Nominations and Campaigns - Pearson · Understanding Nominations and Campaigns ... when he checks...

Chapter OutlineThe Nomination Game

Issues of the Times

The Campaign Game

Money and Campaigning

The Impact of Campaigns

Understanding Nominations andCampaigns

Summary

9Nominations andCampaigns

■ Campaigning for any major office has become amassive undertaking in today’s political world.Consider George W. Bush’s grueling schedule forMarch 28–29, 2000, a relatively low-key period ofthe presidential campaign:

• The governor begins his day with an early morn-ing flight from his home in Austin, Texas, toDulles Airport in Northern Virginia.

• Upon landing in Virginia, Bush goes to a recep-tion to raise money for his campaign. After lunch,he goes to the headquarters of Sallie Mae, a cor-poration that helps students finance educationalexpenses, to give a speech about his views on gov-ernment and higher education.

• Governor Bush then boards his campaign planeagain for a flight to Newark, N.J., where he partici-pates in another fund-raiser and gives his standardcampaign speech at dinner. After dinner, he goes toManville, N.J., to address the Somerset CountyRepublican Party convention. Finally, after15 hours of traveling and campaigning, his day endswhen he checks in at the Newark Hilton at 9:30 P.M.

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difficult trial by fire. Others, however, worry that thesystem makes it difficult for politicians with otherresponsibilities—such as incumbent governors andsenior senators—to take a run at the White House.

The consequences for the scope of governmentare also debatable. Anthony King argues thatAmerican politicians do too little governing becausethey are always “running scared,” in today’s perpet-ual campaign.1 From King’s perspective, the cam-paign process does not allow politicians the luxury oftrying out solutions to policy problems that might beinitially unpopular but would work well in the longrun. The scope of government thus stays prettymuch as is, given that politicians are usually too con-cerned with the next election to risk fundamentalchange. Of course, many analysts would argue thathaving officeholders constantly worrying about pub-lic opinion is good for democracy and that changesin the scope of government shouldn’t be undertakenwithout extensive public consultation.

As you read this chapter, consider whether today’snomination and campaign process provides toomuch opportunity for interaction between the publicand candidates for office. Also, consider whether theentire process takes too much time and costs toomuch money—two very important topics of debatein American politics today.

• The next morning, Bush goes to the North StarAcademy Charter school in Newark to giveanother speech on education. He then rides in alimousine to New York City to give a lunchspeech on foreign affairs.

• After this quick stop in New York, Bush flies toBaltimore, Md., to meet with the local press,attend a youth rally, and deliver his standard cam-paign speech yet again at a dinner event. Finally,Bush takes his fourth flight in two days—this timeto Eau Claire, Wis., where he arrives after 14 hourson the go.

It is often said that the presidency is the most dif-ficult job in the world, but getting elected to theposition may well be tougher. It is arguable that thelong campaign for the presidency puts candidatesunder more continuous stress than they could everface in the White House.

The current American style of long and arduouscampaigns has evolved from the belief of reformersthat the cure for the problems of democracy is moredemocracy. Whether this approach is helpful orharmful to democracy is a question that arousesmuch debate with respect to American politicalcampaigns. Some scholars believe it is importantthat presidential candidates go through a long and

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268 Part Two People and Politics

nomination

The official endorsement of acandidate for office by a politicalparty. Generally, success in thenomination game requiresmomentum, money, and mediaattention.

campaign strategy

The master game plan candidates layout to guide their electoral campaign.

With about half a million elected officials in this country, there is always someonesomewhere running for office. This chapter will focus mainly on the campaign for theworld’s most powerful office: the presidency of the United States. On some topics thatare broadly generalizable, such as money and campaigning, we will include examplesfrom congressional races as well. Chapter 12 will specifically discuss the congressionalelection process.

Campaigns in American politics can be divided into two stages: first, nominations,and second, campaigns between the two nominees. The prize for a nomination cam-paign is garnering a party’s nod as its candidate; the prize for an Election Campaign iswinning an office. This chapter discusses what happens up to election day. Chapter 10explores how people decide whether to vote and whom to vote for.

The Nomination GameA nomination is a party’s official endorsement of a candidate for office. Anyone canplay the nomination game, but few have any serious chance of victory. Generally, suc-cess in the nomination game requires money, media attention, and momentum.Campaign strategy is the way in which candidates attempt to manipulate each of theseelements to achieve the nomination.

Deciding To RunBelieve it or not, not every politician wants to run for president. One reason why is thatcampaigns have become more physically and emotionally taxing than ever. As formerSpeaker of the House Thomas Foley once said, “I know of any number of people whoI think would make good presidents, even great presidents, who are deterred from run-ning by the torture candidates are obliged to put themselves through.”2 Running forpresident is an around-the-clock endurance test for over a year: sleep deprivation andstrange hotel beds, countless plane rides, junk food eaten on the run, a lack of regularexercise and copious amounts of stress. As 1984 Democratic nominee Walter Mondaleonce said, “For four years, that’s all I did. I mean, all I did. That’s all you think about.That’s all you talk about. . . . That’s your leisure. That’s your luxury. . . . I told some-one, ‘The question is not whether I can get elected. The question is whether I can beelected and not be nuts when I get there.”3

In most advanced industrialized countries, campaigns last no more than twomonths according to either custom and/or law. In contrast, American campaigns seemendless; a presidential candidacy needs to be either announced or an open secret forat least a year before the election. In the winter of 2003, it was already clear to mostobservers that John Kerry, Howard Dean, John Edwards, Joe Lieberman, DickGephardt, and others were laying the groundwork for a shot at the Democratic presi-dential nomination for 2004.

The road to the convention is long and full of stumbling blocks. From the con-vention, held in the summer of election years, only one candidate emerges as eachparty’s nominee.

Competing For DelegatesIn some ways, the nomination game is tougher than the general election game; it whit-tles a large number of players down to two. The goal of the nomination game is to winthe majority of delegates’ support at the national party convention—the supremepower within each of the parties, which functions to select presidential and vice pres-idential candidates and to write a party platform.

national party convention

The supreme power within each ofthe parties. The convention meetsevery four years to nominate theparty’s presidential and vice-presidential candidates and to writethe party’s platform.

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Chapter 9 Nominations and Campaigns 269

caucus

A meeting of all state party leaders forselecting delegates to the nationalparty convention. Caucuses areusually organized as a pyramid.

There are 50 different roads to the national convention, one through each state.From February through June of the election year, the individual state parties busilychoose their delegates to the national convention via either caucuses or primaries.Candidates try to ensure that delegates committed to them are chosen.

The Caucus Road. Before primaries existed, all state parties selected their delegatesto the national convention in a meeting of state party leaders called a caucus.Sometimes one or two party “bosses” ran the caucus show, such as Mayor Daley ofChicago or Governor Connally of Texas. Such state party leaders could control whowent to the convention and how the state’s delegates voted once they got there. Theywere the kingmakers of presidential politics who met in smoke-filled rooms at the con-vention to cut deals and form coalitions.

Today’s caucuses are different from those of the past. In the dozen states that stillhave them, caucuses are now open to all voters who are registered with the party.Caucuses are usually organized like a pyramid. Small, neighborhood, precinct-levelcaucuses are held initially—often meeting in a church, an American Legion hall, oreven someone’s home. At this level, delegates are chosen, on the basis of their prefer-ence for a certain candidate, to attend county caucuses and then congressional districtcaucuses, where delegates are again chosen to go to a higher level—a state convention.At the state convention, which usually occurs months after the precinct caucuses, del-egates are finally chosen to go to the national convention.

Since 1972 the state of Iowa has held the nation’s first caucuses. Because the Iowacaucuses are the first test of the candidates’ vote-getting ability, they usually become afull-blown media extravaganza.4 Well-known candidates like Dick Gephardt in 2004and John Glenn in 1984 have seen their campaigns virtually fall apart as a result ofpoor showings in Iowa. Most important, some candidates have received tremendousboosts from unexpected strong showings in Iowa. An obscure former Georgia governornamed Jimmy Carter took his first big presidential step by winning there in 1976. Fouryears later, George Bush also made his first big step into the national scene with anupset victory over Ronald Reagan in Iowa. In 2004, John Kerry’s surprise victory inIowa gave newfound life to a campaign that had been on the ropes. Because of theimpact that Iowa’s first-in-the-nation caucus can have, candidates spend more timeduring the nomination season than they do in the big states like California, Texas, andFlorida. Howard Dean and John Edwards went to the trouble of visiting each of Iowa’s99 counties in their efforts to win Iowa in 2004.

The Primary Road. Today, most of the delegates to the Democratic and Republicannational conventions are selected in presidential primaries, in which voters in a statego to the polls and vote for a candidate or delegates pledged to that candidate. Thepresidential primary was promoted around the turn of the century by reformers whowanted to take nominations out of the hands of the party bosses. The reformers wantedto let the people vote for the candidate of their choice and then bind the delegates tovote for that candidate at the national convention.

The increase in the number of presidential primaries occurred after theDemocratic Party’s disastrous 1968 national convention led many to rethink the dele-gate selection procedures then in place. As the war in Southeast Asia raged, anotherwar of sorts took place in the streets of Chicago during the Democratic convention.Demonstrators against the war battled Mayor Richard Daley’s Chicago police in whatan official report later called a “police riot.” Beaten up in the streets and defeated inthe convention hall, the antiwar faction won one concession from the party regulars:a special committee to review the party’s structure and delegate selection procedures,which they felt had discriminated against them. Minorities, women, youth, and othergroups that had been poorly represented in the party leadership also demanded amore open process of convention delegate selection. The result was a committee ofinquiry, which was chaired first by Senator George McGovern and later by

presidential primaries

Elections in which voters in a statevote for a candidate (or delegatespledged to him or her). Mostdelegates to the national partyconventions are chosen this way.

