San Leandro(in .this strike leaflets were passed out to all theplants in the whole city industrial park - this wasrepeated for the IIC). In addion we picked out several

.large plants in specific areas in the Bay Areafor leafletting. We paid special attention to plants.where there were already contacts or SDS peopleworking or where strikes were coming up in thenext 6 to 9 months. We leafletted theaters where"progressive" movies were playing. We leaflettedwith fake money with a big picture of a pig in themiddle and information about the IIC on the back.Inseveral places we got union support,and theydrew up and distributed their own leaflets.

We learned essentially two things from factoryleafletting. First, factories were not leafletted indis­criminately. Several ofthe largest companies partic­ipating in the IIC were singled out where SDS people'were working or where there was advance work done,mainly strike support. Every attempt was made tobring workers to regional labor committee meetingsand to involve them in the fall actions,

Second, a single leaflet for mass distribution isseriously inadequate. A series of leaflets are neededbeginning with a concrete analysis of corporatestructure of the place being leafletted (profits,SUbsidiaries, foreign holdings and working con­ditions) raising the anti-imperialist, anti-racistdemands of the IIC and finally a leaflet motivatingand showing the importance of coming to the demo­stration to protest the company's policies andruling class oppression.

We got the best response to our leaflets andraps about IIC from white hip workers and fromBlack and' Brown workers. The only apathy orrejection came from women and older workers.In. some places there was a lot of enthusiasm butthe workers wound up not coming to the demon-

KICK THE ASS OF THE RULING CLASS

WORKING CLASS OUTREACH

Many of the people who showed up-Monday werefrom Berkeley and San Francisco. Theywerebattletested and had long experience fighting pigs; they hadall faced the tac squad several times. Few felt likecoming out to be surrounded by pigs, cameras andguns, and tearing ass right under the Man's highly

.mobilized forces. A mass line calling for 'stormingthe Fairmont when everyone knew it couldn't happenwith such small forces would be suicidal So wemade a collective decision at the Park not to paradeIn the streets or attack the pigs.

But Thursday night taught a lesson on confront­ation. After we called for stopping the conferenceon Monday, the pigs mobilized and had the areacompletely surrounded. After 3 days of peacefUlaction, the pigs expected nothing and were completelyill-prepared for people running through the streetsThursday night breaking windows and chanting. Therewere about 30 busts but peoples' spirits were liftedwith some action against the pigs. They were throwncompletely off guard and didn't catch up to thecrowd until we had made it about.6 or 7 blocks. Theelement of surprise, although the action was spon­taneous and unprepared, turned the tactics back tothe war of the flea; to hitting in the weakest spot atthe ril!'ht timp-.

In the Bay Area, demonstrations have tendedto focus on individuals like Nixon, Johns0l}, orDean Risk. This was the first time we made anattempt to directly identify the enemy as the im­perialist rUling class. The IIC provided a strategywhich raised the issue of the ruling class beyondday to day struggles and moved peopl e to think interms of a common fight against a common op­pressor.

The IIC was used to begin to build an understandingof imperialism as a unified system of oppression andexploitation both at home and abroad. We stressedihat the success of our struggle is tied to that ofthe struggles of the Third World, within and withoutthe US.

This political and tactical confustion was mostevident in our attempts to organize youth. Workingclass organizing was less confused because most ofthe local collectives relating to the working classput out their own literature relating the IICactions to concrete struggles in the plants. Ifeducational material directed toward youth had hada basis in concrete struggles or had fit into a long­er range strategy, the confusion and diffusenessmight have been overcome.

