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AO39_r1 10.06.10 113 tülay artan eighteenth-century ottoman princesses as collectors Chinese and European Porcelains in the Topkapı Palace Museum Abstract Ceramic collecting by women has been interpreted as a form of social competition and conspicuous consumption. But collecting differs from conspicuous consump- tion, which involves purchasing goods or services not because they are needed, but because there is status and prestige in being seen to have them, and even in wasting them. Collecting, in contrast, implies conservation and augmentation, the preser- vation of history, aesthetic or scholarly interest, love of beauty, a form of play, differ- ent varieties of fetishism, the excitement of the hunt, investment, and even support of a particular industry or artist. None of these motives, however, readily explains the activities of Ottoman collector-princesses in the eighteenth century—which are all the more mysterious because these women remain relatively anonymous as individuals. It is not easy for us to elucidate the reasons (other than conspicuous consumption) for their amass- ing of porcelain, and of European porcelain in particular. Could the collection and display of ceramics have been a way of actively creating meanings for themselves and others? Do the collecting habits of these princesses shed some light on their personalities and aspirations? By focusing on two among them I will argue that collecting European rather than Chinese porcelain did signify a notable change of attitude on the part of Ottoman royal women during a period of more widespread social and political reform. IN THE LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY Ottoman capital, artists of unprec- edented originality and self-expressiveness seem to have enjoyed an increasing degree of freedom from the creative restrictions of court patronage. 1 Convention- ally, artists’ independence from formal canons of taste has been construed as having “reflected, as well as contributed to, the creation in a few Ottomans of a mental atti- tude with a ‘modernist’ tendency, i.e., one open to change and one individualistic in temperament.” 2 At the same time, an exceptional receptiveness to foreign artists in Istanbul, and especially to European painters and architects, has been regarded as having provided new models. 3 e political and cultural outlook of this period’s patrons of art has also been seen as reflecting modernity and reform. Cross-Currents of “Modernity” in 18th-Century Istanbul “Modern” has generally described a state of affairs characterized by innovation, experimentation, and certain kinds of distancing from the past. e word “modern,” implying the present or existing state in opposition to the past of a tradition, finds an equivalent in a variety of terms the Ottomans used over the centuries, ranging from Arabic constructs such as fî-zemânınâ to ‘asr-ı hâzır, muassır and ‘asrî. e Persian IMAGES ARE FOR POSITION ONLY; PAGE NUMBERS NOT FIRM
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eighteenth-centuryottomanprincessesascollectorsChinese and European Porcelains in the Topkapı Palace Museum
AbstractCeramiccollectingbywomenhasbeeninterpretedasaformofsocialcompetitionandconspicuousconsumption.Butcollectingdiffersfromconspicuousconsump-tion,whichinvolvespurchasinggoodsorservicesnotbecausetheyareneeded,butbecausethereisstatusandprestigeinbeingseentohavethem,andeveninwastingthem.Collecting,incontrast,impliesconservationandaugmentation,thepreser-vationofhistory,aestheticorscholarlyinterest,loveofbeauty,aformofplay,differ-entvarietiesoffetishism,theexcitementofthehunt,investment,andevensupportofaparticularindustryorartist.
None of these motives, however, readily explains the activities of Ottomancollector-princessesintheeighteenthcentury—whichareallthemoremysteriousbecausethesewomenremainrelativelyanonymousasindividuals.Itisnoteasyforustoelucidatethereasons(otherthanconspicuousconsumption)fortheiramass-ingofporcelain,andofEuropeanporcelaininparticular.Couldthecollectionanddisplayofceramicshavebeenawayofactivelycreatingmeaningsforthemselvesandothers?Dothecollectinghabitsoftheseprincessesshedsomelightontheirpersonalitiesandaspirations?ByfocusingontwoamongthemIwillarguethatcollectingEuropeanratherthanChineseporcelaindidsignifyanotablechangeofattitudeonthepartofOttomanroyalwomenduringaperiodofmorewidespreadsocialandpoliticalreform.
INthElatEEIghtEENth-CENturyOttomancapital, artistsofunprec-edented originality and self-expressiveness seem to have enjoyed an increasingdegreeoffreedomfromthecreativerestrictionsofcourtpatronage.1Convention-ally,artists’independencefromformalcanonsoftastehasbeenconstruedashaving“reflected,aswellascontributedto,thecreationinafewOttomansofamentalatti-tudewitha‘modernist’tendency,i.e.,oneopentochangeandoneindividualisticintemperament.”2atthesametime,anexceptionalreceptivenesstoforeignartistsinIstanbul,andespeciallytoEuropeanpaintersandarchitects,hasbeenregardedashavingprovidednewmodels.3Thepoliticalandculturaloutlookofthisperiod’spatronsofarthasalsobeenseenasreflectingmodernityandreform.
Cross-Currents of “Modernity” in 18th-Century Istanbul“Modern”hasgenerallydescribedastateofaffairscharacterizedbyinnovation,experimentation,andcertainkindsofdistancingfromthepast.Theword“modern,”implyingthepresentorexistingstate inoppositiontothepastofatradition,findsanequivalentinavarietyoftermstheOttomansusedoverthecenturies,rangingfromarabicconstructssuchasfî-zemânınâto‘asr-ı hâzır,muassırand‘asrî.ThePersian
imAges Are fOr pOsitiOn Only; pAge numbers nOt firm
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wordnev,meaningmostly“new,”“fresh,”and“novel,”wasvirtuallysynonymous,andwaswidelyusedtoindicateallthingscontemporaryorcharacteristicofthepresentmomentintime.Whilethearabicwordsorphrasesseemtodefine“mod-ern”mostlywithnegativeconnotations,inOttomanusagethePersianwordwasgivenapositiveemphasisbyreferencetoanything“current,”“contemporary,”“up-to-date,”“new-fangled”or“fashionable.”hencethetermtarz-ı nevisgenerallyusedtosignifyany“newstyle”inartisticcreation.Cedîd,anarabicwordwhichmeansliterally“new,”alsoreferstoastrongandconsciousbreakwithtradition.Itisnotnecessarilynegative,butneutral,anditmayalsobepositive,atleastforsome.like-wise,mücedded(aderivativeoftecdîd,“arefreshening”),whichmeans“renewed,”seemstobeneutral,butthetermforthepersonbehindtheaction,müceddid,hasslightlymorecomplicatedconnotations.First,itdenotesarenewerorreformerwhomakessometingnew(cedîd).Secondly,itmakesreferencetoaparticularIslamicreformer,ahmedSirhindî(d.1624),müceddid-i elf-i sâni (renewerofthesecond[Islamic]millennium).Fromtheearlyseventeenthcenturynizâm-ı cedîdwasusedforaneworderasopposedtotheancientone,nizâm-ı kâdim.Intheearlyeighteenthcentury,whiletheterm“neworder”waspromotedbyMüteferrikâİbrahimEfendi,themastermindbehindthefirstOttomanprintingpressinIstanbul,anewerawasconventionallydefinedbynev-zuhûrornev-icâd,“goodsanddeeds.”
Justwhattheseconnotedwas(andis)amatterofdivergentandhighlyopin-ionatedinterpretations.towardstheendofthecentury,thetitleNizâm-ı CedîdwasappliedtoaseriesofmilitaryandpoliticalreformscarriedoutbySelimIII(r.1789–1807)andhencealsotoapoliticalstatement.Thetermlatercametorefertotheregulartroopsestablishedunderthereformprogram.Manyothertermswereusedinthisperiodandlatertolabelthereforms.Teceddüdâdmeansrenewal,newlife,rebirth,anewstart,regeneration,recovery,reawakening,resurgence,revital-ization,renaissance,andrevival;andwhileateceddüdisamodernist,ateceddüdçüisanIslamicrenewer,likemüceddid.Therewas,however,notranslationfororpar-alleltotheword“modernization,”whichcametodescribetheswiftriseinEuropeandamericaofpowerfultendenciestowardsadvancementintechnologyandsci-ence,aswellasthedevelopmentofnation-states,democraticpoliticalsystems,andtheexpansionofcapitalistmodesofproduction.associatedwithmodernization,ofcourse,arenotonlythevaluesofhumanismandenlightenment,butalsothoseofcolonialismandEuropeanimperialism.“Westernization,”ontheotherhand,waswidelyemployedintheformofthewordgarplılaşma,butonlytowardstheendofthenineteenthcentury.
