Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

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Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia Author(s): Jerry W. Cooney Source: The Americas, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Apr., 1972), pp. 407-428Published by: Academy of American Franciscan HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/980204Accessed: 13-07-2015 12:47 UTC

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PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND DOCTOR FRANCIA

NE OF THE consequences of the Buenos Aires revolution in May of 1810 was the eventual independence of Paraguay and the rise to power of Doctor Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de

Francia. But before analysing the events of the Independence Move- ment in the isolated province of Paraguay it is necessary to consider both the conditions in that region in the last decade of colonial rule and the activities of Doctor Francia in the same period.

I The last Intendente-Gobernador of Paraguay, Bernardo de Velasco,

governed a province which had shared in the reforms accompanying the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata and the Intendant system. Although hindered by an archaic militia system, frequent at- tacks by Indians from the Gran Chaco and the north, remnants of the feudalistic encomienda system, and isolation from the rest of the Vice- royalty, nonetheless this province had made significant economic and cultural progress since the notable but dreary report of Governor Agustin Fernando de Pinedo in 1777.' Asunci6n in the last thirty years of colonial rule became the center of shipbuilding in the Rio de la Plata, ropeyards supplied cordage for ships of war, and the Edict of Free Commerce in 1778 freed the province from archaic taxation and commercial restrictions. The Portuguese-Spanish boundary commission of the 1780's and the establishment of a royal monopoly of tobacco in the same decade introduced specie to Paraguay for the first time, greatly stimulating commerce; and the yerba mate industry was thriv- ing.2 In addition, the province enjoyed competent governors and administrators since the creation of the Intendant system, revitalizing as a side effect the moribund Asunci6n Cabildo. Several governors in the last decades of royal rule also took an interest in education and supported the establishment of the Colegio de San Carlos and other bene- ficial projects for the betterment of education in the colony."

SAgustin Fernando de Pinedo, "Informe del Gobernador del Paraguay Agustin Fernando de Pinedo a S. M. el Rey de Espafia acerca de la pobreza de la provincia y de la opresi6n de los indios," Revista del Instituto Paraguayo, LI & LII (1905), 337-352, 3-31, respectively.

2 Rafael Eladio Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811 (Asunci6n, 1966), pp. 77-86. 3Ibid. John Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810. The Intendant

System in the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. (London, 1958), pp. 158-161, 210- 215. Olinda Massare de Kostianovsky, La instruccidn pzliblica en la 6poca colonial (Asunci6n, 1968), pp. 187-217.

407


408 PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

However, under the surface of this prosperity and seeming con- tentment other influences were present which affected Paraguay as well as the rest of Spanish America. The economic reforms and cultural progress had created a small criollo elite, educated in the milieu of the Enlightenment, and deprived of all important governmental positions. In addition, the commerce and shipping of Paraguay were largely in the hands of non-Paraguayans. The Paraguayan elite, economically based upon the cultivation of tobacco, or the exploitation of yerba, turned either to the Church or to the militia for prestige. The militia, destined to play a crucial role in Paraguayan independence, had been reorganized in the first decade of the nineteenth century and many young officers such as Fulgencio Yegros, his brother Antonio Tomis, and Pedro Juan Cavallero, were prominent leaders in the Emancipation Movement. At the same time, the Church in Paraguay was becoming more Para- guayan although the most important positions were still a monopoly of the Spanish-born.

Socially and culturally, Paraguay by 1800 was unique among Spanish American colonies. The long isolation and neglect by the Crown had fostered a spirit of localism which had manifested itself as early as the 1720's in the Comunero revolt. The taxation of Paraguayan products for the benefit of other areas of the Empire, allied with economic com- petition from the favored Jesuit Missions during the 1600's and 1700's, had created a spirit of resentment; and this resentment was not to dis- appear immediately with the expulsion of the Jesuits and the introduc- tion of economic reforms concurrent with the establishment of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. Also, the lack of migration to Paraguay, the necessity of a subsistence agricultural economy for most of the colonial period, the large number of Guarani Indians and the subsequent acculturation of the native population, all had formed a unique and culturally homogeneous mestizo population (often speaking Guarani in preference to Spanish).' In consideration of these factors of cultural and linguistic unity, geographical isolation, and the appearance of a new elite closely associated with the rest of the inhabitants, Paraguay at the beginning of the nineteenth century possessed many of the ingredients necessary for nationhood.

But notwithstanding the isolation of this province, Paraguay was affected by the events of the last decade of the eighteenth century and the first of the nineteenth which accompanied the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. During the War of Oranges in 1801 an

4Eladio Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811, pp. 63-76. Efraim Cardozo, El Paraguay colonial: Las raices de la nacionalidad (Buenos Aires, 1959), passim.


JERRY W. COONEY 409 unsuccessful expedition was mounted from Asunci6n to capture the Portuguese fort of Coimbra in the Mato Grosso, and various skirmishes occurred on the northern border.5 In 1806 Governor Velasco was ordered to send the Paraguayan militia to aid in the defense of the Rio de la Plata against the British. These troops were dispatched under the command of Coronel Jos6 de Espinola who ruthlessly pressed campesinos into the militia, forcing them to abandon families and farms in their attempts to evade military service." The Paraguayans who served in the Rio de la Plata participated in the defense of Montevideo and Buenos Aires in 1807. The Montevidean defense was badly handled by the Viceroy marqu6s de Sobremonte and officers of the Paraguayan militia carried resentment back home with them. They also carried with them the example of the deposition of Sobremonte by the criollos of Buenos Aires and some copies of the British newspaper, La Estrella del Sur, printed in Montevideo and advocating the rebellion of the Spanish colonies. The results of this expedition were bitterness in the militia and population of Paraguay, social and economic dislocation within the province, and a dread of future involvement in the Rio de la Plata.7 The colony became tranquil by 1809 but the events of the British invasion were remembered.

Elsewhere authorities did not succeed in calming their jurisdictions in the wake of the confusion caused by the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and the kidnapping of Fernando VII. In 1810 the criollos of Buenos Aires revolted against their Spanish masters and avidly desired the ad- herence of the rest of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata to their revolution. However, there was resistance to the port city in C6rdoba, Montevideo, Upper Per', and Paraguay; and the porteiios erred in sending Jose de Espinola to Paraguay. This soldier was in Buenos Aires during that city's revolution and immediately became a partisan of the new government, but his arrival in Paraguay caused resentment and fear that another expedition would be sent to the Rio de la Plata. After a few rash acts by Espinola designed to gain Paraguay for Buenos

, V. Correa Filho, As raias de Matto Grosso (Sio Paulo, 1925), III, 135-149. Coman- dante of Villa Real de la Concepci6n Coronel Jose de Espinola to the Governor of Para- guay Laizaro de Ribera, Concepci6n, February 19, 1802, in Colegio Visconde de Rio- Branco, Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1-30, 26, 27. Hereafter cited as CRB.

