Joseph Pilsudski Founder of Polish National Independence and Chief of the Polish State

8/14/2019 Joseph Pilsudski Founder of Polish National Independence and Chief of the Polish State

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The Founderof Polishindependence

JOSEPH P1LSUDSKIby

St. J.jJJONCZA

LONDON AND EDINBURGHSAMPSON LOW, MORSTON& Co., Ltd.1921.


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JOSCPH PlkSUDSKIFounder of Polish National Independence and

Chief of the Polish State

bySt. J. BONCZA

LONDON AND EDINBURGHSAMPSON LOW, MORSTON& Co., Ltd.1921.


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COPYRIGHT BY St J. BOMCZfl


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THE YOUTH AND THE ACTIONS OF PJLSUDSK)UNTIL THE OUTBREAK OF THE GREAT WAR.Like Kosciuszko and Mickiewicz, Pilsudski was born in

Lithuania, the country that as early as the XIVth century joinedPoland in a voluntary union when threatened by Teutonicinvasions. Poland and Lithuania together formed one State,which was later on looked upon by both nations as their father-land. The parents of Pilsudski belonged to the gentry of Poland,White-Ruthenia and Lithuania, that gentry which had forcenturies protected these three nations from the invasionsconstantly threatening from East and West. In the fa-mily estate of Zulov, not far from Vilno, the future Commanderin Chief and Chief of the Polish State first saw the light. Hewas born soon after the national insurrection in which thewhole family took an active part. The child, brought up byhis mother a woman of unusual generosity and elevation of cha-racter in traditions of family and national events, and taught


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to respect those engaged in simple physical labour, passedhis early years under the influence of government terrormenacing on all sides and under the elevating home influence,that inspired him with courage and a never failing faith for thefuture.

Leaving home for a Russian school, the soul of the littlelad was already deeply imbued with the sentiments ofa future champion of freedom. His school life, during whichhe had to endure in silence all the worries and tor-ments to which the government system subjected the boys,in order to efficaciously root out all that was Polish, onlyserved to harden the character of the coming conspirator.Expelled later, when a student, from Charkov Universityfor participation in student disorders, he entered the PolishRevolutionary Circle, a society tinged with Socialism,

The following fact is most characteristic of the viewsof Pilsudski at this time: when in 1887 the delegate ofa Russian revolutionary organisation arrived in Vilno from Pe-tersburg and proposed to the Circle to participate in anattempt on the life of Alexander III, Pilsudski opposed him."The revolutionary duty of the Poles", he asserted, "is to strug-gle against Russian oppression as it is, but not to fight forchanges in the form of the government in Russia, the result ofwhich, as far as the Poles are concerned, is doubtful". "Asa Socialist I am averse to terror", he stated at the same time.

Being tried later on as an alleged complice in the aboveattempt, Pilsudski was condemned to 5 years exile in EasternSiberia.

One of his letters written to his father at that time, re-flects the social political views of the twenty years old youth.

It contains first and foremost the intense regret of a bornman of action, who complains, not of his punishment, but that


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it is brought about solely by fatal chance and not by any realaction of his own.

It contains further the social creed of the writer: "I wishevery man to see a brother in his neighbour, that all shouldhave the right to this world's goods, and that, unburdened fromtoil, they could strive for the happiness of humanity".We have here also a sketch of the mode of action of thecoming organizer and creator of the State: "We shall accom-plish nothing, if we only have the fulfilment of our own ideasin view and try to force our will on others". "One should gowith deliberation perseveringly towards the end in view, fol-lowing the stream of life and not the calling of noble but emptydreams".

This exile became for Pilsudski a new school of politicalthought.

"I had now the possibility of becoming acquainted withthe character of the Russian nation, to look into the verydepths of its soul, to understand the spirit of Russian history".All Russians", Pilsudski was wont to assert, "are more or

less disguised Imperialists, not excepting the Revolutionaries.Elementary centralism is the characteristic of these peoplewho eternally sigh for the absolute. They are unable to re-concile opposites, they reject completely even the needs ofconscious social organisation, in order merely not to be com-pelled to think of them. Let everything be done by itself, inan elementary manner. That is the cause of the many Anarchistsamong them. It is an extraordinary thing however, thatI never met any Republicans at all among the Russians".After his return from exile in 1892 Pilsudski joined oneof the secret political groups in the country, which then hadnot yet created any organisation. Owing to his very ener-getic and prominent assistance the Polish Socialist Party (P. P.