For example, in Berkeley, we could have relatedthe IIC to the People's Park issue (still very muchalive). One of the reasons we failed to tie the IICdemonstrations into a long range program orstrategy was because we had no strategy. The regionhad formed specifically around the IIC plans, sotactics for the IIC became elevated to strategy.'In the frenzy of demonstration mobilization, we hadno time to seriously discuss long range perspectives.( The 400,000 or so posters and literature reflectedthe lack of political and tactical focus. They werefull of demands and a constantly changing scheduleof actions for the week. Rather than simple at­tractive material likePantherposters with a sloganand acall , posters and literature for the IIC werecluttered and confusing. This confusion was re­flected by SDS people who didn't know the week beforewhich actions were priorities and when and, where allof the actions .were coming off.

c.•I.•I.We did mass work through leafleting, talking to

people and participating in struggles. OUtreachand community work centered around city needs andthe PG&E rate increase hearings. SDS worked withthe Research Organizing Committee in S.F. to raisethe issue of the attempt to turn S. F. into the "Wallstreet of the West~ by increasing taxes, forcedevictions and moving people out of the city tomake room for big office buildings and apartmentsfor these working in them. Industry is being movedto Uie suburbs and the Third World communities arebeing pressed out of the city.

Pacific Gas and Electric was holding rate increasehearings at the same time. People were turned on toSDS, when they found us relating directly to theirneeds. The political focus for this work was theracism of PG&E , the exclusion of non-whites fromrecent training classes, the corporate control ofPG&E, its profiting off the Vietnamese war andthe IIC The response was encouraging for furtherprojects of ·this kind around taxes and communityneeds.

The IIC. served as a political focus and followup on the factory organizing that had been goingon during the summer. SDS had taken an activerole in strikes against the J,I.Case Farm Mach­inery Company, Dow Chemical in Pitsburgh (Calif­ornia) and Fritzi's (a garment factory that controlssweatshops in San Francisco). We also did educa­tional work at canneries and plants in San Jose,Kaiser Hospitals, Longshore, etc.

The last SDS Regional Office and organization fellapart two years ago due to lack of interest andparticipation. Since that time only local chaptersand ad hoc organizations have pulled together topull off actioIfs like stop the Draft Week and theApril 3rd Movement in Stanford against the SRI.SDS, in fact, has never been the initiator or leaderof any major action on the Bay Area.

A regional conference in Richmond at the be­ginning of August brought together 500 peoppleincluding several working class collectives, theMOVEMENT, Newsreel, LEVIATHAN , and localchapters to form a Northern California Regionof Sl;)S. From the inception the perspective wasto use the IIC to co-ordinate existing chapters, makenew contacts through mass work, help weaker chap­ters expand and build a strong region which couldmove in a smooth and functional way.

The building of a regional network and organ­ization was one of the most positive aspects oforganizing for the IIC. The IIC served ~ a concreteorganizing project which raised the level of under ­standing of the rUling class and its policies andbrought new people into SDS who wanted to dosomething to change this system. Contacts weremade with junior colleges and high schools wherethe movement has been small or non-existent.Demon­strations do not make an offensive by themselvesbut by tying the IIC to on-going work the regionbegan to take shape and expand.

Chapters which are traditionally inactive or func­tioning on a low level during the summer were acti­vated..They got out to rap to new people about themovement, pass out leaflets and build contacts withother organizations with politics which focused onthe ruling class and its policies of racism andimperialism. Schools were not in session, so a lotof work was done arounq factories and in the com mun­ity... The chapters activated over the summer willserve as strong groups for co-ordinated offensivesduring the coming ~chool year.

PAGE 18 MOVEMENT NOVEMBER 1969

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latinos walkout MUNI

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wehad gone down to check on the eligibility list forthe International convention. He failed to say we weredues paying members of the local. The pigs came andheard our side of the story and they had to leave.Airriess hasn' t attended a union meeting since then.

CONTINueo FROM PAG.E 7

DUCHO: One month at the union meeting we took acamera and a tape recorder. At the.next meeting ruleswere announced for the first.timebanning tape re­corders and cameras. And there were other similarrules designed at the last minute and forced downthe throats of the membership, including a rule thatsays no literature or materials can be disseminatedat the union hall. We see this directed at the caucus,and indicating its effectiveness, trying to hinder the.education we've been carrying out. But we don't findit as being adequate to stop us from what we have todo. Whether or not they say we can bring literatureor camera is one thing. Whether we'll stop doing itis another.

JOSE: Our personal experiences with workers area continuous, day to day thing. And we are engagedin struggle with brothers who have adjacent ideaswith the Black caucus, and we sometimes havecontradictions on the methods with which to deal withproblems.