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Televised debates have become aregular part of presidential primar-ies. Here, candidates for the 2004Democratic nomination are shownparticipating in a TV forum.

Riots at the 1968 Democraticnational convention led to the cre-ation of the McGovern-FraserCommission, which establishedopen procedures and affirmativeaction guidelines for delegate selec-tion. These reforms have made partyconventions more representativethan they once were.

Representative Donald Fraser, who took over when McGovern left the committee torun for president.

The McGovern-Fraser Commission had a mandate to try to make DemocraticParty conventions more representative. As a result of their decisions, no longer couldparty leaders handpick the convention delegates virtually in secret. All delegate selec-tion procedures were required to be open, so that party leaders had no more clout thancollege students or anyone else who wanted to participate. One of the unforeseenresults of these new rules was that many states decided that the easiest way to complywas simply to hold primary elections to select convention delegates.5 Because statelaws instituting primaries typically apply to selection of both parties’ selection of dele-gates, the Republican Party’s nomination process was similarly transformed.

Few developments have changed American politics as much as the proliferation ofpresidential primaries. Presidential election watcher Theodore White calls the primar-ies the “classic example of the triumph of goodwill over common sense.” Says White,

McGovern-FraserCommission

A commission formed at the 1968Democratic convention in response todemands for reform by minoritygroups and others who sought betterrepresentation.

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Why ItMatters

Early Delegate ContestsIn baseball, no one woulddeclare a team out of the pen-nant race after it lost the firsttwo games of the season. Butin the race for the presidentialnomination, the results of theIowa caucus and the NewHampshire primary frequentlyend the campaigns of manycandidates after only a handfulof national delegates havebeen selected. These contestsare important not because ofthe number of delegates thatare chosen, but rather thatthey are the first indicators ofpublic support. If a candidatedoes not do well in these firsttwo contests, money andmedia attention dry up quickly.

superdelegates

National party leaders whoautomatically get a delegate slot at theDemocratic national partyconvention.

delegates, who were supposed to be free to vote by their own common sense and conscience,have become for the most part anonymous faces, collected as background for the televisioncameras, sacks of potatoes packaged in primaries, divorced from party roots, and from theofficials who rule states and nation.6

Whereas once many of the delegates were experienced politicians who knew the can-didates, today they are typically people who have worked on a candidate’s campaignand who owe their position as a delegate strictly to that candidate’s ability to pull inprimary votes.

The Democratic Party became so concerned about the lack of a role for party lead-ers at their conventions that starting in 1984 they automatically set aside about 15 per-cent of their delegate slots for public officeholders and party officials. These politicianswho are awarded convention seats on the basis of their position are known assuperdelegates. The addition of these delegates to the Democratic national conven-tion was designed to restore an element of “peer review” to the process, ensuring par-ticipation of the people most familiar with the candidates. However, to date theprimaries have proved to be far more crucial than the superdelegates.

The primary season begins during the winter in New Hampshire. Like the Iowacaucuses, the importance of New Hampshire is not the number of delegates or howrepresentative the state is, but rather that it is traditionally the first primary.7 At thisearly stage, the campaign is not for delegates, but for images—candidates want the restof the country to see them as front-runners. The frenzy of political activity in this smallstate is given lavish attention in the national press. During the week of the primary, halfthe portable satellite dishes in the country can be found in Manchester, N. H., and thenetworks move their anchors and top reporters to the scene to broadcast the nightlynews. In recent years, over a fifth of TV coverage of the nomination races has beendevoted to the New Hampshire primary.8

At one time, it was considered advantageous for a state to choose its delegates latein the primary season so that it could play a decisive role. However, in recent yearsstates that have held late primaries, such as Pennsylvania and New Jersey, have foundtheir primary results irrelevant given that one candidate had already sewn up the nom-ination by the time their primaries were held. With so much attention being paid tothe early contests, more states have moved their primaries up in the calendar to capi-talize on the media attention. This frontloading of the process resulted in 71 percentof pledged Democratic delegates being chosen within six weeks of the New Hampshireprimary in 2004. For 2008, at least one big state—California—has decided to move itsprimary back to the end of the calendar, as you can read about in “Issues of the Times:Will the Presidential Candidates Pay Any Attention to California in 2008?”

State laws determine how the delegates are allocated, operating within the generalguidelines set by the parties. Some are closed to only people who are registered withthe party, whereas others are open. The Democrats require all states to use some formof proportional representation in which a candidate who gets 15 percent or more of astate’s vote is awarded a roughly proportional share of the delegates. The Republicanspractice what they preach, giving states a large degree of discretion. Some states likeCalifornia allocate all Republican delegates to whoever wins the most votes, others likeTexas award delegates according to who wins each congressional district, and yet oth-ers employ some form of proportional representation.

Week after week, the primaries serve as elimination contests, as the media contin-ually monitor the count of delegates won. The politicians, the press, and the public alllove a winner. Candidates who fail to score early wins get labeled as losers and typicallydrop out of the race. Usually they have little choice since losing quickly inhibits a can-didate’s ability to raise the money necessary to win in other states. As one veteran fund-raiser put it, “People don’t lose campaigns. They run out of money and can’t get theirplanes in the air. That’s the reality.”9

In the 1980 delegate chase, a commonly used football term became established inthe language of American politics. After George Bush scored a surprise victory over

frontloading

The recent tendency of states to holdprimaries early in the calendar inorder to capitalize on media attention.

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Read All About It

By Dean E. MurphyAugust 30, 2004

SACRAMENTO—The statethat helped push the presidential pri-mary season into a fast-forwardfrenzy more than a decade ago isnow abruptly shifting it into reverse.

A bill that would move theCalifornia presidential primary toJune from March beginning in 2008breezed through the StateLegislature this week with biparti-san support.

The move would amount tounconditional surrender by thecountry’s most delegate-rich state inthe contest to influence the presi-dential nomination process.

“It defies logic,” said Robert D.Loevy, a professor of political sci-ence at Colorado College and ascholar of presidential primaries.“You would think in a democracywith a presidency which is the topgoverning officer that state legisla-tures would be working hard to see

their citizens have as much influ-ence as possible.”

California held a June primaryfor a half-century before theLegislature voted in 1993 to movethe primary to March, largely inresponse to the so-called SuperTuesday primaries scheduled bySouthern states in the 1980s, whichwere draining the California vote ofits influence.

California Moves To Reschedule ItsPrimary from March to June

Please see California Page 273

Issuesof the

The Issue: Will the Presidential Candidates Pay Any Attention to California in 2008?

TimesIn 2004, states that failed to scheduletheir primary early in the calendar wereirrelevant to the nomination process.Most of these states were stuck withdates that were traditional for them.Given the frontloading of the process,states that want to be influential have inrecent decades moved their primarydates earlier and earlier. But as we lookahead to 2008, our nation’s largeststate—California—has surprised manyobservers by deciding to move its pri-mary date three months later than it wasin 2004. This represents the first time inrecent history that a major state hadmoved its presidential primary datebackwards. Whether or not this is goodor bad for California, as well as thenation as a whole, is likely to be debatedfor the next several years.

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For many years, the June datemade California a kingmaker inboth parties, as presidential candi-dates methodically worked theirway West in a primary system thatinvolved far fewer contests thantoday. California was crucial toBarry Goldwater against NelsonRockefeller in 1964. But the lasttime California played a pivotal rolewas in 1984, when Walter F.Mondale emerged from a tight battlewith Gary Hart for the Democraticnomination.

California backers of the origi-nal June date say the three presiden-tial elections with a Marchprimary—in 1996, 2000 and thisyear—show that it failed in revivingCalifornia’s fortunes. In all three ofthose elections, either the partieshad settled on a nominee before theMarch primary here or candidateschose to focus their attention onother states that had also movedtheir primaries forward—and aremuch smaller and cheaper to cam-paign in.

Even with the move to March,California found itself behind some20 other states in a primary sweep-stakes that has states already jock-eying for advantage in 2008. InNew Hampshire, which has thecountry’s first primary, state lawrequires that the primary be held atleast one week before any otherstate’s.

Think About It• After the California legislature passed this bill, the

New York Times wrote an editorial praisingCalifornia for trying to reverse the pattern of front-loading of presidential primaries. Do you agree withthe position of the New York Times editorial boardthat this was a good move on California’s part?

• Do you think other states will now move their pri-mary dates back for 2008? Should they? Why or whynot?

“It is a constant friction withother states where people want tokeep moving their primaries to anearlier date,” said Art Torres, chair-man of the California DemocraticParty, who supports moving the dateback to June. “By the time you aredone, we will have primaries atHalloween. You can never win atthat level.”

To make matters worse, theMarch elections in California havebeen a flop among voters: turnoutthis March was the lowest for anypresidential primary in the state’shistory in percentage terms, makingit difficult for candidates for officeson the same ballot to rouse interestin their races.

“People realize the March pri-mary has been a disaster,” saidSusie Swatt, chief of staff for StateSenator Ross Johnson, the OrangeCounty Republican who wrote thebill.

In 2002, the Legislature consid-ered another solution: separating thepresidential primary from the stateprimary. That way the presidentialvote could be held in March—oreven earlier—and the primary forstate and local offices could returnto June. But the added cost of hold-ing two primaries was consideredtoo prohibitive, and the bill wasvetoed by Gov. Gray Davis.