TheliberalsaroundSelimIIIhavebeenportrayedasunited,andhavetherebybeencounterposedtoanotherunifiedgroupofanti-reformistsorconservativesbehind(oridentifiedwith)theMay1807rebellion.4Inreality,however,thecom-
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position of the period’s elite was quite convoluted, and the reformers’ multipleidentitiesandthereforeshiftingpoliticalalliancesandallegiancesaredifficulttopinpoint.5 Following the enthronement of Selim III, distinctive groups amongtheSufiorders,mostnotablytheMevlevîsandtheNakşibendî-Müceddidîs,cameforthasalliesofthesultanandpro-reformsupportersoftheNewOrder.Neverthe-less,differencesbetweenthetwoSufigroups,ifnotamongtheirfollowers,were(andare)quitemarked.amongotherthings,theMevlevîsseemtohavefosteredorfacilitatedartists’independencefromthecourt,andalsotohaveencouragedtheefflorescenceofnovelformsofartisticexpressioninpoetry,painting,andmusic.Thisappearstohavepermittedamoreliberatedpoetics,themixingandminglingof artists and patrons of various faiths and backgrounds, and experimentationwithunconventionalsubjectmatter.Incontrast,theteachingsoftheNakşibendî-Müceddidîswerepartandparcelofagrowingtendencytowardsthestrengthen-ingofSunniIslamicorthodoxyinIstanbul.Nakşibendî-Müceddidîshadadoptedfundamentalisttenetsandturnedbeliefinareformed,purifiedIslamintopoliticalpolicy.6Therehasbeennocomprehensivestudyoftheirwaysofartisticself-expres-sionasawhole.Still,someofthemdidproduceadistinctivegenreofpoetry,whichismarkednotbycounterposingSirhindî’svahdet-i şühûdteachingstoIbn-iarabî’svahdet-i vücûd,butbyaneclecticandequidistantopennesstobothprinciples.7 Thiswasafreshattitude,andingeneraltheyblendedwiththerestoftheIstanbulelite.
The reformers’ circumspect if not totally reluctant advocacy of modernityextended to economic restructuring. It involved trade liberalization, espousalofthefreemarket,andopeninguptotheoutsideworld.however,suchchangesremainedlargelyhaphazardandpiecemeal.Often,theseconspicuousconsumersofforeigngoodsalsoturnedouttobezealoussupportersoffiscalismandprovision-ism.Thiswastrueofliberalsaswellasfundamentalists.likewise,althoughtheyadmiredandapprovedoftheEuropeanwayoflife,andimitateditineverypossiblewayintheprivacyoftheirsumptuouspalaces—whichflauntedluxuryimportsandevenoperastages—theirculturalandartisticinclinationseludeeasycategoriza-tion.Someofthesedaringandlibertineartistsorconnoisseurs,includingthosewhomostenjoyedEuropeanthings,mightwellhavebeenconservativeMuslims.Thepicture is furthercomplicatedby thepersonal idiosyncrasiesofprominentindividuals,morefrequentlyencounteredthanbeforeinthisstressfulandvolatileatmosphere.Thiswasatimewhenmanypartiesandindividualswerecaughtintwo(ifnotmore)distinctandantitheticalrelationshipswithmodernity,involvingbothconflictandcompromise.
Wealsohavetoconsidertheparadoxicalattitudeofatleastsomemembersoftheroyalfamilytomodernityandreform.Thisstudyis,atleastinpart,areflectiononthecontestedidentityoftheera’sOttomanprincesses,thesistersandniecesof
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SelimIII.They,too,werecaughtbetweenselfandfamily,mercantilismandthefreemarket,traditionandmodernity.Emergingfromtheirhusbands’domainintoanostentatiouslifestyleintheirnew,stylishwaterfrontpalaces,thesewomenappearaspatronswhoacquiredandhoardedEuropeangoodswithgreatavidity.Oneofthem,hadiceSultantheyounger,wasultimatelymadeintoascapegoatbecauseofherroleinpromotingfamiliaritywith,understandingof,andapprovalforWesternformsandnorms.Thisbroughtheranegative,disturbingpublicidentity,tothepointwhereshewassingledoutbyconservativesasasurrogatetargetforcriticsoftheregime.
The Topkapı Collection of European PorcelainsOttomanroyalty,unliketheircounterpartsinEurope,hadcontinuousaccesstoChinese porcelains from the mid-fifteenth century onward (Fig. 1).8 From theninthcentury,ChineseporcelainhadbeentransportedwestwardviatheSilkroad,and Middle Eastern courts, fascinated with the celadons and blue-and-whites,remainedinsatiablecustomers.Officialdocumentsshowthat,fromtheearlysix-teenthcentury,anamazingcollectionofChineseblue-and-whites,celadonsandenamels,tobecomplementedinthelaterseventeenthcenturybyequallyspectacu-larJapaneseware,wasbeingamassedinthetopkapıPalace(Fig.2).9Subsequently,whenEuropeanhardporcelainbegantobeproducedfirstinSaxony,andtheninmanyotherplacesintheearlyeighteenthcentury,Ottomanroyaltywereamongitsearlycustomers.today,thetopkapıPalaceMuseumholdswellover10,000piecesofChinese(thethirdbiggestcollectionintheworld)andJapaneseporcelain,aswellasabout5,000Europeanpieces.10
holdings acquired by two princesses in particular, hadice Sultan the Elder(1658–1743),andhergrand-niecehadiceSultantheyounger(1768–1822),seemtohaveformedthebasisfortherichesintheimperialvaults.Inadditiontoalarge
1Scrollfragment,akkoyunlu-tabriz,late15thcentury.topkapıPalaceMuseumlibrary,Istanbul,h.2153.afterrogers,Çağmanandtanındı,topkapı Saray Museum: The Albums and Illustrated Manuscripts,118–19,ill.79.
Theminiatureshowsblue-and-whiteporcelainsintheprocessofbeingtransported,perhapsinaweddingprocession,aspartofthebride’strousseau,orinacommercialconvoytravelingaroundtheoasesofturfan.
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numberofChineseporcelainsthatshewasgivenaspartofhertrousseauin1675,theelderhadicecontinuedtocollectonherown,andwhenshediedin1743hercollectioncomprisednofewerthan2,365ChineseandtwelveEuropeanpieces.11allwereimmediatelysenttothetopkapıPalace.Theyoungerhadice,incontrast,developedapersonaltasteforporcelainfromSaxony,Vienna,andFrance.Whenshediedin1822,hundredsofpreciselyidentifiedpiecesandsetsofEuropeanpor-celainweretransferredtothePalacetreasury.OnlyfourChineseporcelainjarswereamongsthercollection.12
as indicatedby the foregoing,porcelainsoftenentered thepalacecellarsbywayoftheestatesofthedeceased,andwerethensometimes(re)circulatedasgiftsamongmembersoftheroyalfamilyorleadingdignitaries.accordingtoasampleoftheregistersinwhichroyalandothereliteestateswererecorded,thenumberofChineseporcelainpiecesenteringthetopkapıPalacecollectionsintheeighteenthcenturywas16,566—comparedwith400inthesixteenth,3,645intheseventeenth,andonlyfiveinthenineteenthcentury.13Inthemeantime,thenumbersofEuro-peanporcelainscomingtothepalacewerealsosubstantial.14
Clearly,somethingquitestrikingwasgoingonintheeighteenthcentury—butjustwhatwasit?letmenote,first,thatmostoftheChinesepiecesincorporatedintothetopkapıPalacecollectionsintheeighteenthcenturywerenotcurrentbutcamefromearlierperiodsofacquisition.Incontrast,Europeanporcelainswerebeingpurchasedonamassivescaleforthefirsttime.Second,atatimewhenEuropeanporcelainmanufacturewascomingintoitsown,theOttomanstriedtointroducepotteryproductioninIstanbul.Thiswasinititatedin1719bytheambitiousandinnovativegrandvizierDamadİbrahimPaşa(inoffice1718–30),andappearstohavetargetedarevivalofİznikware.ButİbrahimPaşawasnotonlytryingtoshoreupthePorte’scrisis-riddenfinances.hewasalsokeepinganeyeonallcontempo-raryEuropeanadvances.hisbroadervisionmayhaveextendedtopromotinganOttomanspeculativemarketintulips,15basedonwhathehadlearntfromtheSouthSeaBubble,aswellasrelocatingsomeoldindustriesandcreatingnewonesinimi-tationofEuropeancourts’patronage.
althoughiteventuallyfailedinthe1730s,16İbrahim’sattemptatestablishingpot-teryproductioninIstanbulcoincidedwithsignsofachangeinOttomantasteoverthefirsthalfoftheeighteenthcentury.Itisthroughthischangeoftaste—fromOri-entalceladons,blue-and-whites,orpolychromeporcelainsfromthefifteenthcen-turyonwards,toEuropeanporcelains(mostnotablyMeissen,Vienna,Vincennes,limoges,Paris,andSèvres),whichbecameavailableintheOttomanluxurymarketasearlyasthe1730s—thatIproposetoaddressthecrazeforporcelainamongtheOttomanprincesses.Intheprocess,Iwillalsotouchuponnotionsofcollectingandassembling,asopposedtoconspicuousconsumption,intheOttomancontext.