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S.) was formed in the same year. It took as the political aimof its minimum programme: "The Independence of Poland",

Later, we see Pilsudski as editor and printer of the secretpaper of this party. From the columns of his "Robotnik"(Workman) Pilsudski urged independence as the necessary andreal aim in view and spoke of the necessity of preparing foran armed struggle to attain this end. As this took place during;the period of the most terrible Russian repression and thecomplete resignation and crushing of the Polish public, thevoice of Pilsudski, according to the just expression of the con-temporary writer Sieroszewski, rang like a bell amidst thedarkness and deafness of the night. "Some one is watching" saidPoland with a mysterious thrill. Pilsudski aroused thesoul of his nation and taught it afresh its already forgottenidea of the sacrifices of blood for national independence.Appealing to the most numerous of the social classes, themost defenceless in suffering he said to them: "We wish foran independent Poland in order to organize for her a better lifeand one just towards all alike". Distributing his secret papershimself, Pilsudski visited in turn the different organisations,forming new ones from the working and educated classes andfrom Polish youth; investigating relations; becoming acquaintedwith the whole country, its needs and its defects. After awakingthe country the turn came for public manifestation. Thistook place on the celebration of the workmen's holiday, thefirst of May, strictly forbidden by the Imperial Police. During,this manifestation there was an encounter with the police. Theyoung working men began to clamour for armes. This was theresult so desired by Pilsudski. Educating in this manner andiselecting persons for his ends, he was always directed by amunequalled intuition and penetration. He sought not only forcapacity and intuition, but for character and conscience. He


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built up the future on the spiritual and moral worth of theindividual and of the nation. At the beginning of 1900 the Im-perial authorities

discovered the printing press of the "Ro-botnik" in Lodz in Pilsudski's private apartment and arrestedhim. He was sent first to the 10th Pavilion in the Warsaw Citadeland was there committed for trial. It is said that during thecross - questioning a colonel of gendarmes turned to Pil-sudski and asked how he, the descendant of an ancient nobleand hitherto wealthy family could be the leader of a partyundermining the very foundations of private property and au-thority? Pilsudski is said to have replied: "In order to makethis more comprehensible to you, I must remind you thatwhen Russian princes mounted the horses over the necksof their boyars, my forefathers were already free citizens.How then can you expect me not to fight for freedom to - day?"

Transferred from the 10th Pavilion to the Petersburg hos-pital, Pilsudski was assisted to escape by his loyal friends andcomrades. Once back in the country he decided at once toundertake preparations for the organisation of a national in-surrection. In the face of the expected Russian-Japanese warhis first care was to prevent a mobilisation, as he wished thatthe blood which was to be shed, should be rather shed in thestruggle with Russia. But after investigating conditions in thecountry he was convinced that such an action could not thenbe successful, as the fear of Russian power was predominant.He then left for Japan in order to organize an insurrection inthe rear of the Russian army, backed by the strength of Japan.He was however, baffled once again. The sole protestwhich he was able to call forth against mobilisation was thebloody demonstration of the workmen of the Polish SocialistParty on the Grzybowski Square in Warsaw. At the time whenthose elements which were opposed to insurrection got the