8 Governor of Paraguay Bernardo de Velasco to Viceroy the marquis de Sobremonte, Asunci6n, October 19, 1806, in Archivo General de la Naci6n, Buenos Aires, IX-5-5-#1. Hereafter cited as AGN. Bando of Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, January 15, 1807, in Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Secci6n Hist6rica, volume 204. Hereafter cited as ANA-SH.

SIbid. Juan Beverina, Las invasiones inglesas al Rio de la Plata (1806-1807) (Buenos Aires, 1939), II, 116-117, 151-152. Jesus L. Blanco Sanchez, El capitdin don Antonio Tomds Yegros. Prdcer de la independencia nacional (Asunci6n, 1961), pp. 7-9.



Aires, Governor Velasco arrested him and the province was assured by the governor that it had naught to fear. Espinola escaped to Buenos Aires and there reported to the Junta of that city that force would be needed to subjugate Paraguay.8 In September of 1810 an expedition under the command of Manuel Belgrano was ordered to deliver Para- guay from Spanish rule. Both the portefio Junta and Belgrano had the mistaken impression that the mere appearance of an army of liberation would cause a revolt against Velasco.9 They were wrong; Velasco was extremely well liked by the Paraguayans and there was too much distrust in the province concerning portefio motives. Nevertheless, in late 1810 Belgrano and his small army began the march to Paraguay.

Meanwhile in Asunci6n, Velasco and the Cabildo of that city called a meeting, or Junta General, of the province for July 24, 1810, which was attended by royal officials and principal vecinos. It was decided at this Junta General that Paraguay would be placed on a war footing, that Spanish authority was supreme, that communications with Mon- tevideo would be maintained, and that insomuch as possible, good relations would be preserved with Buenos Aires." However, it soon became necessary to send an armed expedition to Corrientes to rescue Para- guayan merchant vessels there detained on orders from Buenos Aires and Belgrano appeared on the banks of the Paran."

Governor Velasco had prepared the province to the best of his abilities for an eventual conflict with the former capital. He exhorted the Paraguayans to defend the fights of Fernando VII, arrested partisans of Buenos Aires, assembled and increased the militia, secretly asked the Portuguese commander in Rio Grande do Sul for aid, and in late De- cember of 1810 marched his army from Asunci6n to meet Belgrano. No Portuguese aid arrived but the untrained Paraguayans defeated the equally untrained, but smaller, portefio army at Paraguari on January 19, 1811, and later at Tacuari on March 9, 1811. Although defeated, Belgrano was still able to save the remnants of his army by an armistice with the Paraguayan commander and marched back across the Parana.12

8 Bando of Governor Velasco about the putative expedition to the Rio de la Plata, Asunci6n, July 2, 1810, ANA-SH 211. Expediente on the capture of Coronel Espinola, Asunci6n, July 14, 1810, ANA-SH 211.

9 Secret Instructions given to General Manuel Belgrano by the Junta of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, September 22, 1810, AGN X-23-2#6.

10 Resolutions of the Junta General of Paraguay, Asunci6n, July 27, 1810, ANA-SH 211.

11 Expediente on the expedition to Corrientes, Asunci6n, September 27, 1810, ANA-SH 211.

12 Coronel Luis Vittone, El Paraguay en la lucha por su independencia (Asunci6n, 1960), pp. 45-94.


JERRY W. COONEY 411

Before he departed and in the absence of Governor Velasco, the portefio commander subverted many of the Paraguayan officers he met in the course of negotiations, emphasizing peace, union, the aspirations of Americans, and freedom of commerce. This propaganda fell on fertile soil and a conspiracy arose among Paraguayan militia officers with the most fervent plotter being Fulgencio Yegros, recently appointed commander of the militia at Itaptia (now Encarnaci6n)." Velasco was aware of discontent in the province but took no action against the officers. He was hardly in any position to do so since at the battle of Paraguari the Governor had precipitously abandoned the battlefield leaving the fight to the Paraguayan criollos. By that action both Velasco and the Spanish cause suffered a great loss of prestige. Nevertheless, Governor Velasco did feel secure enough to proceed against certain civilians who favored the protefio cause and who were involved in minor conspiracies independent of the officers' plot.*14

Belgrano's propaganda, the startling success of Paraguayan arms, Velasco's dubious conduct at Paraguari', the disgraceful confusion of royalists in Asunci6n when they heard an erroneous rumor that Belgrano had conquered at Paraguari, and the government's disdainful attitude toward certain criollo militia officers after the victories all combined to produce a situation ripe for rebellion. The final event which in- stigated the Paraguayan revolution of May 14, 1811, was the arrival of a Portuguese emissary to Asunci6n, one Lieutenant Jos6 de Abreu, sent there by General Diogo de Souza, commander of the Portuguese army in Rio Grande do Sul. The Portuguese desired to expand in the Rio de la Plata region by claiming the right of inheritance of Princess Carlota Joaquina, sister of the kidnapped Fernando VII, and wife of the Prince Regent Joao of Portugal, then with his court in Rio de Janeiro. Having earlier received a plea from Velasco for aid against the portefios, the Portuguese court considered it, and then authorized Souza to reply. The mission of Abreu was the result.15 This young officer was joyfully received in Asunci6n in early May of 1811 by the royalist Cabildo and Governor Velasco, both parties being fearful of a reinvasion by Belgrano and frightened of the possibility of criollo dominance in the province. After several days of festivities and nego-

13 Julio CUsar Chaves, La revolucidn del 14 y 15 de mayo (Asunci6n, 1961), pp. 27-31.

14Carlos R. Centuri6n, Precursores y actores de la independencia del Paraguay (Asunci6n, 1962), pp. 20-42. Marcelino Rodriguez, "Recuerdos de un precursor de la revoluci6n paraguaya en 1811," Revista Nacional, XIII (1874), 174-183.