2Blue-and-whiteporcelainewer,China,early15thcentury.topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,14/1410.afterİstanbul’daki Çin Hazinesi(Istanbul:İşBankasıKültüryayınları,2001),95.
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1. Saksonyakâri: Meissen or Saxony ExperimentsinimitatingChineseporce-lain,knownas“whitegold,”hadbeguninEuropeunderFrancescode’Mediciinthesixteenthcentury.afterlouisXIVhadbeenforcedtoordertheFrenchcourtsilvertobemelteddowninordertofinancetheWarsoftheSpanishSuccession,anewwaveofexperimentationwaslaunchedinanefforttoreplaceallthesilverwarethathadperishedintheprocess.Butsuccessinthisregardfelltoanotherpatronofthearts,PrinceFriedrichaugustusI,ElectorofSaxony(1694–1733),whoalsobecameKingaugustusIIofPoland(1697–1704and1709–33).17FriedrichestablishedtheSaxoncapitalofDresdenasamajorculturalcenterandamassedanimpressiveartcollection.In1709,hard-pasteporcelainproductionbeganinthecity.Thefollow-ingyearproductionwastransferredtonearbyMeissen—toaplantcalledtheKöni-gliche(andlater,Staatliche)PorzellanManufakturMeissen.aroundthesametime,manufactoriesinhöchst,Berlin,Frankthal,andNymphenburgalsobeganproduc-ingporcelain.
TheearliestMeissenwarehadquitealimitedcolourrange.anewtype,inwhichbrightcoloursweremixedwiththeearlierearthcolours,wasintroducedafterthe1720s.Vasesandpitchers,anddinner,coffee,orteasetsproducedinthisperiodreflected East asian tastes and artistry, for patrons at the time mostly desiredunderglaze-bluepieceswithchinoiseriedecoration.SomeofthefirstMeissenpor-celainsalsocopiedtheKaikemonwareoflate-seventeenth-centuryJapan,whichdidnotmakeuseofunderglazeblueinthebest-qualityproducts.18Thesynthe-sisoftheporcelainbody,theglazing,thecompositionoftheunderglazeblue,andtheimplementationofthefiringprocessremainedanunpredictableprocedureinwhichfourhard-to-controlfactorshadtobecoordinated.hence,onlyintheearly1730sdiditbecomepossibletocalltheMeissendishes“beautifulandagreeable.”19By1732–4,Ottomanmerchantshadalreadybeguntoplacehugeordersforcof-fee-cups.In1732,oneManassesathanascommissioned2,000dozencoffee-cups(withouthandlesandsaucers)fromtheMeissenfactory(i.e.,24,000pieces).ThiswasthefirstcommissionthattheMeissenmanufactoryhadreceivedfromOtto-mandealers,anditagreedtoproduce43,200piecesannuallyinthefuture.twoyearslater,aneworderwasplaced,perhapsbythesamemerchant,foratotalof36,000cups.20Significantly,somefineexamplesofsuchearlyMeissenwarearetobefoundinthetopkapıPalacecollections,includingcoffee-cupswithouthandles.21Severalsuchcups,albeitmostlyfromthelastquarterofthecentury,havealsosur-vivedintheDresdencollections(Fig.3).22Morecoffee-cupsfromthisperiodintheChineseImaristyle,withred,purple,andgreentonesadded,arealsobefoundinprivatecollectionsinturkeytoday.23
PerhapsthemostsensationalpiecesinthetopkapıcollectionaretwobowlspaintedbytwocelebratedMeissenartists.Oneofthesebowls,decoratedwithChi-
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nesemedallionsinwhichaportcity,ships,andEuropeanmenandwomenareshown,isafineexampleofaverypopularpaintingstyle—thatofJohanngrego-riousherold/hörold(1696–1775);theotherblue-groundchinoiseriebowlisbyDavidKöhler(d.1723).24Theformerbearsthe“whip”modificationoftheMeissenbrandmark,indicatingthatitwasspecificallymadeforOttomancustomers.25
WhilethedesireforreplicasofEastasianwarewasinitiallyoverwhelming,theMeissenartistssoondevelopedtheirowninimitablestyle—astylethatreflectedtheornatenessofbaroquedrama.after1737,rococopatternswerepreferred.topo-graphicalscenesandfloralmotifsadaptedfromcontemporarybotanicalstudies,aswellas,occasionally,figurestudiesdrawnfromcommedia dell’arte,wereemployedfor decorative purposes. There are a few such bowls datable to 1730–40 in thetopkapıPalacecollections,26whileadelightfulpolychromeewerandwashbasinsetmadefortheOttomanmarketinthe1740sor1750ssurvivesinthecollectionofthemanufactoryinDresden.Itisdecoratedwithroses,carnations,andtulips,someinrelief(Fig.4).27Thesameform(butwithdifferentdecorativeprograms)waslatertobeusedintheViennamanufactory,too.
alsofromthisperiodarefigurinesbasedondepictionsofOttomanmenandwomeninearlyeighteenth-centuryengravings.ThesewereoncequitefashionableMeissenproductsalthoughtodayonlyafewcanbefoundatthetopkapıPalace,their main market being non-Ottoman. among prints in the Meissen archives(acquiredfortheuseofpaintersfortheirdesigns)arefourhand-colouredsheetsofOttomanfiguresbasedonwell-knownsources—suchastheengravingsoftheFlemish artist Jean-Baptiste Vanmour (1671–1737), who worked in the retinueofEuropeanambassadorsinIstanbulfrom1699untilhisdeath.28Thusasultan’sguard(solakbaşı)andabandit(heyduk)afterVanmourwerepaintedonateapotofca.1723–6,attributedtoherold.29likemanyfigurinesdatedtothe1750sorafter,30theseorientalfiguresstandinstrikingcontrasttotheclassicalmotifs,inspiredbythearchaeologicalexcavationsatPompeiiandherculaneum,whichwerereworkedintheneoclassicalstylethatcametobepreferredatMeissen.
afterCountCamilioMarcolinitookoverattheMeissenfactoryin1774,specialworkshopscateringtotheOttomandemandweresetup,andnewmodelsandadistinctiverepertoirewereestablished.Thefactoryinstitutedseveralstudiosinthe
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3Coffee-cup,inscribed“hâsa-Allah, içene âfiyet olsun”(godforbid!Mayitdoyou[drinker]good!),Meissen,dated1756–7.Porzellansammlungen,Dresden,1975.afterloesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”333(cat.no.433).
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vicinityofMeissenaswellasatregensburgforthesolepurposeofsuchdecorativework,andkeptOttomanenthusiastssatisfiedasfaraspoliticsallowed.31heavilygildedcovereddishes,decoratedwithbouquetsofflowerssetwithinenvelopingfoliage,areatypeofMeissenwarethatavoidedfiguralrepresentation.afish-scalesurfacepatternwasalsousedtogetherwithfloraldecorations.Theknobsonthelidswerealwaysintheformofcitrusfruits,andlemonsinparticular.
Istanbulwasnowinwantofcupswithhandlesaspartofcoffeeorteaservices.InthetopkapıPalacecollections,thereisateasetforthreepeoplefromtheMar-coliniPeriod(1774–1805),consistingofanovaltray,threecupswithhandles,theirsaucersandspoons,amilkpotwithlid,acoffeepotwithlid,asugarbowlwithlid,twoconfectionarybowlswithlids,ateapot,arosewaterflask,andanincenseburner(Fig.5).32Fromthesameperiodthereisalsoacompletecoffeesetforone,comprisingacupanditssaucer,amilkpotandacoffeepot(bothwithlids),andaliddedsugarbowl,allsetonanovaltray(Fig.6).33alateeighteenth-centurysmallovalboxintheKaikemonstylewithadogfigurineonthelidisanother,surprisingfindinthePalacecollections(Fig.7).34Thisbox,too,bearsthe“whip”brandmark.Thesepiecesarecomplementedbymoreliddedboxes,bowls,anddishesinturk-ishprivatecollections.OneoftheporcelaindesignstheOttomansfavouredintheMarcoliniPeriodfeaturesared(orgreenoryellow)spiralalternatingwithafloralbandonawhiteground.aliddeddishwiththispatternintheSadberkhanımMuseum,Istanbul,bearingalemon-shapedknob(Fig.8),35matchesanotherlid-deddish(orbox)inDresden.36yetanotherliddeddishinthesameIstanbulcol-lection,coveredwithpinkrosebuds,gildedleavesandgreentripledots,alsohasanornamentallemon-shapedknob(Fig.9).37amongthefigurinesoftheperiodinthetopkapıPalacecollectionaresomebyartistssuchasJohannFriedrichEberlein(1695–1749),Peterreinicke(1711–68),andJohannPeterMelchior(1742–1825,Modellmeisterathochst).38
2. Beç İşi or Beçkârî: Vienna TheViennamanufactory,foundedin1718byaDutchmanbythenameofClaudiusInnocentiusDuPaquierandemployingmas-tersofthecraftattractedtherefromMeissen,quicklygrewintoafashionablecen-ter.Subsequently,aconnectionbetweenOttomanmarketsandaustrianporcelain
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4Polychromeewer-and-washbasinset,Meissen,1740s–50s.Porzellansammlungen,Dresden,PE.3619a-c.afterloesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”344(cat.no.456).Thewaterpouredfromtheewerdrainsthroughastrainerinthemiddleofthebasin.Whennotinuse,theewersitsinthecenterofthebasin.abarofsoapcouldalsobeplacedthere.