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upper hand and showed a desire for common action with theRussian Revolutionaries, with a view to a change of governmentin Russia, Pilsudski was cut off from Warsaw by a railwaystrike, which was caused by these demonstrations. Thus

the was enabled to hold himself aloof from all the prevailingunrest. Shortly after he formed the so-called "Figh-ting Organisation", collecting small detachments of volunteersand after drilling them in the use of arms, accustomingthem to iron discipline, he equipped them and sent them, asthe first partisans in the struggle for the freedom of Poland.The destruction of the greatest scoundrels among the Imperialpolice and gendarmes, the attacking of lesser detachments ofthe army, the breaking open of government safes all formedpart of the plans of this organization. Pilsudski saw that hewould not be able to call a general insurrection by these means,but he wished to make a beginning, to bring about above all thefirst breach in the views of the Polish public, convincing it inthis or in some other way, that a revolutionary struggle, under-stood as a struggle between Poland and Russia was a possi-bility.A proof of how highly each soldier of this "FightingOrganisation" understood the political and ideal character ofthese struggles, is the fact that when several of the soldierswere once seized for an attempt on the Russian authoritiesand were sentenced to be hanged they demanded that theirsentence should be changed and that they should be shot, asthey were not bandits but Polish soldiers fighting for the in-dependence of their country. Their demand was granted.Even the Tsar's satraps realised the real character of Pilsud-ski's "Fighting Detachments".

When, at the weakening of the revolutionary movementin Russia the detachments were disbanded, Pilsudski's thoughts8


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turned in another direction. The conviction grew in him thatfrom henceforth the aim of all efforts must be the formationof a regular national army.

In Cracow, where the persecution of Austrian authori-ties was least felt in comparison with that of the other annexedterritories, Pilsudski created from two circles of young mendesirous of receiving military instruction an "Rifle Club" laterknown as the: "Francs-Tireurs". This was a purely non-partymilitary organisation. At the same time he gave an impulse tothe organisation of propaganda amongst the public, taking themost active part in it himself, spreading the idea that it wasimpossible for Poland to merely talk and haggle over matters,but she must be regained by the assistance of her national armyand by the active participation of every class of society.

In his at first secret, or at least semi-secret, actionPilsudski found a weak support in the public. He had to swimagainst the tide, "to fight with all Poland".

In 1910 carrying through the legalisation of the RifleClub, he founded according to his own plan the Officers andNon-Commissioned Officers rifle schools and summer campcourses, sending instructors to found rifle ranges writing andexpounding. The outbreak of the Balkan war, proving toeveryone the possibility of an Austro-Russian war, was pro-pitious, but when the danger of an immediate war was removed,the "Francs-Tireurs", at the head of which was Pilsudski, oncemore began to weaken and even in part fell into decay underthe pressure of the secret and open adversaries to a war withRussia. Thus Pilsudski lived to see the outbreak of the uni-versal war.


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II.

THE PART PLAYED BY P1LSUDSK1 DURINGTHE GREAT WAR UNTIL THE LIBERATION OFPOLAND FROM THE GERMAN YOKE.The creation of the "Francs-Tireurs" as an organi-

zation in the service of Poland's independence, and as such di-rected first and foremost against Russia, was according to Pil-sudski's views a necessity, without which the very idea of State-reconstruction would prove impossible.

Warsaw is the heart of Poland as Paris is the heart ofFrance; it is not merely a symbol, but the centre of her real exis-tence, and of her intellectual, political and economic life.A Polish state without Warsaw cannot conceived.

The fact of having been divided between three usurpingPowers, which in the nature of events were all hostile towardsher, has been the tragedy of Poland.

Pilsudski, realizing the first necessity - - a struggle withRussia, as the harbinger of a general struggle for independence,and the necessity of bringing about the evacuation of Warsawby Russia, realized in a no less degree the danger threateningPoland from the side of Germany and Austria, and that it wasessential for the existence of Poland that she should be able todefend herself against these countries. In accordance with thisconception Pilsudski became the creator of a force, which wasdirected both against the former, as well as the two otherpowers. The "Francs-Tireurs", formed for the struggle withRussia, were unable to develop into an independent PolishArmy owing to exterior and interior conditions, even after10