15 Efraim Cardozo, "La Princesa Carlota Joaquina y la independencia del Paraguay," Revista de Indias, XIV (1954), 363-375.



tiation, the Cabildo of Asunci6n enthusiastically (and Governor Velasco more reluctandtly) agreed to the stationing of two hundred Portuguese troops on Spanish soil and promised to recognize the rights of Carlota Joaquina.Y

The Portuguese involvement was bitterly opposed by the Paraguayan militia. For two hundred years Paraguay had stood as a bulwark against Portuguese expansion in the Rio de la Plata and any delivery of the province to the ancient enemy was abhorrent. The results of the negotiations between Abreu and Velasco were communicated to various officers by the governor's aide, Pedro Somellera, who was a secret sup- porter of the portefio cause; and the same officers were informed that the governor was aware of their plot.17 Startled by this intelligence some officers of the militia anticipated by several weeks the planned revolt that was to occur simultaneously in Itapiia, Corrientes (which recently had been occupied by Paraguayan forces), and the Cordillera outside of Asunci6n. On the night of May 14, 1811, Capitan Pedro Juan Cavallero and other officers seized the Cuartel General of Asunci6n and bloodlessly forced Governor Velasco to accede to their demands. Ve- lasco protested that he had no intention of delivering the province to any foreign power but he was compelled to terminate all negotiations with Abreu, deliver all arms in city to the insurgents, and accept two civilians to rule jointly with him." Paraguay was now and permanently freed from Spanish rule although the actual proclamation of independence was not until 1813.

II But how did these events of the last years of royal rule in Paraguay

affect Doctor Francia? And what was his position in Paraguayan society that he could become the most prominent figure of Paraguayan In- dependence?

This Paraguayan criollo was the son of Jos6 Engracia Rodriguez Francia, a Portuguese-Brazilian immigrant to Paraguay who married

I' Report on the Abreu mission by Francisco das Chagas Santos of Sio Borja to General Diogo de Souza, Sio Borja, June 7, 1811, in Vittone, pp. 181-193. Acuerdo of the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, May 13, 1811, CRB 1-29, 22, 9.

17 Pedro Somellera, "Notas del doctor don Pedro Somellera 4 la introducci6n que ha puesto el doctor Rengger a su ensayo hist6rico sobre la revoluci6n del Paraguay," in Museo Mitre, Documentos del Archivo de Belgrano (Buenos Aires, 1914), III, 320- 324.

18Capitin Pedro Juan Cavallero to Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811, ANA-SH 214. Bando of Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811, ANA-SH 214. Bando of Velasco, Asunci6n, May 17, 1811, ANA-SH 214.


JERRY W. COONEY 413

Maria Josefa Fabiana Velasco y Yegros, a descendant of an important criollo family. Their son, Jose was born January 6, 1766, in Asunci6n and educated in that city. At the age of fourteen, after his father had risen to militia posts of importance in the colony, young Jos6 was sent to the University of C6rdoba in Tucumin where he received his doc- torate in Sacred Theology. It is probable that his father desired that he enter the Church but five years of exposure to the influence of the philosophes of the eighteenth century and his own inclinations impelled him away from that institution. On his return to Asunci6n in 1785 he received a position in the Real Colegio Seminario de San Carlos, the institution opened in 1783 to educate the children of the Paraguayan upper class and to provide clergy for the province.

Because of his then liberal ideas, acerbic disposition, and scorn for those less intellectually endowed, Francia was soon forced to resign his post following a dispute with the Colegio's authorities. He then de- voted himself to the study and practise of law, gaining an admirable reputation for integrity and zeal in defense of the poor. His name became known throughout the province and his undoubted intellectual abilities were held in awe by the ordinary Paraguayan who respected the arandzi guazz2 (the Guarani for one of tremendous learning). How- ever, his ability did not save him from slighting rumors that his Brazilian ancestry indicated he was a mulatto. This belief (for which there was no foundation) prevented him from marrying the woman of his choice and embittered Francia against the gente decente of Asunci6n. Com- bined with estrangement from his father, a revulsion at earlier dissipa- tion, and an understandable resentment of Spaniards of less ability than he in positions of authority, the unfortunate love affair aided in the formation of an austere, cold, and arrogant individual. Doctor Francia withdrew into his work and books, formed no close friendships, and had little contact with his relatives."9

Regardless of his little-concealed contempt for other people, Francia's abilities were recognized by various colonial officials and the population of Paraguay, and in the first decade of the nineteenth century he held various positions in the Cabildo of Asunci6n. It is also believed that in 1804 he supported the putative attempt by Asunci6n vecinos to have the penultimate Intendente-Gobernador Lizaro de Ribera removed.

19 Julio CGsar Chaves, El Supremo Dictador (4th revised edition: Madrid, 1964), pp. 25-72, passim. Francisco Wisner, El Dictador del Paraguay: Jose Gaspar de Francia (2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1957), pp. 15-25. Informe of Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, August 18, 1809, Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Nueva Encuadernaci6n, volume 3405. Hereafter cited as ANA-NE.



Ribera was replaced, but more through reasons of internal Spanish politics than by the efforts of Paraguayans. In 1806 the Governor of the area comprising the former thirty Jesuit Missions, Bernardo de Velasco, was also appointed Governor of Paraguay, and in his entourage was one Pedro Somellera, an administrative aide and a native of Buenos Aires. Somellera befriended Francia and through the aide's influence the Paraguayan criollo became further involved in the work of the Asunci6n Cabildo and in minor Intendencia positions.20 In 1809 Francia was chosen by the Cabildo of Asunci6n to be Paraguay's delegate to the selection in Buenos Aires of the representative of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata to the Central Junta of Spain-that body acting in the name of the absent King Fernando VII. But due to an accusation of perjury directed against Doctor Francia with regard to his candidacy, he did not go to Buenos Aires.21 The circumstances sur- rounding his candidacy evidently embittered him against further work with the government since in 1810 and early 1811 he had no official position in the province. Or, one may conjecture, the accusation of perjury made him unacceptable to higher authorities. In any case Francia returned to his books and law practice, and spent most of his time at his country home of Ibiray outside Asunci6n. In 1810 Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia was forty-four years old, well educated, astute, and recognized throughout the province; but apparently destined to be only one more able criollo in the system favoring the Spanish-born.

Because he had no official position and never served in the militia, little documentary evidence exists as to his attitudes or actions during the period from May of 1810 to May of 1811. However, it may be safely assumed that he never fervently supported Spanish authority after Governor Velasco received the news of the porteiio revolution. Indeed, at the Junta General of July 1810 he was reported to have stated that "Spanish authority had collapsed on the continent." Al- though this statement cannot be positively verified it undoubtedly represented his sentiments.22 Then, after the Junta General, little is known of his actions during the preparation for the defense of the province. But there is no doubt that from Ibiray he took an active interest in the events transpiring in Paraguay and was reported to have criticized the armistice which allowed Belgrano to withdraw across the Parana.23 This

20Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 72-75. Somellera, 314-315. 21 Election of a deputy by the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, August 4, 1809, ANA-

NE 3405. 22 Somellera, 325. 23 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 101-102.