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manufacturerswassecuredthroughtheOstenderKompanie(EasterntradeCom-pany)inVienna.afewexamplesofearlyViennaware,especiallymadetosuitOtto-mantaste,surviveinthetopkapıPalacecollections—althoughwedonotknowjustwhenandhowtheyarrived.atabledecorationandtwoewer-and-dishsetsaredatedtothe1730sandthereforestrikinglyearly(Fig.10).39MoreViennawarefromthefirsthalfoftheeighteenthcenturyhasbeenlocatedinprivatecollectionsinIstanbul.
In1744EmpressMariaTheresaofaustriaacquiredDuPaquier’sstrugglingmanufactoryandturneditintotheKaiserlicheFabrik.underherpatronagethebusinessacquiredgreaterstability.Eventually, therewouldbe twentymore fac-toriesordecoratingstudios inVienna.DesignsweredevelopedindependentofMeissenproductionandthequalityofpaintingwasveryfine.Severalartists,mostnotablygeorgStöckel,JosefSchindeleandandreashagel,havebeenidentifiedashavingproducedthedecorationsofcupsexportedtotheOttomancapitalbetween1762and1784.40ThethirdperiodofVienneseporcelainproductionisknownastheSorgenthalPeriod(1784–1805),afteradirectorofthefactory,ConradSörgalvonSorgenthal.ManyexamplesofViennawareinIstanbulcollectionsarefromthisperiod.amongstnumerousliddedbowls,decoratedwithfloralcartouchesandlemon-shapedornamentalknobs,aparticularlycharmingexampleisapairoflid-dedjarswithflowersinrelief(Fig.11).41Thefish-scalepatternusedtogetherwithfloraldecorationsandcitrus-fruitknobsonthelidswasalsoadaptedtoViennaware(Figs.12and13).42
Thisporcelaintradewasheavilyaffectedbytherusso-Ottomanwarof1787–92.asaustriabackedrussia,OttomanimportsfromViennadeclinedbyasmuchasone-fifth,andcustomerswere (re)directed toMeissen.CountMarcolini, thedirectoroftheMeissenfactory,capitalizedonthis,takingaspecialinterestintheOttomanmarket(aswellastherussianmarket)inanattempttoreversehisfac-tory’sdecliningfinancialfortunes.Sorgenthalalsolookedforawayroundsuchobstacles.hencethegiftsmadetoOttomanroyaltyandotherdignitariesbytheViennafactory(Fig.14).43adiscountonproductiontargetedfortheOttomanmar-ketwasinstrumentalinputtingtradebackontrack,anduntilthemid-nineteenthcenturytheOttomanskeptbuyingfrombothMeissenandVienna.however,Vien-na’squalitygraduallydeteriorated,andfollowingthedeathofSorgenthalin1805,itsexportstotheOttomancapitalbecamemoreandmorepoorlydesigned,gildedanddecorated.44
3. Fransızkârî: Parisian or French at thebeginningof theeighteenthcen-tury,afteralongperiodofexperiment,theFrench,too,finallysucceededinmak-ingsoftporcelain,andin1738productionbeganatanoldchateauinVincennesnearParis.InitiallyimitatingJapaneseware,thenproducingMeissen-likeporce-
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lain,thefactorydidnotofferanythingforsaleuntil1754.Designatedastheroyalfactory(ManufactureroyaledePorcelainesdeFrance),Vincennescametoobtainmonopolyprivileges,sothatpolychromeporcelainproductionwasbannedforallotherparties.45Nevertheless,theprecariousnessofthefinancialsituationfinallyledtothekingbecomingthesoleownerofthefactoryin1759,atthebehestofMadamedePompadour,andhismonopolyandprofitsweresecuredbyasuccessionoflawsexcludingothersfromcertainkindsofporcelainmanufactureoverthenextthirtyyears.astheking’sexclusiverightscoveredparticulartechniques,includinggildedporcelain,colouredflowers,andsculpture,Vincenneswarecametobeidentifiedwithanumberoftrademarkcolours.Theseincludedadistinctivedarkblue(alsocalledMazarinBlue,discoveredin1749),aturquoiseblue(1752),apowderbluethatimitatedChineseware(1753),yellow(1753),andapple/peagreen(1756),aswellasmotifscomprisingmedallionsofpinkgroundframedwithgiltdecorationinrelief,knownasPompadourrose(1757–64).EveryyearthekingarrangedforasaleatVersailles,wherehiscourtiersandParisianspurchasedandcollectedlargequantitiesofporcelain,includingtableservices,teasets,anddecorativeitemssuchassetsofvasesandmatchingcandelabra.46In1756productionwasrelocatedtoSèvres—nearMadamedePompadour’smansionatBellevue,betweenParisandVersailles.atthattimethedark,underglazebluewasabandonedasaresultofthediscoveryofabrighteroverglazeblue.WhilethelatterbecamethemostfavoredhueatSèvresandcametobecalledroyalBlue(1760),reddishbrownandblackwerealsomuchusedinthe1770s.asforthedecorativeprogram,ribbons(1757),partridge eyes (1760), fish-scales, and crocodile-skin patterns (1762), pebbles(1768),curves,andpendants(1780)becamethepreferredmotifsonabackgroundofporphyryandmarblepatterns(1793).47WhatwouldcometobeknownasSèvresporcelaincharacterizedtheFrenchcourttasteoftheperiod.OttomanexposuretoFrenchporcelainwasminimaluntilthe1770s.
The Seven years War (1756–63) pushed Sèvres porcelain to the foregroundwhileMeissenproductiondeclined.alsoaroundthistime,porcelainproductioninFrancespreadtonewlocalities.In1769,therawmaterialsforproducinghardporcelainwerelocatedinSaint-yrieixinthelimousinregion,andtheensuingnewproductionlinewascalledlimogesafterthelocalitythatsuppliedthem.In1771anewfactoryforproducinghardporcelainwasestablishedatlimogesitself,andthenextyearexperimentationwithhardporcelainproductionalsosucceededatSèvres.In1784louisXVIannexedlimogestoSèvres,butthisarrangementfailedandlimogesproductioncametoanendin1796.Overtheperiod1770–1870,somethirtyfactoriesandfourorfiveworkshops,alllocatedtothenortheastofParis,andemployingnearly4,000artistsandcraftsmen,keptproducingporcelainknownas“PorcelainedeParis.”48IntheParisianateliers,porcelainsintendedfortheOttoman
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marketincludedwide-lippedaşureandsaleppitchers,deepdishes,tableclocks,andvasesdecoratedbyOrientalistpainters.InthewakeoftheFrenchrevolution,softporcelainproductionwastotallyabandonedatSèvresintheearly1800s,andallsuchstocksweresoldoff.Duringthisprocess,undecoratedpiecesfromthewarehousewereappropriatedbyoutsidedecorators;paintedintheoldway,these“imitations”weresoldtosomeEuropeancourtsandtodaycanbelocatedincertainprivateaswellasmuseumcollections,includingthetopkapıPalace.49PorcelainsproducedinVincennes–SèvreswereknownintheOttomancapitalasFransızkârî Saksonya,andlimogesorPariswareasFransızkârîorPariskârî.an1816vasefromtherestora-tionPeriod(1814–24)istheearliestSèvrespieceinthetopkapıcollection.50
ThewarsofthesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcenturynotonlyinterruptedtheEuropeanporcelaintrade.TheyalsospelledruinforOttomanfinances.asafinalblowtotheeconomy,tradewithFrance,theOttomans’maincommercialpartner,collapsedasthelatterstruggledwiththe1789revolution,andimportingVincennes,limoges,Sèvres,orPariswarebecameevermoredifficultforporcelainenthusiastsinIstanbul.51TheOttomanambassadortoFrancebetween1797and1802,MoralıEsseyyidaliEfendi,didnotgobeyondnotingthattherewerenumerousporcelainmanufacturers(fağfûr kârhâneleri)inParis.52hissuccessorMehmedSaidhaletEfendi,however,waspreoccupiedwithporcelainpurchasesduringhisfouryears
5
6
5teaset,Meissen,MarcoliniPeriod(1774–1805).topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,26/4559,26/4560,26/4561,26/4562,26/4563,26/4564,26/4565,26/4568,26/4598).afterOsmanlı Sarayında Avrupa Porselenleri,34–5.