DUCHO: There's been quite a bit of work done and wehave made some progress, but we still have a longway to go. Power to the People.

l ~.

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NEW BULLETINWhat are the alternatives to the growing ideologicalfragmentation in the New Left? Can the white work­I ing class be mobilized to fight for working class inter­ests? Are increasing black demands at the root of,black-white worker alienation? Do all white workersenjoy the "white privilege"? Is all Nationalism re­actionary?

The Ad Hoc Committee for a Marxist-Leninist Party,USA, explores these and other questions in thecurrent issue of Ad Hoc Bulletin (Marxist-Leninist).

Get your copy by enclosing 25ti to Ad Hoc Commit-,tee for a Marxist-Leninist Party, USA, Box 6193,Chicago, Illinois, 60680, or Box 1035, Church StreetStation, New York, New York, 10008.

hassled Chicano parents who came to gettheir children. That only made the par­ents more angry. The parents organizedand succeeded in having all the chargesdropped, and in getting all students whosuspended from school back in.

In organizing the action in Richmond,reliance was placed on the masses ofstudents. Students, not non- stUdents,wrote the leaflets, determined the nature·of the demonstration. Being familiar withother students and. the schools, theyhad to take the leading role. Not allaspects of the demonstration were per­fect, but there would have been noaction except for the leading role ofmany students.

And the leading role played by women.Brown women, at several key points inthe demonstration pushed ahead· andacted as the vanguard. At one school,several hundred students were millingaround in the schoolyard undecided aboutwhether to walk out a gate flanked bydeans and teachers taking names. It wasthe women who broke the indecision, whowalked defiantly through, and the restsoon followed. When there was a briefargument and tussle at the door of theSliIeway tbat was entered, it was thewomen who knocked the manager asideand led the rest of the student s to thegrapes.

The idea thatthis was part of a plannednationwide action helped bring the realityof a brown liberation movement home tomany students. By tying in Safeway, theboycott, and the meeting ofthe imperial­ists, the enemy was well defined. Bymaking Safeway, as a local arm of im­perialism, the target, there was supportfrom large numbers of.black and whitekids. This unity was a big step inschools that last spring were the sceneof heavy racial fighting.

Students grasped the situation, andbegan learning how to move in a dis­ciplined way against the enemy. Andthey're on the move.

by Doug Monica

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 15I~e·n in

Richmond California. The home of Standard Oil. Black, brown,and working whites. A racist school· board, and no money for theschools.

september 16th was the date set for Iinationwide walkout of chicano youth atThe National Chicano Youth Conferenceheld in Denver last March. That date, inthe Bay Area, coincided with a wideseries of demonstrations at the Inter­nation Industrialists Conference in SanFrancisco. The target of the Richmonddemonstrations was Safeway stores,which was prominently represented atthe Conference, which continues to sellCalifornia grapes and has been hit bymany boycotts, and rips off everyone.

In Richmond, several hundred highschool, junior high: and elementraryschool strudents walked out. At onejunior high the administration tried tokeep students in by locking all the gates.By that time, large numbers of studentswere already in the streets, and whenthey got to that junior high, studentsfrom inside would run out, and climbover the fence to join the ones outside.Jailbreak.

At one school, one girl had gotten leftbehind and ·didn't know how to catch up,so she called her mother, who came andpicked her up to drive her to the demon- .stration. There were many Chicanosamong the marchers, but also manyblack and white allies. They marched",with raised fists down to a local Safe­·way. Seeing few policemen on the streetsthey rushed into the Safeway, threw allthe grapes on the floor and stomped allover them. The action went off smooth­ly and the march continued.

The march passed another high school,gaining strength, and then headed for an­other Safeway. When themarchwasafewblocks away from the store, pigs movedin and started bustingChicano students.Many students were busted on so-calledtruancy raps. others managed to getaway, and rr.ade it to the Safeway, wherethey found that the manager had lockedthe store. For a time pigs continuedcruising, busting any brown youth theycould, including one Chicano who wasriding in a car with a city official ob­serving the arrests.