JERRY W. COONEY 415

latter complaint did not spring from a desire to have royalism victorious but rather from an innate dislike and distrust of anything from Buenos Aires.

III

Suddenly, with the capitulation of Governor Velasco to the rebellious militia officers Doctor Francia again appears. Both Pedro Somellera and Fray Fernando Cavallero, the latter a cleric favorable to the officers' plot and a relative of Francia, urged the officers to accept Francia as one of Velasco's associates in the government. Some officers were at first hesitant about this nomination as they considered Francia's politics too ambiguous; but they were assured by Fray Cavallero as to his nephew's sentiments and ability, and Francia and Juan Valeriano Zevallos were chosen. Doctor Francia was immediately summoned from his country home, accepted the position, and quickly advised the militia to make no premature overtures to the Buenos Aires Junta.24 This advice was advanced to forestall the Paraguayan faction advocating immediate union with the port city-Doctor Francia's innate nationalism was quickly revealed. The other associate in government, Juan Valeriano Zevallos, was a Spaniard sympathetic to the revolution and chosen to reassure those Spanish-born of importance in the colony but still uneasy about recent events.

The Triumvirate of Government-Francia, Zevallos, and Velasco- immediately summoned a provincial assembly to decide on the future form of government of Paraguay and relations with Buenos Aires.25 They also ordered the immediate evacuation of Corrientes as a peaceful gesture to the former viceregal capital.26 Before the assembly met, however, Velasco was removed from his position in early June by officers of the Cuartel General who discovered a letter purporting to prove the treason of his actions with regard to the Portuguese negotiations.27 Thus, prior to the Congress of June 17, 1811, Francia and Zevallos (in conjunction with the military) governed Paraguay.

Three different factions were present in Paraguay after the revolt of May 14, 1811. The Spanish party was impotent but the other two, portefios and patriotas, were both important and at odds as to the future

24 Somellera, 325. 25 Triumvirate of Paraguay to the population, Asunci6n, May 28, 1811, ANA-SH 213. 26 Bando of Triumvirate of Paraguay ordering the evacuation of Corrientes, Asunci6n,

May 30, 1811, ANA-SH 213. 27Bando of the officers of the Cuartel General concerning the deposition of Velasco,

Asunci6n, June 9, 1811, ANA-SH 213. Carlos Genoves to Governor Velasco, aboard the falucho San Martin, April 27, 1811, ANA-SH 213.



of the province. Doctor Francia quickly became the spokesman of the extreme patriotas who advocated autonomy for Paraguay while certain others such as Pedro Somellera desired that the province revert to its former subordination to Buenos Aires. Francia was atune to local opinion and turned on his former sponsor, ordering Somellera arrested and kept incomunicado.28 The absence of the most important leader of the portefio faction strengthened the patriotas' cause and later in 1811 Somellera was released and he and other portefios deported to Buenos Aires. At the same time, as a leader of the patriotas, Francia cultivated the hitherto unimportant element of the population who relied mainly upon subsistence agricultural and pastoral pursuits. This group, the largest numerically in Paraguay, had no close connections with Buenos Aires, either culturally or economically. They could be, and were, molded by Doctor Francia into a strong force for nationalism-and to a reversion to the localism and isolationism which characterized Paraguay during most of the colonial period.

At the congress in Asunci6n in 1811 Francia played a prominent role and on the first day addressed the approximately three hundred delegates. In a calm, well-reasoned speech in which he appealed to natural law, Doctor Francia defended the revolution, warned the assembly of dangers to Paraguay, and outlined three main tasks before the congress. They were:

The form of government and administration that we should have and observe in the future should be dealt with first. In second place, to ascertain our relations with the city of Buenos Aires and other adhering provinces. In third place, to decide what is the best course with respect to the individuals who previously exercised authority in this city, and at present find themselves suspended in precaution of any influence or disposition against the liberty of the country ... *29

The congress deliberated for a day and then it almost unanimously decided to form a Junta of five members to govern the province in the name of Fernando VII. Fulgencio Yegros, supported by the militia, was elected President of the Junta; Doctor Francia, Capitan Pedro Juan Cavallero, Doctor Fernando de la Mora, and Doctor Francisco Bogarin were elected vocales. The assembly approved the appointment of criollos to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, and resolved that in the future Paraguayans would claim all governmental positions.

This congress also abolished the hated royal monopoly of tobacco

28Somellera, 330-333. 29 Francia to the Paraguayan Congress, Asunci6n, June 18, 1811, ANA-SH 213.


JERRY W. COONEY 417 which had greatly profited the Crown at the expense of growers, and abolished or modified various taxes. Revenues that had been earmarked for the royal coffers were to pay for the defense of the frontiers-the congress citing the danger from the Portuguese. The Junta was charged with the maintenance of "friendship, good harmony, and correspond- ence with the city of Buenos Aires, and other confederated provinces ... ," and Paraguay looked with favor upon a congress of all the provinces of Rio de la Plata. However, until such a congress met,

Paraguay recognized no other authority than that emanating from the province. Doctor Francia was appointed Paraguay's delegate to any assembly of the Rio de la Plata should that province decide to be represented (it never did). In addition, an area north of the Parana and south of 1eembuc6 was annexed from Corrientes-this violation of the "natural limits" of Paraguay having earlier been resented by all Paraguayans, Bishops of Asunci6n, and governors of the province.3

The Paraguayan Junta soon began negotiations with Buenos Aires. On July 20, 1811, it sent the former capital a note which broached the idea of federation with equal rights among provinces, but warned Buenos Aires that Paraguay would not "change some chains for others." Paraguay's conditions for federation were: (1) while no general congress of the Rio de la Plata met, Paraguay would govern itself with no interference from Buenos Aires; (2) that the former capital of the Viceroyalty would cease collecting taxes on Paraguayan yerba; (3) that the royal monopoly of tobacco be abolished; and (4) that no form of government by any congress of the Ri6 de la Plata would be accepted by Paraguay until approved by that province in a general assembly.3' This proposal of confederation or federation with safeguards was supported (if not first suggested) by Doctor Francia who as a reputed admirer of American federalism saw it as a device to preserve local independence, yet maintain good relations with Buenos Aires that so many then deemed necessary for the province's commerce and defense.32

The Buenos Aires Junta responded quickly and dispatched Manuel Belgrano and Doctor Vicente de Echevarria to Asunci6n to treat with the Paraguayan Junta. However, the basis on which the portefios were to negotiate differed from that expected by Paraguay. Rather than approve of any form of federation which could weaken the port city's position with the other provinces then under its control, Buenos Aires desired