Dan Schnur, who has workedon four presidential campaigns,including that of Senator JohnMcCain in 2000, said the Marchdate remained a big inconveniencefor local and state campaigns, partic-

ularly because it means candidatesmust decide whether to run muchearlier. But Mr. Schnur said thebiggest losers have been the voters.

“The voters’ body clocks aren’tready for politics the day after thebowl games end,” said Mr. Schnur,who favored the switch to Marchbut now prefers June.

Kathy Sullivan, chairwoman ofthe Democratic Party in NewHampshire, said part of her longsfor the old days when NewHampshire held its primary inMarch (when there was less snow)and California held its in June(when the vote still mattered). Ms.Sullivan said those days were prob-ably gone forever, but she said theprimary system has compensated ina way that keeps California relevant.

“People have come to recognizein this process, and I think you sawit with the Democrats in the earlystates this year, that we need tonominate a candidate who is goingto be able to run an effective racenationwide,” Ms. Sullivan said. “Sopeople were not necessarily choos-ing who is best for New Hampshireor Iowa or Michigan or SouthCarolina.”

Professor Loevy said thatshould not be good enough for thecountry’s most populous state. Hesaid California’s mistake in 1993was not moving its primary evenearlier. He said a Halloween elec-tion was preferable to one in Junewith no meaning.

“Now they are going in exactlythe wrong direction,” he said.

CaliforniaContinued from Page 272

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For a number of months, HowardDean’s formidable fundraising andhigh poll standing made him thefrontrunner in the race for the 2004Democratic presidential nomination.But when he repeatedly screamedduring a concession speech afterthe first delegate contest in Iowa,his reputation took a drastic hit fromwhich his campaign neverrecovered.

Ronald Reagan in Iowa, he proudly claimed to possess “the big mo”—momentum.Actually, Bush had only a little “mo” and quickly fell victim to a decisive Reagan vic-tory in New Hampshire. But the term neatly describes what candidates for the nomi-nation are after. Primaries and caucuses are more than an endurance contest, thoughthey are certainly that; they are also proving grounds. Week after week, the challengeis to do better than expected. Learning from his father’s experience, George W. Bushjokingly told the reporters on his 2000 campaign plane to: “Please stow your expecta-tions securely in your overhead bins, as they may shift during the trip and can fall andhurt someone—especially me.”10

To get “mo” going, candidates have to beat people they were not expected to beat,collect margins above predictions, and—above all else—never lose to people they wereexpected to trounce. Momentum is good to have, but it is no guarantee of victorybecause candidates with a strong base sometimes bounce back. Political scientist LarryBartels found that “substantive political appeal may overwhelm the impact of momen-tum.”11 Indeed, after being soundly trounced by John McCain in New Hampshire in2000, George W. Bush quickly bounced back to win the big states necessary to get theRepublican nomination.

Evaluating the Primary and Caucus System. The primaries and the caucuses arehere to stay. That reality does not mean, however, that political scientists or commen-tators are particularly happy with the system. Criticisms of this marathon campaign arenumerous; here are a few of the most important:

• Disproportionate attention goes to the early caucuses and primaries. Take a look atFigure 9.1, which shows how critics think America’s media-dominated campaignsare distorted by early primaries and caucuses. Neither New Hampshire nor Iowais particularly representative of the national electorate. Both are rural, both haveonly small minority populations, and neither is at the center of the political main-stream. Whereas Iowa is more liberal than the nation as a whole, New Hampshireis the reverse. Although Iowa and New Hampshire are not always “make or break”

American Electoral Rules: How Do They Influence Campaigns?

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Iowa

Texas

Arizona

California

New Hampshire

New York

N.J.

Georgia

Florida

Ohio

Figure 9.1 The Inflated Importance of Iowa and New Hampshire

In 2004, the Wisconsin AdvertisingProject found that 48 percent of themoney spent by candidates for theDemocratic nomination on TV adswere run in either Iowa or NewHampshire, even though these twosmall states selected only about2 percent of the convention dele-gates. The incredible degree towhich the candidates and the mediafocus on these two small states hasbecome a regular feature of thepresidential nominating process.Here, you can see a map of the50 states drawn to scale in terms ofthe media attention their primariesand caucuses received in 1996; notehow blown out of proportion Iowaand New Hampshire are on the map.

Source: Center for Media and Public Affairs, as reported in Harold W. Stanley and Richard G. Niemi, Vital Statisticson American Politics, 6th ed. (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press), 1998, 172–174.

contests, they play a key—and a disproportionate—role in building momentum,generating money, and generating media attention.

• Prominent politicians find it difficult to take time out from their duties to run.Running for the presidency has become a full-time job. It is hard to balance thedemands of serving in high public office with running a presidential campaign.Of the six Democratic candidates for the presidency in 2004 who were serving inCongress, the average voting participation rate in 2003 was a mere 52 percent—far below the average congressional attendance rate of about 90 percent.12

• Money plays too big a role in the caucuses and primaries. Momentum meansmoney—getting more of it than your opponents do. Many people think thatmoney plays too large a role in American presidential elections. (This topic willbe discussed in detail shortly.) Candidates who drop out early in the process oftenlament that their inability to raise money left them without a chance to compete.

• Participation in primaries and caucuses is low and unrepresentative. Although about50 percent of the population votes in the November presidential election, onlyabout 20 percent casts ballots in presidential primaries. Participation in caucusstates is much smaller because a person must usually devote several hours to attend-ing a caucus. Except for Iowa, where the extraordinary media attention usuallyboosts the participation, only about 5 percent of registered voters typically show upfor caucuses. Moreover, voters in primaries and caucuses are hardly representativeof voters at large; they tend to be older and more affluent than the typical citizen.

• The system gives too much power to the media. Critics contend that the media havereplaced the party bosses as the new kingmakers. Deciding who has momentumat any given moment, the press readily labels candidates as winners and losers.The fact that the press accepted Bill Clinton’s interpretation of his second-placefinish in New Hampshire as a great comeback may well have saved his campaignin 1992.

Is this the best way to pick a president? Critics think not and have come up witha number of reform proposals (see “You Are the Policymaker: National and RegionalPresidential Primary Proposals”).

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national primary critics note. Eachvoter would have to vote three times forpresident—twice in the primaries andonce in November.

Another common criticism of anational primary is that only well-established politicians would have ashot at breaking through in such a sys-tem. Big money and big attention fromthe national media would becomemore crucial than ever. Obscure candi-dates, such as Jimmy Carter or BillClinton, would never have a chance.Do Americans, however, really wantpoliticians without an established repu-tation to become president?

Perhaps more feasible than anational primary is holding a series ofregional primaries in which, say, statesin the eastern time zone would voteone week, those in the central timezone the next, and so on. This wouldimpose a more rational structure andcut down on candidate travel. Aregional primary system would also putan end to the jockeying between statesfor an advantageous position in the pri-mary season. After the 2000 campaignwas over, the National Association ofSecretaries of State—the organizationof the leading election officials of thestates—endorsed a plan to establishregional primaries.

The major problem with the re-gional primary proposal, however, is the

advantage gained by whichever regiongoes first. For example, if the Westernstates were the first to vote, any candi-date from California would have a clearedge in building momentum. Althoughmost of the proposed plans call for theorder of the regions to be determinedby lottery, this would not erase the factthat regional advantages would surelybe created from year to year.

Another prominent proposal is tohave states vote in four stages accordingto their population size, with the leastpopulous states leading off and the bigstates like California and Texas votinglast. Such a proposal received seriousconsideration from the RepublicanNational Committee in 2000 and wasabout to be voted on at the conventionuntil George W. Bush let it be knownthat he did not favor it. Bush expressedconcern that the plan would beunworkable because candidates wouldbe asked to campaign all over the coun-try in each stage.

Put yourself in the role of policy-maker. Do the advantages of the reformproposals outweigh the disadvantages?Would any of them represent animprovement over the current system?Keep in mind that there are almostalways unintended consequences asso-ciated with reforms.

The idea of holding a national primaryto select party nominees has been dis-cussed virtually ever since state primar-ies were introduced. In 1913, PresidentWoodrow Wilson proposed it in his firstmessage to Congress. Since then over250 proposals for a national presidentialprimary have been introduced inCongress. These proposals do not lackpublic support; opinion polls have con-sistently shown that a substantial major-ity of Democrats, Republicans, andIndependents alike favor such reform.

According to its proponents, anational primary would bring directnessand simplicity to the process for the vot-ers as well as the candidates. The lengthof the campaign would be shortened,and no longer would votes in one statehave more political impact than votesin another. The concentration of mediacoverage on this one event, say its advo-cates, would increase not only politicalinterest in the nomination decision butalso public understanding of the issuesinvolved.

A national primary would not be sosimple, respond the critics. BecauseAmericans would not want a candidatenominated with 25 percent of the votefrom among a field of six candidates,in most primaries a runoff electionbetween the top two finishers in eachparty would have to be held. So muchfor making the campaign simpler,

National and Regional Presidential Primary Proposals

You Are the Policymaker

Barring some major reform, states will continue to select delegates in primariesand caucuses who will attend the national conventions, where the nominees are for-mally chosen.

The Convention Send-offAt one time party conventions provided great drama. Great speeches were given, dark-horse candidates suddenly appeared, and numerous ballots were held as candidatesjockeyed to win the nomination. It took the Democrats 46 ballots in 1912, 44 in 1920,and a record 103 in 1924 to nominate their presidential standard bearer. Multiballotconventions died out after 1952, however, with the advent of television.

national primary

A proposal by critics of the caucusesand presidential primaries, whichwould replace these electoral methodswith a nationwide primary held earlyin the election year.