6Coffeeset,Meissen,MarcoliniPeriod(1774–1805).topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,26/4621,26/4622,26/4623,26/4624,26/4625.afterOsmanlı Sarayında Avrupa Porselenleri,38.
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in Paris (1802–6). The ambassador complained repeatedly about the recurringrequestsforporcelainthathereceivedfromgrandeesandfriendsinIstanbul.53
Ottoman Royal Women’s New Way of Lifealthoughtheways inwhichOttomanroyaltyengagedwiththe luxurymarketsoftheeighteenthcenturyarestillunclear,aboutthephenomenonitselftherecanhardlybeanyquestion.54hardporcelainproducedearly in theeighteenthcen-turyinMeissen,Vienna,andParis,aswellasinnumerousotherEuropeancen-ters,appearstohaveseducedtheincreasinglyfree-spiritedOttomanprincessesofthetime,for“porcelainwastheartmosttrulyandspontaneouslyexpressiveofthespiritoftheeighteenthcentury,withitscravingfornoveltyanditsloveofluxury.”55TheseOttomanprincesseswerebecomingmoreandmoreindependentnotjustof“traditions”butalsooftheirhusbands,andthiswasreflectedinthewayinwhichtheirownwaterfrontpalacescametodwarfthoseoftheirspousesalongtheBos-phorusandthegoldenhorn.56Earlier,undertheabsoluteruleofthesultans,ithadbeenthesplendourofthe(oneandonly)imperialpalacethatwassymbolicallymostimportantinpubliclydisplayingandcelebratingtheirdynasticpower,andthuslegitimatingtheirgovernance.Butsoonafterthecourtreturnedfromitspro-longedstayinEdirnein1703,itbecameamajorprerogativeofthesultans’niecesanddaughterstobuildtheirpalacesonthewaterfront,alongtheshoresofthecapi-tal.Princessesweredelegatedtoputonviewthepresenceandpowerofthedynasty,inaprojecttoreinscribethehouseofOsmanintotheurbanspaceoftheimperialcity.Furthermore,throughthestagingoffrequentroyalmarriages,publicdisplaysofbridalgiftsandtrousseausinsuccessiveprocessionsbecamecommonplaceinthelifeofIstanbuliotes,whichinturntriggeredageneralinterestinamassinglux-uryobjects.
asOttomanprincessestherebyemergedasambitiouspatronsofpalatialarchi-tecture,theyhadtofindnewwaystofillanddecoratetheirpalaces.atatimewhentheOttomanauthorities’attemptstoreviveIznikpotteryinIstanbulwerecomingtoadecisiveend,theseroyalladieswereswiftlyadaptingtheirtastestothegiltandshine,the“beautifulandagreeable”colorsanddecorationsofEuropeanporcelain.ThiswasevenbeforeEuropean-stylecabinets,wardrobes,tables,andarmchairs
7
7BoxintheKaikemonstyle,Meissen,MarcoliniPeriod(1774–1805).topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul.afterSonat,“EuropeanPorcelains,”429.
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cametocrowdtheirhalls.Moreover,inthisperiodtheirinterestinChineseorJap-aneseporcelainwasminuscule—nexttonothing.Possiblythisdemonstratesthattheyweredisassociatingthemselvesfromthingspast,aswellasfromothernewelitesinIstanbul.Forthelatter,asforcommoners,Orientalporcelain,whichwasbecom-ingmoreandmorereadilyavailableonthemarket,remainedmostdesirable.57
CaughtbetweenthetideswashadiceSultantheElder.Incontrasttohersis-tersandmanyofhernieces(namelythedaughtersofMustafaIIandahmedIII),hadicetheElderappearstohavebeenadedicatedcollectorofOrientalware.Stud-iesofthetopkapıPalacecollectionsofChineseporcelainsandceladonspointtoabigjumpinnumbersbetween1725and1750(ascomparedwith1675–1725or1750–75).58Ithasbeensuggestedthatthetotalsforthistwenty-fiveyearperiodand the decade following it were swollen by the incorporation of two massivecollections.OneofthesebelongedtohadiceSultantheElder,whodiedin1743,whereupon(asalreadymentioned)herprobateinventoryturnedouttocomprisenofewerthansixty-twoceladons,2,303Chineseporcelains,andtwelveEuropeanporcelains,addinguptoatotalof2,377pieces.59Whenshemarriedin1675,shehadonly311porcelainsandceladons(268plainandforty-threebejewelled)inhertrousseau.60herkitchenaccounts,too,recordmassivedisplaysof“table”pompandcircumstance.61Indeed,hadiceSultanisknowntohaverepeatedlyfêtedherbroth-ers,MustafaIIandahmedIII,inherpalaces.Ontheeveoftheeventsthatledtothedisastrousrevoltof1730,shewasholdingabanquetforthesultanandthegrandvizier,aswellasacrowdofhigh-rankingdignitaries,atherÜsküdarpalaceontheBosphorus.62Shehas,infact,beenblamedforpreventingthegrandvizierfrommovingontoIstanbulthatnightinordertotakeimmediateactionagainsttherebels.63Wasshesecretlyamemberoftheoppositionparty,orwasthisanerrorofjudgmentonherpart?Inanycase,itledtoherbrotherahmedIII’sdethronement.
WhenhadicetheElderdiedin1743shewasinhernineties.Shecouldnotpos-siblyhavebeenasambitiousandmotivatedacollectorasshehadoncebeen.Nev-ertheless,shehadmanagedtoacquireadozenpiecesofEuropeanporcelainduringthefirsttenyearsoftheirappearanceinOttomanlands.asatruecollector,shemusthaveretainedthedrivetohuntforthemostrecentdiplomaticgiftspresentedtothenewsultan,hernephewMahmudI(r.1730–54).
8 9
8liddeddish,Meissen,MarcoliniPeriod(1774–1805).SadberkhanımMuseum,Istanbul,hK198-3261a-B.afterSadberk Hanım Museum,145.
9liddeddish,Meissen,MarcoliniPeriod(1774–1805).SadberkhanımMuseum,Istanbul,hK194-3257a-B.after Sadberk Hanım Museum,144.
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InEurope,meanwhile,anumberofcontemporaryroyalwomenwereinvolvedinthegrowthofporcelainmanufacturenotonlyasconsumersandcollectorswhomadelargepurchases,butalso(asinthecaseofMadamedePompadourmentionedabove)asmotivatedpatronsofartsandindustry.64Theirimpactrangedfromini-tiatingtheestablishmentofmanufactoriestosupportinginnovationandproduc-tion. They included Empress Maria Theresa of austria (r. 1745–65) and MariaamaliaCristina,theQueenConsortofSpainandNaples(r.1738–60),65whosetupamanufactoryinthepalacegroundsofCapodimontenearNaples.althoughitwasactiveforonlysixteenyears,someofthefinestfiguremodelsinsoft-pastepor-celainwereproducedthere.The“Porcelainroom”madeforthequeenattheroyalvillaatPorticibetween1757and1759isoneofthegreatfeatsofcraftworkinthismedium.Oftworussianempresses,Elisabeth(r.1741–62),daughterofPeterthegreat,supportedthefirstmanufactoryatStPetersburgbyemployingartistsfromMeissen;andCatherineIIthegreat(r.1762–96)66gaveconsiderablestatesubsidiestothe“ImperialFactory,”inrecognitionforwhichherportraitsdecoratedmanyofitsproducts.QueenJulianeMarieofDenmark(r.1752–66)67wastheprincipalshareholderandsupporteroftheroyalDanishPorcelainManufactoryfoundedin1775.In1762,QueenCharlotteofEngland(r.1761–1818)waspresentedwithaporcelainbreakfastandcandlesetbyJosiahWedgwood,aftertenyearsinprepara-tion.“In1765sheordered‘acompletesetofteathings’,acoffeeservicefortwelveincludingcandlesticksandfruitbasketswhichweredecoratedwithmodelledflow-ersingreenandgold.”68royalladies’influencewasalsofeltindirectly.OneofthemostsplendidpiecesofMeissenchinoiseriepaintedbytheeminentartistheroldinthe1730sisacupbearingthemonogramofQueenSophiaDorotheaofPrussia—
10
cOrrect ewer imAge?