30 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 20, 1811, ANA-SH 214. 31 Paraguayan Junta to the Junta of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, July 20, 1811, ANA-SH

214. 32 Efraim Cardozo, El plan federal del Dr. Francia (Buenos Aires, 1941), pp. 18-23.



a central government with Paraguay subordinate to the capital-or failing that, an alliance with Paraguay for mutual defense. But the bar- gaining position of Buenos Aires was weak since during the summer of 1811 it saw itself menaced by both Spanish reaction and Portuguese expansion.3 After the departure of the emissaries to Asunci6n, the portefio Junta recognized the substance of Paraguay's conditions and never was there a possibility of a strong diplomatic thrust to return Paraguay to Buenos Aires' authority.4

In the meantime, Doctor Francia had resigned from the Junta in early August of 1811. The reason for his departure was a dispute with the military and many Paraguayans were dismayed and urged him to return., Antonio Tomas Yegros, Comandante of the Cuartel General of Asunci6n, wrote the Cabildo of that city strongly suggesting that Francia be reinstated in the Junta, that Doctor Bogarin be expelled from that body, and that another congress be convened to elect a vocal in Bogarin's place. The Cabildo, under pressure from the military, then requested the Junta's opinion in this matter and also asked Francia to return.86 Although the Junta agreed completely with the removal of Bogarin, Doctor Francia still refused to be reinstated, asking what would be the future of the province should the military continue to obtain their desires through force of arms, and could the Cabildo ever guarantee that if he did return, the same conflict would not again occur? "

The province was thrown into confusion by this retirement for Francia had already gained a large number of partisans who admired his honesty, his zeal in defense of Paraguayan autonomy, and his skill in administration. And by this time there was some disgust with the conduct of other members of the Junta since they were, as Francia later characterized them, "inept" and "frivolous." 88 Favoritism was blatant and they allowed local militia commanders to work their will in the countryside while unrest and discontent increased in Paraguay.

3 Ibid. Junta of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, August 1, 1811, AGN X-1-9#12. Junta of Buenos Aires to Junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, October 1, 1811, AGN X-1-9#12.

84 Junta of Buenos Aires to the Junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, August 28, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

5 Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, August 6, 1811 ANA-SH 214. Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, August 7, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

36 Acuerdo of the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, September 2, 1811, ANA-SH 214. S37Doctor Francia to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Ibiray, September 3, 1811, ANA-SH

214. 38 "Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817," Revista del Paraguay, I (1913),

453-458.


JERRY W. COONEY 419

However, more important than Francia's administrative ability or the other vocales' lack of same was the charismatic hold that Doctor Francia was acquiring over the mass of the Paraguayan people. It is difficult to imagine a cold, middle-aged lawyer having this type of power but eventually this appeal was to be the most important ingredient in the establishment and continuation of his generation-long dictatorship. And an indication of this power was underscored by the desire of the majority of Paraguayans that he possess absolute power. Not only did Doctor Francia want power but consciously or not most of his countrymen recognized that he, for all his personal oddities, was as much a Para- guayan as they and could be relied upon to articulate their unspoken desires. With unerring accuracy the future Dictator recognized the Paraguayan Zeitgeist of isolation, distrust of the outside world, a desire for peace, and a love of autonomy. While other members of the Junta attempted to further the interests of those few Paraguayans involved in export agriculture, Francia recognized the force of the common Paraguayans who knew little about and cared less for such pursuits. Subsistence agriculture was the way of life for most Paraguayans of the countryside. Lacking any commitments to commerce, friends, or relatives, Francia could and did pose as the impartial patriarchical figure so recurrent in Paraguayan history. But this attitude was more than a pose-to Francia and to the common Paraguayan it was reality and perhaps meant the nationhood of Paraguay. This enigmatic figure has been termed the personification of Rousseau's General Will as applied to a leader of a people. Such a characterization would be incomplete. Doctor Francia used and molded the Paraguayan General Will, but rose above it at the same time as a true charismatic leader must.89

Already aware of the appeal which Francia possessed the Junta resolved to suspend Francisco Bogarin who had made himself obnoxious to Francia, and the Cabildo of Asunci6n acted as mediator between Francia and the military. At first this mediation achieved nothing but soon the news of the imminent arrival of Belgrano and Echevarria was received. Then, fearful that unnecessary concessions would be granted to Buenos Aires in his absence, Francia rejoined the Junta after receiving assurances that the military would not again interfere in governmental matters.40 Shortly after his reincorporation into the Junta he enhanced his prestige during a farsical attempt of a coup d'etat by various Span-

" Charisma is still an elusive concept but for a discussion of this phenomenon as applied to a leader in a "conservative" sense-as would be the case of Doctor Francia- see: Edward Shils, "Charisma, Order, and Status," American Sociological Review, XXX (1965), 200-205.

40 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 128-130.



iards and royalist Paraguayans who thought they could take advantage of unrest in Asunci6n to return Governor Velasco to authority.4' Sev- eral participants in this coup were executed and the rest quickly im- prisoned, but never was the new government in danger. Finally, the portefio mission arrived in Asunci6n and in early October of 1811 meetings were held between the emissaries from Buenos Aires and the Paraguayan Junta-with Francia ably defending the interests of Paraguay at these conferences. On October 12, 1811, a treaty between Buenos Aires and Paraguay was concluded and signed. By the terms of this treaty the former viceregal capital recognized Paraguayan autonomy until that province decided to join with the others of the Rio de la Plata, recognized the Paraguayan claim to boundaries, abolished the taxes previously paid Buenos Aires, recognized the abolition of the royal monopoly of tobacco, and included a vague mutual defense clause. This defense clause and a separate article forbidding Buenos Aires to impose heavy taxes on Paraguayan products exported down-river later led to the rupture of relations between the two parties in 1813.4' The newly formed Triumvirate in Buenos Aires approved this treaty but disliked the recognition of Paraguayan boundaries.4 But in any case Paraguay was now free to follow its own course and although there were later to be some external alarms this area was not seriously threatened by foreign foes until the War of the Triple Alliance. Doctor Francia could now devote much of his time and attention to the pursuit and acquisition of power.