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’68’641956 ’76 ’80 ’84 ’88 ’92 ’96 ’00 ’04’72’600

Figure 9.2 The Declining Coverage of Conventions on Network TV

Believe it or not, Democratic and Republican conventions once got far more coverage on the major networks (CBS, NBC, and ABC) than theSummer Olympics. As the number of presidential primaries has increased, however, nominations have come to be decided in these contests.Thus, by the time the conventions are held, there is little element of political suspense. Hence, the networks have drastically cut back on theircoverage of these events, as you can see in the data displayed here.

Source: For 1956–1984, calculated from data reported in Byron E. Schafer, Bifurcated Politics: Evolution and Reformin the National Party Convention (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 274; updated by the authors for1988 through 2004.

Today, the drama has largely been drained from the conventions because the win-ner is a foregone conclusion. No longer can a powerful governor shift a whole blockof votes at the last minute. Delegates selected in primaries and open caucuses haveknown preferences. The last time there was any doubt about who would win at theconvention was in 1976, when Gerald Ford barely edged out Ronald Reagan for theRepublican nomination.

Without such drama, the networks have substantially scaled back the number ofhours of coverage in recent years, as you can see in Figure 9.2. Even with the con-densed TV coverage, the Nielsen ratings have fallen to abysmal levels.13 The biggestconvention audience in 2000 occurred when 22 million viewers tuned in to watch AlGore’s speech to the Democratic convention, which was covered by all the majorbroadcast networks as well as the cable news channels. By contrast, the next week CBSalone got 58 million viewers for its final episode of “Survivor.”

Although conventions are no longer very interesting, they are a significant rallyingpoint for the parties. As George W. Bush said prior to the Republican convention in2000, “The convention system provides a system of rewards for hardworking, grass-roots people who end up being delegates. I view it as an opportunity for these peopleto go back home, energized to help me get elected.”14 Modern conventions are care-fully scripted to present the party in its best light. Delegates are no longer there toargue for their causes but merely to support their candidate. The parties carefullyorchestrate a massive send-off for the presidential and vice-presidential candidates. Theparty’s leaders are there in force, as are many of its most important followers—peoplewhose input will be critical during the general election campaign.

The conventions are also important in developing the party’s policy positions andin promoting political representation. In the past, conventions were essentially an

regional primaries

A proposal by critics of the caucusesand presidential primaries to replacethese electoral methods with a seriesof primaries held in each geographicregion.

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In writing a party platform, disagree-ments between various factions ofthe party often become evident. Inrecent years, Ann Stone has led amovement of Republican women infavor of a pro-choice plank on abor-tion. Although Ann Stone’s effortshave received a fair amount ofmedia attention, she has beenunsuccessful in getting theRepublican convention to considerchanging its pro-life platform.

assembly of party leaders, gathered together to bargain over the selection of the party’sticket. Almost all delegates were White, male, and over 40. Lately, party reformers,especially among the Democrats, have worked hard to make the conventions far moredemographically representative. Meeting in an oversized, overstuffed convention hallin a major city, a national convention is a short-lived affair. The highlight of the firstday is usually the keynote speech, in which a dynamic speaker recalls party heroes,condemns the opposition party, and touts the nominee apparent.

The second day centers on the party platform—the party’s statement of its goalsand policies for the next four years. The platform is drafted prior to the convention bya committee whose members are chosen in rough proportion to each candidate’sstrength. Any time over 20 percent of the delegates to the platform committee disagreewith the majority, they can bring an alternative minority plank to the convention floorfor debate. In former times, contests over the platform were key tests of candidates’strength before the actual nomination. When a peace plank failed to be adopted by the1968 Democratic national convention it was clear that Vice President HubertHumphrey would defeat antiwar candidate Eugene McCarthy. In contrast, recent con-tests over the platform have served mostly as a way for the minority factions in the partyto make sure that their voices are heard. Since 1992, pro-choice Republicans have triedin vain every four years to force a vote on the solidly antiabortion plank in the GOPplatform. Fearing the negative publicity the party would incur by showing open dis-agreement on this emotionally charged issue, pro-choice Republican leaders have dis-suaded delegates from forcing such a confrontation.

The third day of the convention is devoted to formally nominating a candidate forpresident. One of each candidate’s eminent supporters gives a speech extolling thecandidate’s virtues; a string of seconding speeches then follow. Toward the end of theevening, balloting begins as states announce their votes. After all the votes are counted,the long-anticipated nomination becomes official.

The vice-presidential nominee is chosen by roll call vote on the convention’s finalday, though custom dictates that delegates simply vote for whomever the presidentialnominee recommends. The vice-presidential candidate then comes to the podium to

party platform

A political party’s statement of its goalsand policies for the next four years.The platform is drafted prior to theparty convention by a committeewhose members are chosen in roughproportion to each candidate’sstrength. It is the best formalstatement of a party’s beliefs.

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The first major decision that anynew nominee for the presidency hasto make is whom to recommend tothe convention for vice president. In2000, George W. Bush put RichardCheney in charge of his searchprocess to evaluate possible candi-dates for vice president. In workingclosely with Cheney, Bush ultimatelydecided that he would like Cheneyto fill the role.

make a brief acceptance speech. This speech is followed by the grand finale—the pres-idential candidate’s acceptance speech, in which the battle lines for the coming cam-paign are drawn. Afterward, all the party leaders come out to congratulate the party’sticket, raise their hands, and bid the delegates farewell.

The Campaign GameOnce nominated, candidates concentrate on campaigning for the general election.These days, the word campaign is part of the American political vocabulary, but it wasnot always so. The term was originally a military one: Generals mounted campaigns,using their scarce resources to achieve strategic objectives. Political campaigns pro-ceed in a similar fashion, with candidates allocating their scarce resources of time,money, and energy to achieve their political objectives.

Campaigns involve more than organization and leadership. Artistry also enters thepicture, for campaigns deal in images. The campaign is the canvas on which politicalstrategists try to paint portraits of leadership, competence, caring, and other imagesAmericans value in presidents. Campaigning today is an art and a science, heavilydependent—like much else in American politics—on technology.

The High-Tech Media CampaignThe new machines of politics have changed the way campaigns are run. During thefirst half of the twentieth century, candidates and their entourage piled onto a cam-paign train and tried to speak to as many people as time, energy, and money wouldallow. Voters journeyed from miles around to see a presidential whistle-stop tour go byand to hear a few words in person from the candidate. Today, television is the mostprevalent means used by candidates to reach voters. Thomas Patterson stresses that“today’s presidential campaign is essentially a mass media campaign. . . . It is no exag-geration to say that, for the majority of voters, the campaign has little reality apart

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Technology has changed the waycampaigns are run and the waycandidates attempt to reach thepeople. Most serious candidates fora major office these days have theirown official website. This providesan effective way to make their pol-icy positions available for anyoneinterested. Here, you can see thefront page of RepresentativeStephanie Herseth’s website.

from its media version.”15 Technology has made it possible for candidates to speakdirectly to the American people in the comfort of their living rooms, or in front oftheir computer monitors. At the grass-roots level, some candidates now distributevideotapes of themselves speaking rather than the old-fashioned political pamphlet.During the 2004 New Hampshire primary, Howard Dean’s campaign passed out75,000 videotape copies of Diane Sawyer’s interview with Dean and his wife, inwhich they tried to soften his image.

The computer revolution has also now overtaken political campaigns. At the endof the first presidential debate in 1996, Bob Dole encouraged viewers to go to his web-site for more information on his issue stands. So many people immediately tried tocheck it out that the server soon crashed. Following his stunning win in the 2000 NewHampshire primary, John McCain’s campaign received millions of dollars in dona-tions through its website in just a few days. Howard Dean’s recent record fund-raisingfor a Democrat was powered by small donations via the Internet; and once John Kerrysewed up the 2004 Democratic nomination, his campaign successfully copied theDean campaign’s methods for Internet fund-raising. There is little doubt that theInternet will play an increasingly important role in the campaigns of the twenty-firstcentury.

One of the most important uses of computer technology in campaigns thus farhas been the use of targeted mailings to prospective supporters. The technique ofdirect mail involves locating potential supporters by sending information and arequest for money to huge lists of people who have supported candidates of similarviews in the past. Conservative fund-raiser Richard Viguerie pioneered the mass-mailing list, including in his computerized list the names and addresses of hundredsof thousands of individuals who contributed to conservative causes. The accumulationof mailing lists enables candidates to pick almost any issue, be it helping the home-less, opposing abortion, aiding Israel, or anything else, and write to a list of people con-cerned about that issue. Direct mail induces millions of people each year tocontribute over $1 billion to various candidates and political causes.16 The high-techcampaign is no longer a luxury. Candidates must use the media and computer tech-nology just to stay competitive.

direct mail

A high-tech method of raising moneyfor a political cause or candidate. Itinvolves sending information andrequests for money to people whosenames appear on lists of those whohave supported similar views orcandidates in the past.

Television andPresidential Campaigns

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The most important goal of any media campaign is simply to get attention. Mediacoverage is determined by two factors: (1) how candidates use their advertising budgetand (2) the “free” attention they get as newsmakers. The first, obviously, is relativelyeasy to control; the second is more difficult but not impossible. Almost every logisticaldecision in a campaign—where to eat breakfast, whom to include on the rostrum,when to announce a major policy proposal—is calculated according to its intendedmedia impact. In the first half of the twentieth century, the biggest item in a campaignbudget might have been renting a railroad train. Today the major item is unquestion-ably television advertising. At least half the total budget for a presidential or U.S.Senate campaign will be used for television advertising.