Later, at the police station the pigs

a1 acts restricted to a very short time and to a very smallarea. It is absolutely natural and inevitable that the up­rising should assume the higher and more complex form of aprolonged civil war embracing the whole country, i.e., anarmed struggle between two sections of the people. Such awar cannot be conceived otherwise than as a series of afew big engagements at comparatively long intervals and alarge number of small encounters during these intervals•That being so-and it is undoubtedly so-the Social-Demo­crats must absolutely make it their duty to create organisa­tions best adapted to lead the masses in these big engage­ments and, as far as possible, in these small encounters aswell. In a period when the class struggle has become accep.­tuated to the point of civil war, Social-Democrats must makeit their duty not only to participate but also to play the lead­ing role in this civil war. The Social-Democrats must trainand prepare theil' organisations to be really able to act asa belligerent side which does not miss a single opportunity.of inflicting damage on the enemy's forces.

This is a difficult task, there is no denying. It cannot beaccomplished at once. Just as the whole people are being re­trained and are learning to fight in the course of the civilwar, so our organisations must be trained, must be recon­structed in conformity with the lessons of experience to beequal to this task.

We have not the slightest intention of foisting on prac­tical workers any artific~al form of struggle, or even of decid­ing from our armchair what pal't any particular form ofguerrilla warfare should play in the general course of thecivil war in Russia. We al'e far from the thought of regard­ing a concrete assessment of particular guerrilla act ions asindicative of a trend in Social-Democracy. But we do regardit as our duty to help as far as possible to arrive at a correcttheoretical assessment of the new forms of struggle engen­dered by practical life. We do regard it as our duty relent­lessly to combat stereotypes and prejudices which ham perthe class-conscious workers in correctly presenting a newand difficult problem and in correctly approaching itssolution.

clericalism, socialism and all other wares in demand. Anewspaper becomes corrupted into a public pimp, into ameans of corrupting·the masses, of pandering to the low iIi~

stincts of the mob, and so on and so forth. Social-Democracyknows of no universal methods of struggle, such as wouldshut off the proletariat by a Chinese wall from the stratastanding slightly above or slightly below it; At differentperiods Social-Democracy applies different methods, al­ways qualifying the choice of them by strictly defined ideo­logical and organisational conditions. *

IV

The forms of struggle in the Russian revolution are dis­tinguished by their colossal variety compared with .the bour­geois revolutions in Europe. Kautsky partly foretold thisin 1902 when he said that the future revolution (with theexception perhaps of Russia, he added) might be not so mucha struggle of the peopl!3 against the government as a strugglebetween two sections of the people. In Russia we undoubtedlysee a wider development of this latter struggle than in thebourgeois revolutions in the West. The enemies of our revo­lution among the people are few in number, but as the strug­gle grows more acute they become more and more organisedand receive the support of the reactionary strata of the bour­geoisie. It is therefore absolutely natural and inevitablethat in such a period, a period of nation-wide politicalstrikes, an uprising cannot assume the old form of individu-

• The Bolshevik Social-Democrats are often accused of a frivolouspassion for guerrilla actions. It would therefore not be amiss to recallthat in the draft resolution on guerrilla actions (Partiiniye Izvestia,No.2, and Lenin's report on the Congress) the section of the Bolshevikswho defend guerri lla actions suggested the following conditions for theirrecognition: "expropriations" of private property were not to be per­mi tted under any circumstances; "expropriations" of government prop­erty were not to be recommended but only allowed, provided that theywere controlled by the Party and lheir proceeds used for the needs ofan uprising. Guerrilla acts in the form of terrorism were to be recom­mended against brulal government officials and active members ofthe Black Hundreds, but on condition that 1) the sentiments of themasses be taken into account; 2) the conditions of the working·classmovement in the given locality be reckoned with, and 3) care betaken that the forces or the proletariat should not be frittered away.The practical difference between Ulis draft and the resolution whichwas adopted atlhe Unily Congress lies exclusively in the fact that"expropriations" of government property are not allowed.

Pro/elary, No.5,September 30. 1906

Published according- totbe Prolelary text

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