10Ewer-and-basinset,Vienna,ca.1735.topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,26/4939,26/4938.afterSonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmısavrupaPorselenleri,”46–7.
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presumablycommissionedbytheElectorofSaxonytobepresentedduringhisfor-malvisittohercourt.Therecipientherselfisrepresentedinthescenesonthecup.69asEuropeanporcelainbecamepopularbythemid-eighteenthcenturyand“chinafever”reacheditsclimax,methodsofdisplayalsodevelopedinEuropeanmansionsandpalaces—tothepointofinitiatingnewarchitecturalschemes.
A Shift in Taste and Behavior: From One Hadice to Anotherhadice Sultan the younger was another late eighteenth-century princess who,togetherwithherhalf-sistersŞah(1761–1802)andBeyhan(1765–1825),aswellasherniecesEsma theyounger (1778–1848)andhibetullah (1789–1841),wasextremelyenthusiasticaboutnoveltyinarchitectureandinteriordesign.Theyallinvestedhugesumsintheconstructionandfurnishingoftheirpalaces,andulti-matelydiedbankrupt.Inthelatterpartoftheeighteenthcentury,althougheachprincess ledherownseparate life, theirnumerouswaterfrontpalacesalongthegoldenhornandtheBosphoruswereofequalgrandeurandsimilartaste,andtakentogetherdivergedlargelyfromother,moreconventionalforms.Wecanspec-ulatethat,aswellaspersonalwealth,theirarchitecturalcommissionswereintendedtodemonstrateanappreciationfortechnologicalandaestheticaladvancements,includingthefashionably“modern”EuropeanstylesoftheerasuchasNeoclassi-cismortheFrenchEmpirestyle.
Itisunderstoodthathadicetheyoungertookapersonalinterestinalldetailsofpalatialdecoration—quitelikeMadamedePompadour,whoisknowntohavesupervisedthecoloursofherwalls,thepaintingsonherceilings,hertapestries,mirrors,furniture,draperiesandornaments,andeventhedesignofhercutlery;70sheisalsosaidtohavehadthegiftofinspiringartiststoworkattheirbestforherandtorespondtohertastes.hadice,forherpart,hadthearchitect-cum-designerantoine-IgnaceMelling(1763–1831)workingforherinthe1790s.71Melling,borninKarlsruhetoafamilyofartistsfromlorraine,livedinIstanbulforeighteenyearsbetween1784and1802.72Themulti-talentedartistcaughttheattentionoftheprin-cesswhileworkingforFriedrichhübsch,theDanishchargé d’affaires.73
hadicewasmarriedin1786and,inaccordancewithroyalcustom,wasallocatedanimperialpalacein1791.74ThereconstructionofherNeşedâbâdPalaceatDeft-erdarburnu(ontheEuropeanshoresoftheBosphorus)tookthreeyears,andwascompletedin1794.unfortunately,thebuildingsurveysandinspectioninventorieswhichusuallyaccompaniedsuchgrandprojectshavenotsurvivedinthisparticu-larcase.Thisiscurious,becausethereareextensiveaccountsofearlierphasesofconstructionandrestorationatNeşedâbâd.Moreover,allherhouseholdaccountsaremissing,asaresultofwhichwehavenodirectevidenceforherpurchases,gifts,orallocationsthroughoutherentiremarriedlife.hadice’sprivateaffairsareknown
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tousonlythroughcircumstantialevidence,derivingfromMelling’scontributiontotheNeşedâbâdproject.75Thesurvivingcollectionofletters(insomethirtyfolios)exchangedbetweenthepatronandherarchitectisuniqueintheOttomancontext,andquiterevealinginmanyrespects.76
Theletterstestifynotonlytohadice’sinsatiableinterestinthedecorationofherpalace(s),butalsotoherdriveanddesiretobeincommandatalltimes.77afewlet-tersconcerningsomechairs,perhaps(imitationsof)FrenchimportsinthelouisXVorlouisXVIstyle,areacaseinpoint.atthetimechairsandarmchairswereanoveltyinOttomaninteriors.WhenthoseinitiallydeliveredbyMellingdidnotsuithertaste,shemadeitclearthatshewantedgildedones.Onanotheroccasion,onlyanhourafterwritingalettertoMellingatsixo’clockinthemorningtoinquireaboutthedeliveryofsomeotherchair(s),shewroteyetanotherlettertorepeatthatshewantedit(them)assoonaspossible.78Itmusthavebeenhertaste,andhergenuinesupportfornovelty,liberalism,andreform,thatmadeherimpatientaboutdecoratinghernewwaterfrontpalaceinFrenchEmpirestyle—whichwasapoliticalstatementonitsown.OttomanreformershadstartedturningtoFranceinmarkedfashionfromthe1770sonward,andthistrendhadpeakedunderSelimIII,sothatinthe1790sIstanbulwashosttoanunprecedentednumberofFrenchengineers,architects,andmilitaryofficers.
Mellingwasemployednotonlytodesignthegardensandpartsofhadice’spal-ace.Onherrepeatedorders,heappearsalsotohavedesignedherdresses,belts,andshawls;andtohavecreateddecorativeinstallationsforherpalacegroundsduringreligiousbayrams.hedesignedaknifeandacombembellishedwithjewelstobepresentedbytheprincesstoanunidentifiedgentleman.atthesametime,hewasinstrumentalinprocuringpearlsandpreciousstones,textilesandlaces,trimmings,andmosquitonets,aswellasinoverseeingtheproductionofsmallspreads(tobeplacedundertable-trays),combcases,kavukcovers,andnapkins.hewasaninter-mediarybetweentheprincessand“European”merchants,forexample,obtainingattheprincess’srequestsixof“those”clocks,andfourarşun[68centimeters]of“this”kindof(imported)broadcloth.healsopurchasedsilverchests-of-drawers,chairs,gildedarmchairs(seeabove),andchandeliersonherbehalf,aswellasamarble(perhapsalabasteroragate)flowerpotwhichcouldalsobeusedasalan-tern.Itisinterestingthatthereisnomentionofhim,notevenasanarchitect,inanyotherOttomansource,giventhathehadalsoundertakentherebuildingofvari-oussectionsoftheimperialsummerresidenceatBeşiktaş.Evenmorefrustratingly,thereisnomentionofEuropeanporcelainamongthepurchaseshewasorderedtomakeforhadiceSultan.afterall,Friedrichhübsch,withwhomMellinghadbeenpreviouslyaffiliated,wasamerchantandbankerrunningthegalata-basedtradingfirmofhübschandtimoni.79
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Forvisual evidenceof thisnewaestheticized life,wemay turn toEuropeanengravings or oil paintings—including Melling’s own arresting panoramas andinteriorsinhisVoyage pittoresque de Constantinople et des rives de Bosphore(1819).Butneitherinhistextualnorinhisvisualaccountsisthereanyindicationwhatso-everofapreoccupationwithdisplayingtheimportsorcollectiblesthathehimselfhadprocuredfortheprincess.Thus,intheend,itisOttomanroyalladies’probateregisters,especiallyfromthelastquarteroftheeighteenthintotheearlynineteenthcentury,thatbestreflecttheiroverwhelminginterestincollectingEuropeanporce-lains.
likeherpeers,hadicetheyoungerdiedindebt.80ImmediatelyaftershepassedawayonJuly17,1822,herbelongingswereconfiscatedandsoldatauction.81herprobateinventoriesincludedmorethanfivehundredpiecesofEuropeanporcelain,whichappeartohavebeenkeptinthreedifferentpartsofherpalace.(Wehavenocluewhatsoeverastohowmanypiecesofporcelainshemighthaveacquiredasbridalgifts,thoughhertrousseauin1786islikelytohaveincludedearlierpiecesreturnedtothetreasuryfromtheestatesofdeceasedroyalwomenanddignitar-ies.)Wheneverysingleitemhadbeencounted,thirty-nineplates,eighttureens,onedish,twenty-sevenbowls,threecoffee-cups,thirteenjugs,threeinkpots,onesalt-cellar,sixteentrays,onewater-pipe,andonebrokenewer-and-basinsetwereidentifiedasMeissenporcelain.Onehundredandforty-eightplates,eighttureens,tendishes,fourteenbowls,twenty-eightjars,andoneteapotwerelistedasVien-nese.Finally,thirty-fourplates,twobowls,sevenjugs,oneteapot,sixcoffee-cupswithhandles,threesaucers,andtwoewerswereallrecordedasFrenchporcelain.Noneweredescribedasextraordinary,novel,unique,exotic,rare,new,orold,butallwerecarefullyandquiteconfidentlyidentifiedbyscribes,possiblytrainedandeducatedtoreadthetrademarks,asSaksonya,Beçkârî,Fransızkârî,orPariskârî.Even Meissen imitations of Vincennes–Sèvres workshop products were distin-guishedasFransızkârî Saksonya.hercrystalwares,too,wereidentifiedasSaksonyaorİngilizkârî,thatistosayBohemianorEnglish.