Francia's return to the Junta lasted but a few months. Again on December 15, 1811, he resigned from this body and did not rejoin it for almost a year. The reasons for his second resignation were repeated interference from the military and a dispute with other members of the Junta over the release of certain political prisoners-a release which Francia opposed. He then requested the remaining members of the Junta to summon a new provincial congress but they rejected his request accusing him of "attempting to place his interests above those of the country." The future Dictator denied this charge, stated that his request would not divide the province, and complained of the ingrati-

41 Secret Manifesto of the Junta (not the Junta of Paraguay), Asunci6n, August 29, 1811, ANA-SH 214. There is little doubt that the royalist plotters were enticed into action by the government. Their attempted coup d'etat was a complete failure and discredited their party. Somellera, 337-339.

42Treaty between Paraguay and Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 12, 1811, ANA- SH 214.

43Triumvirate of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, October 31, 1811, AGN X-1-9#13.


JERRY W. COONEY 421

tude of his colleagues after he had shouldered all the burdens of administration." He later asserted:

The Junta with only three members was neither legitimate nor competent . . . no one who knew the persons and circumstances could imagine that it was the intention of the Congress to authorize, even in this case, three individuals absolutely inexpert, destitute of all knowledge, and in a word [sic] totally ignorant and inept .

..45

IV The absent vocal had allies throughout the province and the first

indication of support for him came from the recently reconstituted Cabildo of Asunci6n which attempted, in lieu of a clear definition of power, to interfere in what the Junta considered its own affairs.4" The attempt was not successful but already difficulties were increasing for the rump Junta and the Cabildo, having partisans of Francia sitting upon it, kept sniping at the Junta throughout 1812. In the countryside local militia commanders and certain administrators were often corrupt and incompetent. The continual interference by officers of the militia in governmental matters complicated administration while Fulgencio Yegros and other high officials were accused of neglecting their duties for the social life of Asunci6n. This state of affairs had occurred while Francia was in the Junta, but he had labored to correct it. Now in his absence, matters worsened and grumbling grew apace within Paraguay."

Nevertheless, the Junta (and particularly Fernando de la Mora) in 1812 did advance projects for the betterment of Paraguay. The Colegio de San Carlos was reopened after better than a year of inactivity. Plans were made for an expansion of primary education, a literary society was founded, steam navigation of the Paraguay River proposed, new commercial regulations enacted, and a military academy suggested. The Inquisition was abolished and the Bishop of Asunci6n and most of the Church hierarchy threw their support to the revolution." Most of the

4Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, December 15, 1811, ANA-SH 214. Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, December 16, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

45 ",Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817, " 453-458. 46Cabildo of Asunci6n to the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, December 31, 1811,

ANA-SH 214. Junta of Paraguay to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, December 31, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

4 Junta of Paraguay to the population, Asunci6n, June 19, 1812, ANA-SH 218. In this proclamation the remaining Junta warned against grumbling, subversion, etc., and gave those discontent with the regime fifteen days to remove themselves and their goods from the province.

48 Carlos R. Centuri6n, Historia de la cultura paraguaya (Asunci6n, 1961), I, 184-191.



new projects, in any case, would have taken some time to mature but none succeeded, either because of lack of funds, lack of capable administrators, or Francia's indifference to such matters when he later assumed dictatorial power. Also it may be assumed that the press of foreign affairs absorbed much of the Junta's attention to the detriment of internal matters.

One such concern was the Portuguese occupation in early summer of 1812 of the temporarily abandoned Paraguayan fort of Borb6n (now Olimpo) in the far north. This incursion by their Lusitanian neighbors greatly startled the Paraguayans and an expedition was prepared to regain the fort. However, before any conflict occurred it was peacefully returned to Paraguay. Nevertheless, this contretemps could not but increase the already high distrust of the Portuguese by the Paraguay- ans.49 In addition, the Junta aided Jos6 Artigas while that Uruguayan gaucho leader was subordinate to Buenos Aires, sending him tobacco and yerba for his army."? But while aiding Artigas relations with Buenos Aires steadily worsened. That city desired and requested military aid under the provisions of the October 12, 1811 treaty and Para- guay claimed that in the present circumstances it was all that that province could do to protect itself and maintain internal order. The portefios supported a subversive movement in the province, began to sequester Paraguayan goods, and finally, in violation of the same treaty, heavily taxed the products of the up-river province." The former capital of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata had not forgotten its earlier desire to incorporate Paraguay into its system of government and believed that these measures would effect this end.

If all these events were not enough for the beleaguered Junta, Francia was rapidly consolidating his hold over the campo. Small estate owners and campesinos were wooed by him as he secretly criticized the Junta from his retirement at Ibiray. A Scottish merchant, John Parish Robert- son, was then in Paraguay and acquainted with the future Dictator. Robertson later asserted:

49 Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, May 26, 1812, AGN X-1-9#13. R. Antonio Ramos, La politica del Brasil en el Paraguay bajo la dictadura del Dr. Francia (2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1959), pp. 21-30.

50o Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, January 19, 1812, ANA-SH 217.

51 Ventura Diaz de Bedoya to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, January 23, 1812, AGN X-1-9#12. Jose' Zvala y Delgadillo (attributed to Doctor Juan Manuel Grance), "Diario de los sucesos memorables de la Asunci6n desde el 14 de mayo de 1812," Revista Nacional, III (1887), 245. Chaves, Historia de las relaciones entre Buenos-Ayres y el Paraguay, 1810-1813, pp. 178-195.


JERRY W. COONEY 423

He [Francia] received secret visits from most of the substantial farmers and landed proprietors of the country; he encouraged the aspirations of men who had hitherto never dreamt of obtaining power; he was all meekness and condescension to the lower, all hauteur to the higher classes of society. His plan was to imbue the country-people with a feeling that they were misgoverned by a few ignorant men devoid of merit; and to insinuate if he should once come back to power how different it would be. He represented to them that the object of the revolution had been to overthrow the aristocratic pretensions of Old Spain; whereas it was now apparent that these pretensions were only superseded by others more odious, because they were set up by men whom they knew to be no more than their equals, some of them their inferiors.52

In May of 1812 the Junta ordered the celebration of the first anni- versary of the revolution, but there was no doubt that under all the festivities dissatisfaction reigned. And many Paraguayans desired the return of Doctor Francia to the Junta.5s Paraguay was still independent of Buenos Aires but portefio pressure was increasing. The public had become disgusted with the conduct of the Junta and militia officers, and discontent roiled the countryside. Finally, in November the Junta capitulated to Doctor Francia, tacitly acknowledged that he was indispensable, and welcomed him back to that body.