Many observers worry that we have entered a new era of politics in which the slickslogan and the image salesperson dominates—an era when Madison Avenue is moreinfluential than Main Street. Most political scientists, however, are concluding thatsuch fears are overblown. Research has shown that campaign advertising can be a sourceof information about issues as well as about images. Thomas Patterson and RobertMcClure examined the information contained in TV advertising and found that view-ers learned more about candidates’ stands on the issues from watching their ads thanfrom watching the nightly news. Most news coverage stresses where the candidates went,how big their crowds were, and other campaign details. Only rarely do the networksdelve into where the candidates stand on the issues. In contrast, political ads typicallyaddress issues; a study of 230,000 candidate ads that ran in 1998 found that spots thatemphasized policy outnumbered those that stressed personal image by a 6 to 1 ratio.17

Most candidates apparently believe that their policy positions are a crucial part of theircampaign, and they are willing to pay substantial sums to communicate them to voters.

Candidates have much less control over the other aspect of the media, news cov-erage. To be sure, most campaigns have press aides who feed “canned” news releasesto reporters. Still, the media largely determine for themselves what is happening in acampaign. Campaign coverage seems to be a constant interplay between hard newsabout what candidates say and do and the human interest angle, which most journal-ists think sells newspapers or interests television viewers.

Apparently, news organizations believe that policy issues are of less interest to vot-ers than the campaign itself. The result is that news coverage is disproportionatelydevoted to campaign strategies, speculation about what will happen next, poll results,and other aspects of the campaign game. Patterson tabulated the amount of mediaattention to the campaign itself and the amount of attention to such substantive issuesas the economy in the 1976 presidential race. Examining several newspapers and newsmagazines as well as television network news, he found that attention to the “game” farexceeded attention to substance, and subsequent research through the 2000 electionhas found that this pattern continues to hold true.18 Once a candidate has taken a pol-icy position and it has been reported, it becomes old news. The latest poll showingSmith ahead of Jones is thus more newsworthy in the eyes of the media. Republicanmedia consultant Roger Ailes calls this his “orchestra pit” theory of American politics:“If you have two guys on stage and one guy says, ‘I have a solution to the Middle Eastproblem,’ and the other guy falls in the orchestra pit, who do you think is going to beon the evening news?”19

Organizing the CampaignIn every campaign, there is too much to do and too little time to do it. Every candidatemust prepare for nightly banquets and endless handshaking. More important, to organ-ize their campaigns effectively, candidates must do the following:

• Get a campaign manager. Some candidates try to run their own campaign, butthey usually end up regretting it. A professional campaign manager can keep the

You Are a Media Consultant to a Political Candidate

You Are a ProfessionalCampaign Manager

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candidate from getting bogged down in organizationaldetails. This person also bears the day-to-day responsibilityfor keeping the campaign square on its message

and setting its tone (see “Making a Difference: Mary BethCahill and the Kerry Campaign”).

• Get a fund-raiser. Money, as this chapter will soon discussin detail, is an important key to election victory.

• Get a campaign counsel. With all the current federal reg-ulation of campaign financing, legal assistance is essentialto ensure compliance with the laws.

• Hire media and campaign consultants. Candidates havemore important things to do with their time than plan adcampaigns, contract for buttons and bumper stickers, andbuy TV time and newspaper space. Professionals can getthem the most exposure for their money.

• Assemble a campaign staff. It is desirable to hire as manyprofessionals as the campaign budget allows, but it is alsoimportant to get a coordinator of volunteers to ensure thatenvelopes are licked, doorbells rung, and other small butvital tasks addressed. Many campaign volunteers are typi-cally young people, who are the most likely to have theenergy for this sort of work. However, in recent years highschool seniors have expressed less and less interest in par-ticipating in campaigns (see “Young People and Politics:Declining Interest in Working in Campaigns”).

• Plan the logistics. A modern presidential campaign involves jetting around thecountry at an incredible pace.

Good advance people handle the complicated details of candidate scheduling and seeto it that events are well publicized and well attended.

• Get a research staff and policy advisers. Candidates have little time to master thecomplex issues reporters will ask about. Policy advisers—often distinguished academics—feed them the information they need to keep up with events.

• Hire a pollster. Dozens of professional polling firms conduct opinion research totell candidates how the voters view them and what is on the voters’ minds.

• Get a good press secretary. Candidates running for major office have reporters dog-ging them every step of the way. The reporters need news, and a good press sec-retary can help them make their deadlines with stories that the campaign wouldlike to see reported.

• Establish a website. A website is a relatively inexpensive way of getting a candi-date’s message out.

Most of these tasks cost money. Campaigns are not cheap, and the role of moneyin campaigns is a controversial one.

Money and CampaigningThere is no doubt that campaigns are expensive and, in America’s high-tech politi-cal arena, growing more so. As the old saying goes, “Money is the mother’s milk ofpolitics.” Candidates need money to build a campaign organization and to get theirmessage out. Many people and groups who want certain things from the govern-ment are all too willing to give it; thus, there is the common perception that moneybuys votes and influence. The following sections examine the role of money incampaigns.

Making a Difference

Mary Beth Cahill andthe Kerry CampaignMary Beth Cahill is credited by manyobservers for turning around JohnKerry’s campaign for the 2004 Demo-

cratic nomination. When she took over the job ofKerry’s campaign manager in November 2003, thecampaign had developed a reputation for being disor-ganized, with no one clearly being in charge. On herfirst day she laid down the law that she would be incharge from now on and that anyone who had a prob-lem with this should quit immediately. A few did, butmost stayed on. Cahill’s contribution from then onwas not any brilliant innovative strategy, but rathersimply keeping the campaign on track and staying onmessage. Doing so in any campaign is always easiersaid than done, and in steadily guiding the Kerry cam-paign for the Democratic nomination Mary BethCahill surely made a difference.

You Are a PresidentialCampaign Consultant

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Young PeopleandPolitics

Walk into any campaign headquarters and chances aregood that you’ll find a lot of young people at work. Manyof our nation’s leaders got their political start working in acampaign when they were young. If you want to getinvolved in politics as a possible career, this is where youbegin. The work is often tedious, the hours are long, andthe financial rewards are usually minimal. Hence, full-timecampaign work is not really suitable for someone with anactive career or for a retired person. Campaign jobs havebeen and likely will continue to be filled primarily byyoung people.

Nevertheless, as you can see in this figure, there hasbeen a decline in interest in working on campaigns amonghigh school seniors over the last quarter-century. Whereasbetween 15 to 20 percent of those interviewed in the late1970s and early 1980s said they planned to work on a cam-paign or had already done so, in recent years only about10 percent have expressed an interest in campaign work.

Questions for Discussion• At the same time that young people have been

expressing less interest in working on political cam-paigns, they have been volunteering for communityorganizations at record rates. Might the decline ininterest in campaign work simply be because today’syoung people are focusing on nonpolitical forms ofcommunity action?

• Do you think that one reason young people may not bevery interested in working in campaigns may be thatthe issues discussed in recent campaigns aren’t of muchinterest to them? If so, what sort of issues might stimu-late more young people to sign up for campaign work?

• If more young people were to volunteer for work incampaigns, what difference might it make? Do youthink the tenor of recent campaigns would have beenchanged if more young people had been involved?

PLAN TO WORK ON A CAMPAIGN OR HAVE DONE SO

2002 11.32001 9.92000 11.11999 9.41998 10.21997 12.31996 12.11995 11.01994 11.71993 13.71992 10.71991 10.51990 10.71989 13.21988 13.41987 14.51986 13.91985 15.71984 15.01983 15.71982 14.71981 17.41980 15.81979 17.21978 18.61977 20.31976 17.8

Source: Authors’ analysis of annual Monitoring the Futurenational surveys of high school seniors.

Declining Interest in Working in Campaigns

The Maze of Campaign Finance ReformsAs the costs of campaigning skyrocketed with the growth of television, and as theWatergate scandal exposed large, illegal campaign contributions, momentum devel-oped for campaign finance reform in the early 1970s. Several public interest lobbies(see Chapter 11), notably Common Cause and the National Committee for anEffective Congress, led the drive. In 1974, Congress passed the Federal Election

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In order to change how governmentoperates or to maintain a desired policy,you generally have to get involved.Personal involvement in politics andthe political system is important.

One way to do this is to volunteer ona political campaign. You may wish tohelp out at a local level by helping acandidate in a race for school board,city council, or mayor. For most localelections you can call the candidateyourself and offer your services. Youmay wish to work on a race for the statelegislature. If you are interested inassisting a candidate for a major office,call the candidate’s campaign head-quarters and ask to talk with the volun-teer coordinator. The campaigns for toptier political offices such as state gover-nor, U.S. senator, U.S. congressperson,

or president are generally huge opera-tions that require the assistance ofnumerous volunteers. Candidates forthese offices will usually have a bigcampaign organization somewhere inyour state and maybe smaller campaignheadquarters in regional cities. You canfind these by calling the candidate’slocal party office and asking where theelection headquarters is located andhow to contact it. Then talk with thevolunteer coordinator at headquarters.

All political campaigns need volun-teers, and campaign work is fun. Youwill meet all sorts of people from allover your city, your state, or the nationand make lots of new friends. You willdo things like go door-to-door distribut-ing campaign literature, put up yardsigns, stuff envelopes, and answer tele-

Volunteering for Political CampaignsHow You Can Make a Difference

phones at campaign headquarters.You’ll play an important role in helpingelect someone who will work for yourideals. Many colleges and universitiesoffer credit for campaign work. Ask atyour school. You can be an intern on acampaign, do a useful bit for democ-racy, earn college credits, and maybeeven get paid.