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having proved their character by the action of August6-th, i. e. the crossing of the boundary of the Con-gress Kingdom, as the first detachment of the Polish Armyfighting for its own cause, - - and became later part of theLegions. Not wishing to let go his hold on his trump card, theorganized soldier, who could be made use of when he wishedand in suitable conditions, Pilsudski consented to lead theLegions, in spite of incessant political friction and collisionsbetween himself and the Central Powers. Together with hisentrance into the Legions, on August 16th, 1916, that is to sayat the same time as the Legions, Pilsudski began to organizeon the territory of the Kingdom, a new secret military organi-zation called the "Polish Military Organization" (P. O. W.). Itexisted at first in the rear of the Russian Army, and carried onpropaganda in favour of a struggle for a Polish State, in-dependent both of Russia and of the Central Powers. At thesame time the organization carried on reconnoitring and des-tructive work against Russia, in the rear of her army, showingreal assistance to the Legions fighting at the front. As the armyof the Central Powers advanced deeper into the Kingdom, the"Polish Military Organization" ceased to reveal itself andworked in secret, in order to be able to use its strength againstthe new invaders when a favourable moment arrived.

At that time the Central Powers were victorious, at the! zenith of their military triumph, and had laid their hands on|

nearly the whole of Poland.The "Polish Military Organization" organized branchesin all the country, even in the strictly guarded German Poland.At that time the Legions formed a fairly important figjhtingunit, tried in battle, and capable of being used as the germof a stable army. General political conditions were suchthat the Central Powers, in spite of victories in the East,


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and of Prussian terrorism applied in all its force against Poland,had to take into consideration the watchword of the WestermPowers selfdetermination of peoples, and that frentierswould have to be decided accordingly. For this reason, theGermans, who, though victorious in the East, were constantlybeing repulsed in the West, wished to palliate their annexation-ist aims with regard to Poland, and to comply with the de-mands of the Entente, were compelled to make a certain com-promise towards Poland. Although this was done in a hypocri-tical and partial manner, they had to satisfy her evident desirefor an independent life.

Pilsudski, who had previously put an end to recruiting forthe Polish Legions, and distrusting the sincerity of German inten-tions, considered this moment propitious for creating from thealready existing Legions a more numerous and indepen-dent military power, formed of Poles, and organized on the:model of an army. With this object in view, he began negotia-tions with Austria, demanding: 1) the proclamation of the inde-pendence of the Polish State, 2) the possibility of creating anindependent Polish Government, which also meant to say:a Polish Army, recruited from the Legions. Austria, not con-senting to these demands, which she considered too far-reaching,agreed only to the extension of the Legion formations, and tothe creation, from them, of a Polish Reinforcement Corps,making however certain concessions respecting Polish badges,uniforms, and independence of organization.

Pilsudski, not satisfied with this, then sent in his resigna-tion. As a result of his position, Austria deprived him of free-dom of movement, compelling him to live at Cracow.The course of events removed the investigation of thePolish question, to Germany. In negotiations, carried on withboth the Central Powers, Pilsudski repeated the same demands.12


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In reply, the Germans published the act of Polish indepen-dence, on July 5-th 1916, having decided to satisfy the claims oJLthe Entente on this point. As far as the government andArmy were concerned, the Central Powers did not wish to con-sent, realizing perfectly by experience, that Pilsudski wasa man, who once having a certain strength in his hands, woulduse it against them. Desirous of insuring themselves againstthis, the Germans decided to form such a Polish Army, as wouldbe subordinate to German Command and German officers.This would have been a parody of the Polish army, probablynot a numerous one, but proclaiming to the world at large thejoint action of the Poles and the Germans. In this manner theGermans would have settled the Polish question. In order torender ;any kind of counter-action from the side of Pilsudskiimpossible, the Germans decided to make dependent on them-selves the one visible Polish force the Legions. With this endin view, they had to take an oath, making them dependent onGerman chiefs. Pilsudski, the creator and symbol of thestruggle for independence, recognized as such not only by theLegions, but by the already aroused public, was in this way tobe pushed on one side, and his influence destroyed.