11
11liddedjar,Vienna,secondhalfofthe18thcentury.topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,16/769.afterSonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmısavrupaPorselenleri,”50–51.
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The Enigma of Hadice the Younger: Consumer or Collector?atthispointtherearisesakeyquestion:Whatwasthemainmotiveforsuchmas-siveaccumulationsofEuropeanporcelain?Thattheyrepresentedanewtasteseemsbeyonddoubt.Butwasthisnewtasteintendedtobedisplayedrelativelypubliclyorprivately?Didhadiceacquireallthesecompletetablesetsandindividualitemsinordertosatisfyherself,andperhapsalsotoshowthemoffatsmall,intimategath-erings?Orweretheyactuallyintendedforuseatgranderaffairsattendedbymalecompanyfrombeyondthefamily—asatstatebanquets?andifthiswerethecase,coulditbethathadicetheyoungerwastherebyadoptingasubtlepoliticalstance?
letusfirstreviewtheevidenceforthesecondscenario.Thediscoveryofnewtastesandtheadoptingofnewmanners—allreflectedinaproliferationoftablesets,dessertsets,teasetsandcoffeesets—werepartandparcelofanewkindoflifetowhichthisprincessinparticular,andprobablyothers,aspired.Theemphasisonsetsmightbetakenaspointingtowardsactualuse,bylargenumbersofpeople,andthereforealsotopracticalconsumptionovercollectingasamotiveforhadice’sacquisitions.82Sinceatleastthe1720s,theOttomancourthadknownthattheirwholeapproachtoeatingwasdifferentfromtheEuropeans.83Ottomans,eliteorcommonersalike,didnothavespecialdininghalls;theyateveryquicklyandincompletesilence;numeroussmallcourseswereservedindeepdishesorlargeplatesfromwhich individual spooned theirownhelpings; therewereno tablecloths,knives,forks,plates,glasses,orsaltcellars.TheveryactofacquiringEuropean-styletableserviceswouldseemtoindicatethatall thiswaschanging.ThemostnotabledifferencebetweenOttomanandEuropeandininghabits,however,wastheabsenceofwomenatanypublic,collectivemeal.CoulditbethatintheeraofSelim,oratleastinthecontextofSelim’sspecialrelationshipwithhissister,therewasasignificantchangeinthislastregard?
SelimIIIisknowntohavepaidfrequentvisitstohissistersandhalf-sisters,whichbecameallthemoreregularduringramadan.hevisitedhadicerepeatedlyforiftarbanquets,andevenhadapartmentsreservedforovernightstaysatDefter-darburnu.Wehavenoaccountofanyotherguestshadicemighthaveentertainedinherbrother’shonour,orofwhatwasservedatthesebanquets,buttherecanbehardlyanydoubtthatherbestporcelainwouldhavebeenused.andatleastsomeofthesedinnersmightnothavebeensecludedaffairs.ThearchitecturallayoutofNeşedâbâdPalacesuggeststhatoneofitsspacioushallswasreservedforgather-ingoverfood.84Thisinitselfhintsatadeparturefromthecustomofmengather-ingaroundtraysplacedonlowstandstoeatingroups.Butbeyondthis,weareinnopositiontosayhowmuchfurther“Westernization”mighthavebeentaken—whetherthis“dininghall”waslitwithlargecrystalchandeliersanddecoratedbyfamilyportraitsaswasEuropeanpractice,orwhetheralongstationarytablemight
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havebeenplacedalongitscentralaxis.85EuropeanfurniturewasfindingitswayevenintotheelitebrothelsofIstanbulinthe1790s,86andcertainlyfurnishedsomepartsofhadice’spalace.It istemptingtoimaginereformersandanti-reformersalike,seatedongildedlouisXVIchairs,beingservedinthebestEuropeanchina.Eventhetypeoffoodservedmighthavehelpedreinforceareformistmessagetoguests.87Forallthis,itisnotnecessarytospeculatefurtherabouthadice’s(orotherwomen’s)actualpresenceatthetable.Evenifsheherselfwereinvisible,shewould,ineffect,berepresentedbyherentirepalace,fromitsneoclassicalarchitecturetoitsdecorationandfurnishings—andultimatelybyherchina.Itcouldallhavebeenreadasamessagetotheeffectthatchangetherehadtobe,andshewastheretosup-portSelimIIIandhisreformstotheutmost.
Theforegoingmightsoundplausible,butwhileitisnotcontradictedneitherisitsupportedbyanyconcreteevidence.Wemustturntothefirstscenario,whichsuggeststhathadicewasacollector.Oneofthetwoprobateinventoriesdrawnupin1822isalistofcontentsofatreasuryorasafe—or,perhaps,aspecialroomwhererareandcuriousthingswerekept.88Itturnsouttobealistofobjectsthatweresoldafterhadice’sdeath.Whatisstrikingisthatmanyofthefragileobjectslistedinthisinventorywereinboxes(kutu),baskets(sepet),orcasks(fuçu),oronlargecirculartrays(tabla).Inadditiontotheaforementionedporcelainsandcrystalwares,theircontentswerelistedassmallwares(hırdavat),costumes,jarsofconfiture,copperware,crystalchandeliers,anddiverseotheritems.unliketheotherinventory,thislistalsoincludespiecesoffurnituresuchascabinets(dolab),chests(sanduk),orchestsofdrawers(çekmece).altogether,thelistsuggestsawholeroomfulofcuri-osities,objectswhichwerenotindailyusebuthadbeenamassedforthepurposesofbuildingacollectionkepthiddenfrommosteyes.
allthingsconsidered,doeshadicetheyoungerappearasnomorethanacon-sumer,ordoesshequalifyasacollector?arethesheernumber,variety,andqual-ityoftheobjectssheowned—whichrequiredsucheffortandrichestoacquire,aswellasthecareandknowledgethatwentintotheirclassificationandprotection—enoughtoidentifyhadiceasacollector,andofEuropeanporcelaininparticular?Iwouldarguethattheanswerhastobepositive.Firstandforemost,hadice’sporce-laincollectionwasquantitativelysignificantbyanystandards.Whiletheestatesofherpeersheldtensofmirrorsofvaryingsizes,clocksofdifferentkinds,quantitiesofchandeliersorfurniture,andhundredsofcurtains,itemsofbedding,ortableservices,89hadiceappearstohaveownedonlyhalftheamountofsuchgoods,butseveraltimesmoreporcelain.90Secondly,toagreaterdegreethanherpeers,herintentseemstohavebeentouseherwealthandpowertodemonstrateheraccesstoamodernstyleoflivingandWesternachievements.Thirdly,thedesireforcontrol,thepatience,thecompetitiveness,andtheexcitementofthehuntembodiedinthe
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furnishingofherpalace(s)andinhercorrespondencewithMellingallpointtoaparticular,peculiarpersonality.Fourthly,herporcelains(andcrystalglass)werekeptincontainers,inaspecialroom,inacabinetofcuriosities.andlastly,shewasoneofafewOttomanprincesseswhowantedtofindawaytodissociateherselffromtherestofthewealthythroughhercollectingtastes.ThemassproductionofporcelainwhichbeganinMeissenandViennaintheearlyeighteenthcentury,whilecateringtolarger,privilegedpopulationsinEurope,mayalsohavebeenafactorinfashioningtheidentityofaneweliteinIstanbul.Collectingitcertainlyentailedcompetitionandrivalry—evenamongtheroyalladieswhosebeliefsystemhadlongrequiredthemtofindidentityandmeaningintheirlivesthroughpiousdeeds.Thus,collectingporcelaincanbeseenasanaspectoftheirquestforaninde-pendent,opinionated,confident,worldly,andmodernidentity.