What you can do:• Call your local political party

office (Democratic, Republican,Green, etc).

• Contact a candidate you supportand volunteer your services.

• Contact your school’s political sci-ence department to see if you canreceive internship credit for yourwork.

Federal ElectionCommission (FEC)

A six-member bipartisan agencycreated by the Federal ElectionCampaign Act of 1974. The FECadministers and enforces campaignfinance laws.

Presidential ElectionCampaign Fund

Money from the $3 federal incometax check-off goes into this fund,which is then distributed to qualifiedcandidates to subsidize theirpresidential campaigns.

Campaign Act. It had two main goals: tightening reporting requirements for contribu-tions and limiting overall expenditures. The 1974 act and its subsequent amendments:

• created the Federal Election Commission (FEC). A bipartisan body, the six-member FEC administers the campaign finance laws and enforces compliancewith their requirements.

• created the Presidential Election Campaign Fund. The Federal ElectionCommission is in charge of doling out money from this fund to qualified presi-dential candidates. Money for this fund is raised via a $3 voluntary check-off boxon income tax returns, which currently only about 11 percent of taxpayers do (seeFigure 9.3).

• provided partial public financing for presidential primaries. Presidential candidateswho raise $5,000 on their own in at least 20 states can get individual contribu-tions of up to $250 matched by the federal treasury. Money received at this stageof the campaign is commonly known as matching funds. If presidential candi-dates accept federal support, they agree to limit their campaign expenditures toan amount prescribed by federal law. For 2004, this amounted to approximately$45 million in the primaries. Because of this limit, President Bush, Senator Kerry,and Governor Dean all decided not to accept matching funds during the 2004primaries.

• provided full public financing for major party candidates in the general election. Forthe general election, each major party nominee gets a fixed amount of money tocover all their campaign expenses. For 2004 this amounted to $75 million. Unlikein the primaries, the FEC pays all the costs of general election campaigns, therebymaking the offer too good for anyone to turn down. Thus, although George W.Bush and John Kerry each decided not to accept federal support in the campaign

Federal Election Campaign Act

A law passed in 1974 for reformingcampaign finances. The act createdthe Federal Election Commission(FEC), provided public financing forpresidential primaries and generalelections, limited presidentialcampaign spending, requireddisclosure, and attempted to limitcontributions.

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20

30

PERC

ENTA

GE

CO

NTR

IBU

TIN

G

YEAR

10

’82 ’83’80 ’81’75 ’88 ’89 ’90 ’91 ’92 ’93 ’94 ’97’95 ’96 ’98 ’99 ’02’00 ’01’84 ’85 ’86 ’87’76 ’77 ’78 ’790

Figure 9.3 The Decline in Income Tax Check-off Participation for Federal Financing of Campaigns

This figure displays the percentage of income tax filers checking off the voluntary box to contribute to the federal financing of presidential cam-paigns. By checking this box, taxpayers do not add to their tax bill but simply specify that they would like $3 of their taxes to go to this fund. Asyou can see from the data displayed here, the percentage of taxpayers who have checked this box has declined substantially since this pro-gram was created in the mid-1970s. Because of a shortage of funds, all the candidates who were accepting matching funds received slightlyless than half the money they were entitled to in February 2004. They either had to take bank loans, using the money owed to them by theFederal Election Commission as collateral, or wait until the funds became available.

Source: Campaign Finance Institute.

matching funds

Contributions of up to $250 arematched from the PresidentialElection Campaign Fund tocandidates for the presidentialnomination who qualify and agree tomeet various conditions, such aslimiting their overall spending.

for their party’s nomination, they followed the practice of all previous major partynominees in taking federal money for the fall campaign.

• required full disclosure. Regardless of whether they accept any federal funding, allcandidates for federal office must file periodic reports with the FEC, listing whocontributed and how the money was spent. In the spirit of immediate disclosure,some 2004 presidential candidates regularly posted updated campaign contribu-tion information on their websites.

• limited contributions. Scandalized to find out that some wealthy individuals hadcontributed $1 million to the 1972 Nixon campaign, Congress limited individualcontributions to presidential and congressional candidates to $1,000. TheMcCain-Feingold Act increased this limit to $2,000 as of 2004, and provided forit to be indexed to rise along with inflation in the future.

Although the 1974 campaign reforms were generally welcomed by both parties,the constitutionality of the Federal Election Campaign Act was challenged in the 1976case of Buckley v. Valeo. In this case the Supreme Court struck down, as a violation offree speech, the portion of the act that had limited the amount individuals could con-tribute to their own campaigns. This aspect of the Court ruling made it possible forRoss Perot to spend over $60 million of his own fortune on his independent presiden-tial candidacy in 1992, and for John Kerry to loan his campaign over $7 million for the2004 Democratic nomination contest.

Another loophole was opened in 1979 with an amendment to the original actthat made it easier for political parties to raise money for voter registration drives andthe distribution of campaign material at the grass-roots level or for generic party adver-tising. Money raised for such purposes is known as soft money and is not subject to

soft money

Political contributions earmarked forparty-building expenses at the grass-roots level or for generic partyadvertising. Unlike money that goes tothe campaign of a particularcandidate, such party donations arenot subject to contribution limits. Fora time, such contributions wereunlimited, until they were banned bythe McCain-Feingold Act.

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any contribution limits. In 2000, an unprecedented amount of money flowed into thecoffers of the national parties through this loophole. Nearly half a billion dollars wasraised by the two parties in 2000 via soft money contributions, with many of the con-tributions coming in increments of hundreds of thousands of dollars. AT&T alonegave over $3 million in soft money, as did the American Federation of State, County,and Municipal Employees.

Senators John McCain (R-AZ) and Russell Feingold (D-WI) crusaded for years toremove the taint of large soft money campaign contributions from the political system.Their efforts finally came to fruition in 2002 when their bill was passed by the Congressand signed into law by President George W. Bush. The McCain-Feingold Act:(1) banned soft money contributions; (2) increased the amount that individuals couldgive to candidates from $1000 to $2000 and indexed the latter amount to rise in thefuture along with inflation; and (3) barred groups from running “issue ads” within60 days of a general election if they refer to a federal candidate and are not fundedthrough a PAC (i.e., with funds regulated by the campaign finance system). These pro-visions were challenged in the Courts, and in the 2003 case of McConnell v. FederalElection Commission the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the new law by a 5-4 margin.

Overall, there is little doubt that campaign finance legislation since 1974 has madecampaigns more open and honest. Small donors are encouraged, and the rich arerestricted—at least in terms of the money they can give directly to a candidate. All con-tribution and expenditure records are now open for all to examine, and FEC auditorstry to make sure that the regulations are enforced. As Frank Sorauf writes, the detailedFEC reports have “become a wonder of the democratic political world. Nowhere elsedo scholars and journalists find so much information about the funding of campaigns,and the openness of Americans about the flow of money stuns many other nationalsaccustomed to silence and secrecy about such traditionally private matters.”20

The Proliferation of PACsThe campaign reforms of the 1970s also encouraged the spread of political actioncommittees, generally known as PACs. Before the 1974 reforms, corporations weretechnically forbidden to donate money to political campaigns, but many wrote big

Political Action Committees(PACs)

Funding vehicles created by the 1974campaign finance reforms. Acorporation, union, or some otherinterest group can create a PAC andregister it with the Federal ElectionCommission (FEC), which willmeticulously monitor the PAC’sexpenditures.

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When President Clinton was in theWhite House, he regularly allowedbig donors of soft money contribu-tions to the Democratic Party tospend a night in the famous Lincolnbedroom (shown here). This practicewas highly criticized and led toincreased support for banning thepractice of unlimited soft moneycontributions to the parties.

checks anyway. Unions could make indirect contributions, although limits were set onhow they could aid candidates and political parties. The 1974 reforms created a new,more open way for interest groups such as business and labor to contribute to cam-paigns. Any interest group, large or small, can now get into the act by forming its ownPAC to directly channel contributions of up to $5,000 per candidate in both the pri-mary and the general election.

Buckley v. Valeo extended the right of free speech to PACs, and they can nowspend unlimited amounts indirectly, that is, if such activities are not coordinated withthe campaign. For example, in 1988 it was a PAC that aired the infamous “WillieHorton” ad accusing Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis of allowing criminalssuch as Horton out on parole, during which time they committed other crimes.Because the ad showed a sinister looking photo of the African-American Horton, manythought it was a veiled attempt to stimulate racist feelings. The Bush campaignresponded to such criticism by saying there was nothing they could do about the adbecause it was sponsored by a PAC who had not coordinated it with them.

As of 2004, the FEC reported that there were 3,868 PACs. In the 2002 congres-sional elections, PACs contributed over $258 million to House and Senate candidates.A PAC is formed when a business association, or some other interest group, decides tocontribute to candidates whom it believes will be favorable toward its goals. The groupregisters as a PAC with the FEC and then puts money into the PAC coffers. The PACcan collect money from stockholders, members, and other interested parties. It thendonates the money to candidates, often after careful research on their issue stands andpast voting records. One very important ground rule prevails: All expenditures must bemeticulously reported to the FEC. If PACs are corrupting democracy, as many believe,at least they are doing so openly.