Pilsudski opposed this intention of subjecting the Legionsto Germany with the whole of his moral influence, consentingrather to their complete disbandment. Knowing that the Ger-mans were too powerful, and knowing that his strength at thattime was still insufficient to enable him to carry on an openstruggle, Pilsudski, having already at his disposal the secret orga-nization, "The Polish Military Organization" (P. O. W.) spreadover the entire territory of his political influence, prepared fora subterranean struggle with the German-Austrian invader. Pil-sudski then passed to the realization of the second point ofhis programme, namely the struggle for liberation from the

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German yoke, which had become the heaviest, and the mostthreatening to the independence of Poland. Russia was at thattime not merely a defeated Power, but was also subject to a verypowerful interior shock, which did not permit her acting ener-getically for the moment.

The Legions, under the influence of Pilsudski, refusedthe oath, and they were disbanded and interned; when theGermans realized the increasing moral influence of Pilsudskiwith the Polish public, he was arrested and imprisoned in theMagdeburg fortress. The Legionaries, in accordance with thedevice sent to them by Pilsudski, spread all over the country,in order to continue with renewed activity the developmentof the secret "Polish Military Organization", believing that themoment was approaching when the arms of heroic France,America and England would overcome the Central Powers, andthat the Poles would be in a position to take up arms againstthem and drive them out of the country. We see from theseevents how very far-seeing was Pilsudski's policy, how wellhe knew the strength and conditions of Poland. Thus we see:

1) The knowledge, that the Great War was vnavcidable,caused him to create the first armed Polish force, which hecontrolled to such a degree, that at the critical moment itbecame the interpreter of his intentions, aiming at the forma-tion at any cost, and taking advantage of all possible condi-tions of an independent Polish State.

2) Already in 1914 Pilsudski created a secret militaryorganization (P. 0. W.), foreseeing the necessity of a strugglewith the Central Powers, this organization in 1918 acted asa powerful military force, forcing back, with its mailed fistboth occupying powers from the Polish frontiers, and incitingall classes of society to struggle. Finally, when Pilsudski, re-14


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mained interned in Magdeburg, the Polish public was animatedby the one, idea propagated by him: the necessity of an armedstruggle with the Germans for independence.

In 1918, when after the outbreak of the revolution in Ger-many, Pilsudski returned to Warsaw, he was met and welcomedby all parties without exceptions as the man who, it wasknown and believed, would once more take up the work in-terrupted only by his term of imprisonment, the man who woulddrive out once and for ever the Germans and the Austrians, whowould defend Poland against all her enemies, and would supporther lasting independence.

III.

PJLSUDSK1 AS CHIEF OF THE POLISH STATE.Arriving in Warsaw from Magdeburg Pilsudski found the

country in a chaotic condition, all the more so, as new factorshad come into play, such as the Russian Revolution. In orderto centralize all social factors in Poland, and to lead them tothe paths of indispensable united effort, to save all that hadbeen attained by the Insurrection and also by the victory ofthe Entente over the Central Powers, taking into considerationcurrents arising from the deeply agitated tide of the Russian Re-volution, Pilsudski assembled his first Government, whosemembers came from those of the social classes which hadplayed a leading part in the insurrection, and which representedthe masses. This Government, being the exponent of these so-cial classes, was through force of events compelled to become

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a Government to which the State from the very beginning ofIts existence assigned a democratic character.One of the first State actions of this Government was thepublishing of the franchise law and also the immediatesummoning of the Legislative Diet. Pilsudski, submittingto the internal conditions of the State in this way, directed hischief efforts towards the creation of a regular and numerousArmy to defend the frontiers of Poland, which were threatenedon all sides. In most unusually difficult conditions, at a momentwhen the Galician Ukrainians were doing their best to captureLemberg, when the Bolshe^ks were not far from Warsaw, andwhen the revolted German army was to have marched throughPoland from the East, threatening her with complete destruc-tion, Pilsudski, with an unusually skillful policy parried a seriesof menacing blows, and created in such conditions and with me-rely the war material taken from the occupants at his dis-posal a Polish army, which was immediately despatched tothe threatened districts. The spirit of faith and sacrifice in-spired by Pilsudski, together with his popularity with the widemasses of the population enabled the poorly equipped and in-sufficiently trained army to gain a victory. The problem ofRussia and her internal organization was predominant in theentire Eastern policy, which was to decide first and foremostwith regard to the existence of the Polish State. Pilsudski, whopenetrated into the innermost depths of the Russian soul, as fewhave done, realized very clearly the relations and disposition ofthe social forces in Russia, and understood at the outset, that thesolution of the Eastern problem would decide the whole ques-tion of Poland.