The conditions he imposed for his return were a virtual veto on all measures taken by the government and the creation of a battalion of infantry responsible to no one but Doctor Francia." With his return Francia began in earnest to increase his authority. He appointed his own partisans to positions within the government; and seizing on the pretexts of the loss of part of the treaty with Buenos Aires, the tempo- rary loss of Fort Borb6n, and Fernando de la Mora's supposed sym- pathies for the portefio government, eventually had that vocal dismissed from the Junta-claiming at the same time de la Mora was drunk and dissolute.55 Francia was now the only civilian of importance in high authority and far and beyond the most astute and best educated person wielding power. His methods were simple-to discredit, dismiss, or exile any person in power who threatened in any manner his intellectual dominance of the government, and to place his adherents in other posts of lesser authority. He encountered little opposition in this program;

52 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay (London, 1838), I, 336-337. 58 Zivala y Delgadillo, 241-245. Comandante of the Cuartel General Antonio Tomas

Yegros to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, May 15, 1812, ANA-SH 218. 54 Acuerdo of the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, November 16, 1812, ANA-SH 218. 55 Junta of Paraguay to Fernando de la Mora, Asunci6n, December 22, 1812, CRB

1-30, 2, 80. Auto of Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, September 18, 1813, CRB 1-30, 2, 80.



the elite of Asunci6n and the entire province not only recognized his ability but perceived that his base of power, the small landowner, could not be swayed from allegiance to Francia.

While the future Dictator was engaged in these pursuits Buenos Aires was experiencing difficulties, and in early 1813 after the fall of the Triumvirate of that city Doctor Nicolis de Herrera was sent to Asunci6n to request that Paraguay send a delegate to an upcoming congress of all the provinces of the Rio de la Plata.5" Revolutionary solidarity was urgently needed in the face of unexpected resistance by the Spanish in upper Peri', Portuguese ambitions in the Rio de la Plata, and obstinant desires for autonomy by the gauchos of the Banda Oriental. The Paraguayan Junta delayed replying to Herrera and the portefio envoy wasted his time in Asunci6n while, at Francia's request, preparations were made for a provincial congress to deal with this matter and the formation of a new government for Paraguay. Finally, on September 30, 1813, this congress met, attended by approximately one thousand delegates with the campo fully represented and enthusiastically supporting Doctor Francia.7

V The congress, under urging from Francia and other Paraguayans

angered by Buenos Aires' recent actions, rejected Herrera's invitation to send delegates to any congress of the Rio de la Plata. Later, Doctor Francia informed the portefio envoy that little cooperation could be expected from Paraguay as long as Buenos Aires imposed onerous taxes on Paraguayan products exported down-river.8 In addition to dealing with the question of representation at Buenos Aires, the Paraguayan Congress of 1813 deliberated on the future form of government for Paraguay. Past experience had revealed the folly of too many people in charge of administration and after much discussion this congress approved the Consular system for Paraguay-two equal Consuls alter- nating in highest power every four months. Fulgencio Yegros and Doctor Francia were the two Consuls with the first period of administration falling to Francia. The congress also declared Paraguay to be an independent republic, charged the Consuls with the defense and

56 Instructions to Nicolais de Herrera from the Buenos Aires government, Buenos Aires, March 4, 1813, AGN X-1-9#12.

57 Junta of Paraguay to Juez Comisionado of Ybicuy, Asunci6n, August 26, 1813, ANA-SH 221.

58 Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813, ANA-SH 222. Herrera to Government of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 13, 1813, AGN X-1-9#12.


JERRY W. COONEY 425

security of the new state, gave to each command of one half of the armed forces, each his commission as brigadier, outlined the duties and administrative procedures for the new government, and called for another congress within a year's time." All things considered, there is no doubt that Francia with his knowledge of Roman history and the French Revolution was responsible for this new type of government and within a year he was to play the role of Caesar and Yegros that of Pompey.60

Three salient features characterized the one year of the Consulate; Doctor Francia's dominance and acquisition of further power, the Paraguayan policy of non-intervention in the Rio de la Plata, and the final destruction of the Spaniards as a force in Paraguay. By October of 1814 when another congress was assembled pursuant to the decision of the Congress of 1813, Consul Francia was clearly the dominant figure in the new nation and Paraguay's independence (judging with historical hindsight) was an accomplished fact.

Early in the Consulate Francia demonstrated his power over Yegros with the first conflict occurring over the selection of a Secretary of Government. Francia's partisan was chosen and this appointment pres- aged governmental selections in the future.6" His followers were placed in positions of authority and Yegros weakly acquiesced, content to let Francia handle the day-to-day matters of government. By late 1814 most administrators owed their positions to Doctor Francia and leaped to obey his wishes. This policy was to have eventual effect of insuring his goal of internal order as he labored to govern the new republic, but it also signified the complete triumph of the future Dictator. The peculiar occurrence was that there was so little resistance to this policy on the part of Yegros or other militia officers who distrusted Francia. One can only surmise that by this time he was so entrenched in power and recognized as so indispensable that no one dared openly to oppose him. Those militia officers that he distrusted were either dismissed or placed on the frontier far from the seat of government.

The measures against the Spanish in Asunci6n came as a surprise to this party. Since the abortive conspiracy of September of 1811, they had only been subject to certain fines and not greatly molested as their

59 Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813, ANA-SH 222. 60 There is an apocryphal story that at the celebrations inaugurating the Consular

system there were two chairs, one marked Caesar and the other Pompey. Doctor Francia was supposed to have seized the one marked Caesar. Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, p. 166.

61 Wisner, pp. 70-72.



anti-portefio attitude furthered Francia's policy of Paraguayan autonomy. However, to dispel rumors that he was pro-Spanish, he and Yegros proposed early in 1814 to expel about one hundred Spaniards from Para- guayan soil. Failing to receive permission from Buenos Aires to eject them into territory subject to that city, other measures of harassment were instituted.62 One day in January of 1814 those Spanish-born who were not considered citizens of Paraguay were summoned to the main plaza of Asunci6n. There they were forced to submit to a derogatory harangue by the Secretary of Government. Later the same year they were deprived of all civil rights and Spanish-born males forbidden to marry Paraguayan criollas. Those Spaniards desirous of matrimony were limited to women still legally classified as Indians, mulatas, or negras.3 This measure was decreed to limit the social and economic influence of the Spanish in Paraguay. Anti-Spanish measures increased under the Dictatorship and this element was effectively deprived of all influence. Francia's criollo resentment of the Spaniard had only been dormant; it never was extinguished.

The other preoccupation of the Consulate was the maintenance of neutrality or non-intervention in the Rio de la Plata. Both Yegros and Francia were in agreement on this matter as conditions had become quite confused since Artigas was now in opposition to Buenos Aires, and near anarchy prevailed in the Banda Oriental and adjacent areas. The Uruguayan gaucho was gaining allies in his struggle against the dominance of the city of Buenos Aires since the centralistic policy of that city created distrust in the interior.