Candidates need PACs because high-tech campaigning is expensive. Tightly con-tested races for the House of Representatives can sometimes cost over $1 million;Senate races can easily cost $1 million for television alone. PACs play a major role inpaying for expensive campaigns. Thus there emerges a symbiotic relationship betweenthe PACs and the candidates: Candidates need money, which they insist can be usedwithout compromising their integrity; PACs want access to officeholders, which theyinsist can be gained without buying votes. Most any lobbyist will tell their clients thatpoliticians will listen to any important interest group but that with a sizable PAC dona-tion they’ll listen better.

There is an abundance of PACs willing to help out the candidates. There are bigPACs, such as the Realtors Political Action Committee and the American MedicalAssociation Political Action Committee. There are little ones, too, representing smaller

PACs and the Money Trails

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industries or business associations: EggPAC, FishPAC, FurPAC, LardPAC, and—forthe beer distributors, SixPAC.21 Table 9.1 lists the business, labor, and ideologicalPACs that gave the most money to congressional candidates in 2000 and shows whichparty each favored.

Critics of the PAC system worry that all this money leads to PAC control over whatthe winners do once in office. Archibald Cox and Fred Wertheimer write that the roleof PACs in campaign finance “is robbing our nation of its democratic ideals and giv-ing us a government of leaders beholden to the monied interests who make their elec-tion possible.”22 On some issues, it seems clear that PAC money has made a difference.The Federal Trade Commission, for example, once passed a regulation requiring thatcar dealers list known mechanical defects on the window stickers of used cars. TheNational Association of Automobile Dealers quickly became one of the largest donorsto congressional incumbents, contributing just over $1 million to candidates of bothparties. Soon afterward, 216 representatives cosponsored a House resolution nullifyingthe FTC regulation. Of these House members, 186 had been aided by the auto deal-ers’ PAC.23

It is questionable, however, whether such examples are the exception or the rule.Most PACs give money to candidates who agree with them in the first place. Forinstance, the antiabortion PACs will not waste their money supporting pro-choice can-didates. Frank Sorauf’s careful review of the subject concludes that “there simply areno data in the systematic studies that would support the popular assertions about the‘buying’ of the Congress or about any other massive influence of money on the leg-islative process.”24

The impact of PAC money on presidents is even more doubtful. Presidential cam-paigns, of course, are partly subsidized by the public and so are less dependent uponPACs. Moreover, presidents have well-articulated positions on most important issues. Asmall contribution from any one PAC is not likely to turn a presidential candidate’shead.

Money matters in campaigns and sometimes also during legislative votes.Although the influence of PACs may be exaggerated, the high cost of running for officeensures their continuing major role in the campaign process.

Are Campaigns Too Expensive?Every four years, Americans spend over $2 billion on national, state, and local elec-tions. This seems like a tremendous amount of money. Yet American elections cost,per person, about as much as a DVD movie. Bradley Smith, who currently serves ascommissioner on the Federal Election Commission, writes that the proportion of thenation’s GDP spent on political activity is a mere . 05 percent.25

What bothers politicians most about the rising costs of high-tech campaigning isthat fund-raising takes up so much of their time. Many American officeholders feelthat the need for continuous fund-raising distracts them from their jobs as legislators.They look with envy at how politicians in other countries can win major office with-out worrying about raising huge sums of money (see “America in Perspective: ArleneMcCarthy’s Election to the European Parliament”).

Public financing of congressional campaigns would take care of this problem.Some lawmakers support some sort of public financing reform; however, it will be verydifficult to get Congress to consent to equal financing for the people who will chal-lenge them for their seats. Incumbents will not readily give up the advantage they havein raising money.

Perhaps the most basic complaint about money and politics is that there may be adirect link between dollars spent and votes received. Few have done more to dispel thischarge than political scientist Gary Jacobson. His research has shown that “the moreincumbents spend, the worse they do.”26 This fact is not as odd as it sounds. It simply

Why ItMatters

Money and ElectionsAs the 2004 primariesapproached, most punditsargued that any serious candi-date for the presidency neededto raise $15 million by the endof 2003 in order to be classifiedas a serious contender. Raisingmoney is one concrete indica-tor of support before the firstvotes are cast. In addition,money provides a campaignwith the ability to hire sufficientstaff and advertising time toget its message out. A cam-paign that is short on moneycan hardly get its message out.

The Debate over CampaignFinance Reform

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Table 9.1 The Big-Spending PACs

According to an analysis of Federal Election Commission data by the Center for Responsive Politics, here are the largest business, labor, andideological/single-issue PAC contributors to congressional candidates for the 1999–2000 election cycle and the percentage that they gave toRepublicans.

PERCENTAGE GIVENAMOUNT CONTRIBUTED TO REPUBLICANS

BusinessMicrosoft $3,942,435 53Goldman Sachs Group 3,546,432 32AT&T 3,510,391 62National Association of Realtors 3,298,100 58Association of Trial Lawyers 2,951,500 12United Parcel Service 2,919,584 74Philip Morris 2,830,985 80

LaborAmerican Federation of State/County/Municipal Employees 6,500,889 1Service Employees International Union 4,724,664 4Communication Workers of America 3,687,614 1International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers 3,369,840 3United Food and Commercial Workers Union 3,242,057 1

Ideological/Single-IssueNational Rifle Association 2,884,127 92Emily’s List 1,979,829 0

Source: Center for Responsive Politics.

means that incumbents who face a tough opponent must raise more money to meetthe challenge. When a challenger is not a serious threat, as they all too often are not,incumbents can afford to campaign cheaply.

More important than having “more” money is having “enough” money. HerbertAlexander calls this “the doctrine of sufficiency.” As he writes, “Enough money mustbe spent to get a message across to compete effectively but outspending one’s opponentis not always necessary—even an incumbent with a massive ratio of higher spend-ing.”27 One case in point is that of the late Paul Wellstone, a previously obscure polit-ical science professor who beat an incumbent senator in 1990 despite being outspentby 5 to 1. Another example is the 1994 California Senate race, in which DianneFeinstein prevailed even though she was outspent by Republican challenger MichaelHuffington, who poured $28 million of his own money into the race.

The Impact of CampaignsAlmost all politicians presume that a good campaign is the key to victory. Many polit-ical scientists, however, question the importance of campaigns. Reviewing the evi-dence, Dan Nimmo concluded, “Political campaigns are less crucial in elections thanmost politicians believe.”28 For years, researchers studying campaigns have stressedthat campaigns have three effects on voters: reinforcement, activation, and conversion.Campaigns can reinforce voters’ preferences for candidates; they can activate voters,getting them to contribute money or ring doorbells as opposed to merely voting; andthey can convert, changing voters’ minds.

Over half a century of research on political campaigns leads to a single message:Campaigns mostly reinforce and activate; only rarely do they convert. The evidence on

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America in Perspective

Arlene McCarthy’s Election to theEuropean Parliament

half was spent on new clothes, with therest going for traveling costs, such ashotels, gasoline, and food. No one con-tributed any money to support her cam-paign for the nomination, and shenever felt this was necessary. The partytook charge of sending out informationabout her to the voters who woulddecide the nomination, and all candi-dates were forbidden from sending outanything else. Only 4500 dues-payingmembers of the party could participatein the nomination process, thus makingit possible for Ms. McCarthy to speakpersonally with many of the activistswho ultimately gave her a start in poli-tics. Her major appeal was that she hadgained much knowledge about how theEuropean Parliament worked duringher service as a staff member there, andthat she could effectively represent theinterests of people back home inEngland.

About 1800 voters returned theirmail ballot, and Arlene McCarthy fin-ished first among five candidates. Thegeneral election loomed only six weeksaway when she became the Labour

Party’s nominee, but the party tookcharge of her campaign from this pointon. The party provided her with about$40,000 in campaign funds, as well asstaff and campaign literature. WhenLabour won a smashing victory acrossthe country, Ms. McCarthy was sweptinto office, and had suddenly gonefrom being a young staff member to amember of the European Parliament.

The nomination and general elec-tion campaign of Arlene McCarthyillustrates several differences betweenEuropean campaigns and those of theUnited States. Had she run a similarcampaign in the United States shewould have had to raise far moremoney, appeal to far more people to gether party’s nomination, and run a muchlonger campaign. Which type of cam-paign do you think is best? Does theEuropean-style campaign make it easierfor young people and women to breakinto political office?

Source: Personal interview with ArleneMcCarthy, December 12, 1998.

Arlene McCarthy is one of Europe’s up-and-coming young politicians. She wasfirst elected to represent England in theEuropean Parliament at the age of 33,and since then she has twice been eas-ily reelected. When asked if she couldhave won a similar election in theUnited States, she responds with a firm“No—I would never have been able toraise enough money.”

A substantial bankroll, however, wasnot required for Ms. McCarthy to gether start in European politics. All told,she estimates that she spent about$1,600 to get the Labour Party’s nomi-nation in her district. Of this, roughly

the impact of campaigns points clearly to the conclusion that the best laid plans ofcampaign managers change very few votes. Given the billions of dollars spent on polit-ical campaigns, it may be surprising to find that they do not have a great effect. Severalfactors tend to weaken campaigns’ impact on voters:

• Most people pay relatively little attention to campaigns in the first place. Peoplehave a remarkable capacity for selective perception—paying most attention tothings they already agree with and interpreting events according to their own pre-dispositions.

• Factors such as party identification—though less important than they used to be—still influence voting behavior regardless of what happens in the campaign.

• Incumbents start with a substantial advantage in terms of name recognition andan established track record.