Although things went as far as the introduction of theauthority of revolutionary factors into Russia, still the latterwere no less prone than the former reactionary authorities to16


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the retention of former annexed territories by the State. Thesenew ruling factors were imbued with a no weaker, but ratherwith a stronger desire for the renewal and strengthening of theAlliance with Germany.

Only the fact of the wrenching away from Russia, not ofPoland alone, but of those nations which although hitherto pas-sive tools, have yet helped to decide her victories, can everdeprive Russia of these tendencies, and divert the energy oftier people towards an internal and civilizing work. The fore-most of these nations is that of the fertile Ukraine, comprisingmany millions of inhabitants.

Pilsudski, following the voice of his ingenious intuition,created firstly a "fait accompli". By re-taking the Ukraine fromthe Bolsheviks he enabled the Ukrainian State, to organize

national Ukrainian Government, and a national UkrainianArmy. An unrivalled expert in the psychology of nations, heknew that no future failure, no opposing effort, could ever erasethis fact.

The opposition which Pilsudski's Eastern policy met withhere and there, arose from ignorance of the essentialsources of Russian power. Russia, having guaranteed herEastern frdntiers through long centuries, had grown in theWest by no means in proportion to her civilizing power. Thiswas possible only owing to the fact that she met with merelypassive nations, the governments of which were either tooweak or else entirely non-existant, and whose culture was alsoon a low level. Her advance in the West was resisted first at;he very threshold of ethnographic Poland, together with Po-onized Lithuania. Here Russia was aided by the strength ofler masses, and also by the joint action of Germany and Aus-ria, with the tacit consent of the rest of Europe.

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There existed, however, a second and no less importantcause for the opening of new Russian horizons in the West,,that is to say, that the nearest nations, for which her hand was,,outstretched, were also Slavonic nations, as she herself is, and)at the same time smaller, with their existence constantly threa-tened by non-Slavonic elements.

This is not all. Russia containing such immense terri-tories, a priceless treasury of all kinds of wealth and of all!possible chances of individual enrichment, formed a magnettfor the parasitic class, and for parasitic units.Here was the cause of the dreams of the Russian Pansla-vists, that "all Slavonic rivers should flow into a Russian sea"..The recent war together with the Bolshevik Revolution!proved however, that Russia was a country without a rulerIAfter the abolition of Tsardom, Russia was left to the merc^of a handful of individuals, desirous of introducing their ownjtpersonal aims, and to the mercy also of elements who havecreduced her to a condition of prehistoric tribes. In order topireorganize such a colossus, such an already complicated ma-chine, Lenin and Trotzky are evidently insufficient although^aided by the Generals of the Tsars. For this reason the pres-sure of the present rulers of Russia towards a joint frontierrwith Germany across Poland, and towards a stable commoniaction, and common direction of Russia and Germany, is onlytoo clear and comprehensible.

But the results of this partnership will ultimately decidednot only the fate of Poland but that of the remaining Slavonicnations. The history of the world has advanced with long'strides owing to the Universal War. Today it is confronted bythe alternative -- either to carry through to the end the pro-cess of the emancipation of the subjugated nations into natio-nal states, which in time would lead to their free federation^

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on the model of independent cooperative societies, or, relatively,to the concentration of the capitals of a large industry, arrivingafter a short period of contending struggle, at the creationof a monstrous trust, of the most powerful State organism,which would gradually swallow up the remainder of the lessernational states, and the exuberant wealthy lives of their in-habitants.

The man, who in this titanic struggle as Chief of the Po-lish State, stands with his powerful will on the side of thenations and national freedom, is the modern Knight "sans peuret sans reproche" PILSUDSKI.

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Joseph Pilsudski Founder of Polish National Independence and Chief of the Polish State

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