Early in 1814 Artigas believed the moment was propitious and through the Paraguayan commander at Itapuia proposed an alliance with Para- guay.64 Certain citizens of that republic were sympathetic to Artigas' struggle against Buenos Aires and he could count on support from some officers in the Paraguayan army. However, Francia believed that the best way to maintain independence was to stand aloof from the projects of the Uruguayan. Nevertheless, Artigas did persuade the commander at Itapia, Vicente Antonio Matiauda, to aid him in a campaign against those portefio troops present in the Missions area. Matiauda was dismissed by the Consulate and fled Paraguay while Corrientes and Buenos

62 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 168-169. 63 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II, 34-36. Consuls of Paraguay

to the Cura Vicario of Capiatai including the Consular Resolution of March 1, 1814, Asunci6n, July 1, 1814, in Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de Asunci6n, Casilla # 107, Volume II.

64 Artigas to Comandante Vicente Matiauda of Itap ia, Batovi, January 26, 1814, ANA-SH 223.


JERRY W. COONEY 427

Aires were informed of Paraguay's disavowal of his actions." The denial of aid to Artigas turned him against Francia and in 1815 he attempted by subversion to overthrow the then Dictator, but by that time Doctor Francia had so consolidated his power that those within Paraguay opposed to the Dictator and sympathetic to Artigas' schemes realized that there was no chance of a change of rulers. The emnity of Artigas had repercussions as his followers stopped ships bound up-river to Asunci6n and confiscated cargoes.66

In October of 1814 another congress assembled in Asunci6n and by this time Francia's position was unassailable. His efforts to increase his power, his charismatic hold on the campo, and his undeniable ability made him the logical choice to become sole ruler of Paraguay. This congress elected him Dictador Supremo de la Reptiblica for a period of five years.6 The center of opposition to him at this time was in Asun- ci6n and various enemies opposed this measure or proposed a continuation of the Consulate. Especially among those militia officers not yet dismissed nor converted was there opposition, but it was to no avail.68 Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia had achieved supreme power and was to retain it until his death in 1840.

He continued to consolidate his position, provided good government, took steps to increase the military power of his nation, protected the republic's interests in the face of anarchy in the Rio de la Plata, and took no severe measures against his political enemies in 1815 and 1816. During this period Buenos Aires and Artigas continued to harass Para- guay and from this pressure came the eventual isolation of his nation. In 1815 his measures against the Indians of the north who were raiding into the area of Concepci6n increased the admiration felt for him by citizens of the republic. Finally, in June of 1816 he was elected by another congress to be "Dictator of the Republic for life.

..." ,"6 For

twenty-four more years Francia was the sole arbiter of Paraguay's destiny. Only once in this period was he menaced by an internal conspiracy and those plotters were ruthlessly liquidated. Several times in this period of the Dictatorship there were minor altercations on the frontiers, but Paraguay was secure in isolation and no foreign power wasted the time and effort to threaten seriously Francia's regime.

65 Consuls of Paraguay to the Lieutenant Governor of Corrientes, Asunci6n, March 13, 1814, ANA-SH 223.

66J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Francia's Reign of Terror (Philadelphia, 1839), II, 84-102.

67 Act of the Paraguayan Congress, Asunci6n, October 3, 1814, CRB 1-30, 24, 45. 68 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II, 314-317. Wisner, pp. 74-77. 69 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 1, 1816, CRB 1-29, 23, 5-B.



VI One can conclude that by 1814 the independence of Paraguay was

assured as long as there was no Spanish resurgence in the Rio de la Plata. General Jos6 de San Martin and Buenos Aires' efforts were to assure that no such resurgence occurred. Preoccupied with this struggle, internal difficulties, and opposition to the Portuguese (and later the Brazilian) dreams of expansion in the Banda Oriental, the portefios were never able to muster sufficient power to incorporate Paraguay into their form of the old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. All Paraguay had to do was to maintain vigilance against any conspiracies mounted by the former capital and to provide a government which would not be swayed by old traditions and revolutionary sentiment so as to desire union with Buenos Aires. Doctor Francia supplied this government. His nationalism was fanatical and later, rather than submit to insults from either Artigas or Buenos Aires, or expose his nation to the anarchy of the Lower Rio de la Plata, he almost completely isolated Paraguay from the world.

As important as his policies was the character of Doctor Francia. To be sure, by 1811 most of the colonial institutions had discredited themselves and were in no position to supply leadership as he was. The Cabildo of Asunci6n, the Church, the Viceroyalty, the Spanish then resident in Paraguay, and later the militia, none could provide effective leadership for one reason or the other. Nevertheless, Francia's persever- ance and political skill were astounding. Through the period 1810-1814 he appeared as the only Paraguayan who really knew what he wanted, and had the courage and ability to effect his wishes. He never wavered in his defense of Paraguayan autonomy and never let any consideration sway him from his pursuit of power. When one surveys Latin America in the period of independence, Paraguay reveals definite peculiarities, and most of them may be traced to this individual. In an era dominated by the young energetic military caudillo, Paraguay was ruled by a fanatical, charismatic, well-educated, middle-aged lawyer who never in his life served in a military capacity. Yet his rule was stronger and carried as many, if not more, implications for the future of his nation than that of other caudillos of the same period. One may argue about the importance of the individual in history but Doctor Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia was greatly responsible for the existence of Paraguay as an independent nation.

JERRY W. COONEY. University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky


Article Contentsp. 407p. 408p. 409p. 410p. 411p. 412p. 413p. 414p. 415p. 416p. 417p. 418p. 419p. 420p. 421p. 422p. 423p. 424p. 425p. 426p. 427p. 428

Issue Table of ContentsThe Americas, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Apr., 1972), pp. 357-494Volume Information [pp. 475-494]Front MatterThe Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America (1757-1799) [pp. 357-387]Brazil's Paraguayan Policy, 1869-1876 [pp. 388-406]Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia [pp. 407-428]Henry Clay and the Poinsett Pledge Controversy of 1826 [pp. 429-440]Governor Velasco, the Portuguese and the Paraguayan Revolution of 1811: A New Look [pp. 441-449]Inter-American Notes [pp. 450-456]Book ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 457-458]Review: untitled [pp. 458-460]Review: untitled [pp. 460-461]Review: untitled [pp. 462-463]Review: untitled [pp. 463-466]Review: untitled [pp. 466-467]Review: untitled [pp. 467-469]Review: untitled [pp. 470-471]Review: untitled [pp. 471-472]Review: untitled [pp. 472-473]

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Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

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