Such findings do not mean, of course, that campaigns never change voters’ mindsor that converting a small percentage is unimportant. In tight races, a good campaigncan make the difference between winning and losing.

selective perception

The phenomenon that people oftenpay the most attention to things theyalready agree with and interpret themaccording to their ownpredispositions.

Comparing Political Campaigns

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All candidates for federal officeshave to file detailed campaignfinance reports with the FederalElection Commission quarterly.These reports must list every contri-bution and itemize every expense.Here, two of Howard Dean’s staffmembers are shown wheeling intheir campaign’s lengthy financialreport for the third quarter of 2003.

Understanding Nominations and CampaignsThroughout the history of American politics, election campaigns have become longerand longer as the system has become increasingly open to public participation.Reformers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries held that the solution to demo-cratic problems was more democracy—or as John Lennon sang, “Power to the people.”In principle, more democracy always sounds better than less, but it is not such a sim-ple issue in practice.

Are Nominations and Campaigns Too Democratic?If American campaigns are judged solely by how open they are, then certainly theAmerican system must be viewed favorably. In other countries, the process of leadershipnomination occurs within a relatively small circle of party elites. Thus, politicians mustwork their way up through an apprenticeship system. In contrast, America has an entre-preneurial system in which the people play a crucial role at every stage from nomina-tion to election. In this way, party outsiders can get elected in a way virtually unknownoutside the United States. By appealing directly to the people, a candidate can emergefrom obscurity to win the White House. For example, former one-term Governor JimmyCarter was scarcely known outside of his home state a year before his election to thepresidency. After serving a dozen years as governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton was only ina slightly better position than Carter in terms of name recognition when he announcedhis first campaign for the presidency in 1991. In this sense, the chance to win high officeis open to almost any highly skilled politician with even a small electoral base.

There is a price to be paid for all this openness, however. The process of selectingAmerican leaders is a long and convoluted one that has little downtime before it revsup all over again. George W. Bush had scarcely been reelected when potential candi-dates for 2008 started to schedule visits to Iowa and New Hampshire. Some analystshave even called the American electoral process “the permanent campaign.”29 Manywonder whether people would pay more attention to politics if it did not ask so much of

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The American political systemallows citizens a voice at almostevery point of the election process,unlike many countries where a polit-ical elite controls the nominationprocess. Bill Clinton, for example,was little known outside the state ofArkansas at the beginning of the1992 calendar year.

them. Given so much democratic opportunity, many citizens are simply overwhelmedby the process and stay on the sidelines. Similarly, the burdens of the modern cam-paign can discourage good candidates from throwing their hats into the ring. One ofthe most worrisome burdens that candidates face is amassing a sufficient campaigntreasury. The system may be open, but it requires a lot of fund-raising to be able to takeone’s case to the people.

Today’s campaigns clearly promote individualism in American politics. The cur-rent system of running for office has been labeled by Wattenberg the “candidate-centered age.”30 It allows for politicians to decide on their own to run, to raise theirown campaign funds, to build their own personal organizations, and to make promisesabout how they specifically will act in office. The American campaign game is one ofindividual candidates, by individual candidates, and for individual candidates.

Do Big Campaigns Lead to an Increased Scope of Government?Today’s big campaigns involve much more communication between candidates andvoters than America’s Founders ever could have imagined. In their view, the presi-dency was to be an office responsible for seeing to the public interest as a whole. Theywished to avoid “a contest in which the candidates would have to pose as ‘friends’ ofthe people or make specific policy commitments.”31 Thus, the Founders would prob-ably be horrified by the modern practice in which candidates make numerous prom-ises during nomination and election campaigns.

States are the key battlegrounds of presidential campaigns, and candidates musttailor their appeals to the particular interests of each major state. When in Iowa, forinstance, candidates typically promise to keep agricultural subsidies high and supportthe ethanol program; in New York, to help big cities with federal programs; in Texas,to help the oil and gas industry. To secure votes from each region of the country, can-didates end up supporting a variety of local interests. Promises mount as the campaigngoes on, and these promises usually add up to new government programs and money.The way modern campaigns are conducted is thus one of many reasons why politiciansusually find it easier to promise, at least, that government will do more. Furthermore,

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with their finger constantly to the wind assessing all the different political crosscur-rents, it is hard for politicians to promise that the scope of government will be limitedthrough specific cuts.

SummaryIn this age of high-tech politics, campaigns have become more media oriented and farmore expensive. There are really two campaigns of importance in presidential (andother) contests: the campaign for nomination and the campaign for election.

There are two ways by which delegates are selected to the national party conven-tions: state caucuses and primaries. The first caucus is traditionally held in Iowa, thefirst primary in New Hampshire. These two small, atypical American states have dis-proportionate power in determining who will be nominated and thus become presi-dent. This influence stems from the massive media attention devoted to these earlycontests and the momentum generated by winning them.

Money matters in political campaigns. As the costs of campaigning have increased,it has become more essential to amass large campaign war chests. Although federal cam-paign finance reform in the 1970s lessened the impact of big contributors, it also allowedthe proliferation of PACs. Some observers believe that PACs have created a system oflegal graft in campaigning; others say that the evidence for this view is relatively weak.

In general, politicians tend to overestimate the impact of campaigns; political sci-entists have found that campaigning serves primarily to reinforce citizens’ views ratherthan to convert them. American election campaigns are easily the most open and dem-ocratic in the world—some say too open. They are also extraordinarily long, leadingpoliticians to make many promises that contribute to big government.

KEY TERMSnominationcampaign strategynational party conventioncaucuspresidential primariesMcGovern-Fraser

Commissionsuperdelegatesfrontloading

national primaryregional primariesparty platformdirect mailFederal Election

Campaign ActFederal Election

Commission (FEC)

Presidential ElectionCampaign Fund

matching fundssoft moneypolitical action

committees (PACs)selective perception

INTERNET RESOURCESwww.fec.govThe Federal Election Commission’s reports on campaign spend-ing can be found at this site.

www.fundrace.orgThis site allows one to look up donations from particular individ-uals and to map contribution patterns for particular areas.

www.opensecrets.orgThe Center for Responsive Politics posts a wealth of analysis aboutPAC contributions at its site.

www.campaignline.comCampaigns and Elections magazine posts some of its articles here.

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GET CONNECTED

The Delegate Selection Process and Presidential NominationsRunning for president is a very demanding job. It begins years before the election. An important part of the processfor each candidate involves getting delegates pledged to him or her at the national party conventions. The nomi-nation process involves a complex procedure that is neatly outlined on a web page called “The Green Papers.”

Search the WebGo to the Green Papers page on the nomination process for 2004 http://www.thegreenpapers.com/P04/. Find yourstate and examine the number of delegates that were selected for the Democratic and Republican national con-ventions in 2004. Also, look at neighboring states, and then find when your state selected the delegates.

Questions to Ask• How many delegates did your state send to the Democratic and Republican national conventions in 2004?

Were they selected through a primary or a caucus or some combination of methods?• How does your state compare with neighboring states? How about states with more or less population than

yours?• Considering your state’s vote for president in 2004, will your state have more or fewer delegates to the

national conventions in 2008?

Why It MattersPresidential candidates spend much time, energy, and money trying to accumulate delegates pledged to theircandidacy who will attend the national convention. The media also focus on “delegate count” as an importantmeasure to determine which candidate is leading the presidential race. It is important for you to understand howthe delegate selection process works.

Get InvolvedAs we get closer to the 2008 presidential election, find out how you can become a delegate from your state toyour party’s national convention. The political parties are particularly interested in getting younger peopleinvolved.

To see more Get Connected exercises for Chapter 9, go to www.ablongman.com/edwards.

FOR FURTHER READINGBartels, Larry M. Presidential Primaries and the Dynamics ofPublic Choice. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988.An excellent analysis of voters’ decision-making process in thenominating season.

Bimber, Bruce, and Richard Davis. Campaigning Online: TheInternet in U.S. Elections. New York: Oxford, 2003. An interestingstudy of how candidates use websites and how voters react to them.

Brown, Clifford W. Jr., Lynda W. Powell, and Clyde Wilcox.Serious Money: Fundraising and Contributing in PresidentialNomination Campaigns. New York: Cambridge University Press,1995. A unique look into who contributes to presidential cam-paigns and why.

Farnsworth, Stephen J., and S. Robert Lichter, The Nightly News

Nightmare: Network Television’s Coverage of U.S. PresidentialElections, 1988–2000. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2003. An interesting study of the content of TV news coverage offour recent presidential election campaigns.

Jamieson, Kathleen Hall, and Paul Waldman, eds. Electing thePresident 2000: The Insiders’ View. Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 2001. The campaign managers for all the2000 presidential candidates gathered at the University ofPennsylvania to discuss their experiences in the primaries and thegeneral election.

King, Anthony. Running Scared. New York: Free Press, 1997. Kingargues that American politicians campaign too much and governtoo little.

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Mayer, William G., ed. The Making of the Presidential Candidates2004. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004. A good set ofcurrent readings on the presidential nomination process.

Orren, Gary R., and Nelson W. Polsby, eds. Media andMomentum. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1987. The story of theexaggerated impact of New Hampshire on our presidential selec-tion process.

Patterson, Thomas E. Out of Order. New York: Knopf, 1993. Agood review of the role of the media in elections.

Smith, Bradley A. Unfree Speech: The Folly of Campaign FinanceReform. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Aprovocative book that argues that most regulations concerningdonations to political campaigns should be eliminated.

Winebrenner, Hugh. The Iowa Precinct Caucuses: The Making ofa Media Event, 2nd ed. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1998. Ahighly critical view of the Iowa caucuses from one of the state’sleading political analysts.

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