IthasbeenarguedthatinWesternliterarytextsportrayingbothwomenandchina,wesee“howthefemaleasanobjectofmaledesirebecame,overthecourseofthelongeighteenthcentury,thefemaleasdesiringsubject.”91here“chinaislessthemarkerforwoman’sstatusasobject,”but“moretheindicatorofanideologi-calstruggletoshapewoman’ssituationasadesiringsubjectwithinaparticulardomesticeconomy.”92Forhadice,“modern”and“Western”weresynonymous,andseemedtosignifyortofacilitate,morethananythingelse,herempowermentasawoman,aprincess,totakeresponsibilityinstateaffairs.herpresenceindininghallsandatdinnertableswouldhavebeenapublicandrevolutionaryeventinitself.althoughwemayneverknowwhethersheattendedsuchdinnersornot,itismorelikelythatshecollectedEuropeanluxuriestodisplaythematprivateparties.Nev-ertheless,asatypicalprincessoftheeighteenthcentury,withpersonalrevenuesandpalacesofherown,theradicalandinsurgentinhadicetheyounger,matchedwithherinnatecuriosity,mayhavebeenattractedbythedifficultiesandrisksofWesterncommerceanditwasthisthatnurturedherdesiretocollect.
hadice’sattitudetowardsmaterialrichesdifferedfromthatofhersistersandniecesinseveralways.Themostrevealingevidenceinsupportofherdispositiontomodernlifestylesisheremploymentofantoine-IgnaceMellingandherefforttocommunicatewithhiminperson.Shehad,afterall,notonlyhadherpalaceremodelledwithsomearchitecturalfeaturesovertlyalludingtoEuropeanforms,buthadalsoamassedsignificantnumbersofcertainkindsofexpensiveandhard-
12 13
12Smallliddedbowl,Vienna,dated1799.topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,26/4752.afterSonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmısavrupaPorselenleri,”54.
13Setcomposedofamug,aliddedjugandtwoplates,Vienna,dated1785.SadberkhanımMuseum,Istanbul,hK243-3306,Env.hK216-3279a-B.afterSadberk Hanım Museum,145.
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to-findgoodsfromleadingEuropeancentersofproductioninordertodecoratetheinterior—allthroughhismediation.atthetimeofherdeath,twodecadesafterhisdeparture,notonlyporcelainandcrystalware,butalsonumbersofchandeliers,delicateandbreakable,werestillbeingkeptintheirboxesinaspecialroom(seeabove).EvenifnotallhadbeenpurchasedbyMellinghimself,suchluxurieswerecertainlyintroducedbyhimintothepalacehehadbeenbusyrefurbishingfortenyears.
unfortunately,wearenotinapositiontounderstandfullyhadice’smethodsofacquiringluxuryporcelainandcrystalware,eventhoughwecanidentifyatleastonegroupofhercreditorsorpurveyors,who,whenshedied,eachcameforthtodemandhissharefromhersteward.93Theseweremerchantsordealersthemselves,orconnectedtothelikesofManassesathanes(seeabove),whoplacedorderswiththeMeissenfactoryinthe1730s.however,althoughhertasteandknowledgeof,orherdesireforEuropeanporcelaincannotbedocumented(even)fromtheletterssheexchangedwithMelling,itisthiscorrespondencewhichshowshowaggressiveandpushyshecouldbewhenshesethermindtopossesssomething.Collection-buildingisoftenanoutletforfocusingemotions(suchasenvy,frustration,despair,success,triumph,oracompulsiontoconsume),andmayturnintoaquestforself-completion.
Inthisregard,itisimportanttonotethemanyotherprincesseswhohadnoth-ingtodowithcollecting.94Nevertheless,asquiteafewofhadice’saunts,half-sis-ters,cousins,orniecesalsoacquiredEuropeanporcelains,albeitinasmallerway,itispossibletohypothesizethatsomeroyalwomeninIstanbulwereusingtheircollectiblesasaformofcompetitiveconnoisseurship.Eveniftheseladieswerenotyetgenuinecollectorswhopossessedhadice’skindofscavenginginstinct,com-petitionandrivalrymusthavemotivatedthemtocontinuetocollectdespiteallthedifficultiesoflong-distancetrade.Naturallynotallwouldhavesharedhadice’spoliticalagenda,buttheystillsoughttomaketheiracquisitionsnotjustlarger,orbetter,butalso(more)complete—perhapsbyacquiringacompletesetofporcelain,orseveralsuchsets.ThismightalsoexplaintheirlackofinterestinOrientalantiq-uitiesorcontemporarypolychromedwares,whichdidnotcomein“sets.”
Theconceptofawholetableservicewithmatchingcomponentswasstillnovelinthe1730s,andthefirstdinnerservicetobemadeinporcelainwasorderedfromMeisseninlate1731.Earlier,DuPaquierhadproducedapartialdinnerservice,possiblycomposedexclusivelyoftureens,inthemid-1720s;between1736and1740hemadeanotherservice—composedprimarilyoftureensandwinecoolersthatEmperorCharlesVIgavetotherussianempressannaIvanova.95Butbythe1800snumeroussetswereinthemarket,andthecompetitionforacompleteonewasfierce.Itseemsthathadiceandothercollectorprincesseswouldhavehadtocom-
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peteforacompletedinnerservicenotonlyamongstthemselves,butalsowithsomeofthemostresourcefulEuropeanroyaloraristocraticladiesofthetime.96asthemajorityofherporcelainswererecordedassinglepiecesatthetimeofherdeath,wearenotinapositiontoestimatehowmanycompleteservicesshepossessed.97
IfBeyhanwaspiousandEsmanotorious,perhapshadicetheyoungerwasnotonlycompetitivebutalsoambitious.PalmiraFontesdeCostastatesthat“Suchanabsorption…isseeninmanyculturesasasourceofdangerforthesouland,assuch, theobjectofextremedistrust.” Inearlyeighteenth-centurylondon,“Thedesirefornoveltieswasunderstoodasastimulustotrade,andobjectsofcuriosityweretreatedasluxuryitems.Thecommercialsocietythatproducedsuchitemswasoftenperceivedasmorallyambiguousandthisaffectedtheevolutionofcuriosity.InBritain,authorssuchasDavidhumeandadamSmithwereattheforefrontofutilitarianattemptstodissociateluxuryfromthisnegativeconnotationandtoviewitpositivelyasanelementofacivilizedsociety.”98
Making a Statement through Taste and KnowledgeOne of the three engravings that Melling included in his Voyage pittoresque toillustratetheNeşedâbâdPalaceshowsaceremonialreceptionhallduringavisitbyhadicetheyounger’shalf-sisterBeyhanSultan.NofurnitureofthekindthatMellingwasprovidingherisvisible.tworowsofladies-in-waitingarelinedupintwos,andanothertwosomearewaitingtoservecoffee,sweetdrinks,confitures,anddesserts.
Onsuchoccasions,aswithotherimportedobjects,Europeanporcelainswouldhaveacquiredadditionalmeanings.hadice’stasteswouldhavebeenupforjudg-ment.Shemightalsohave regarded this as anopportunity todemonstrateherconnoisseurship,herexpertknowledgeofthetrademarks,thematerialsused,theartists,designs,orcolourschemes.alsounderscrutinywouldbeheracquaintancewiththecentersofindustryandtheartsinmajorEuropeancities,herawarenessoftechnological,social,institutional,andaestheticadvancesintheWest,andherappreciationofdifferentstylesandstandardsoflife.Sheislikelytohaveacquaintedherself with such matters through the testimony of numerous Ottoman travel-ersandbureaucratswho,uponSelimIII’sinitiative,weremovinginandaroundEurope,andbuyingporcelainwhereverpossible.Perhapsfemaleeye-witnessesofEuropeancivilizationwerealsopresentatherreceptions.Thenmuseumsandpri-vatecollections,operasandtheatres,aswellastheacademiesandmanufactoriesthattheymighthavevisited,couldhavebeenthetopicoftabletalk.unliketheOri-entalchinaacquiredbyhadicetheElder,whichwastreatedbyOttomanroyaltyasanyinheritedcollectionoffinetableware,preserved,venerated,andusedasafit-tingadjunctoftheirstatus,Europeanporcelaincalledforth“morethanplainwon-
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dermentatorrespectforthedistantcivilizationthatproducedit.”99Detailssuchastrademarks,decorativeschemes,orartists—thekindofspecifics
thatarthistorianswouldlookattodayinordertoqualifyanygroupofobjectsasacollection—couldhavebeenprovidedthroughcommercialintermediariesaswell;butonlyifhadicewereactuallyconcernedwithacquiringthiskindofexpertise.Boththestewardofherhousehold,ahigh-rankingbureaucratappointedbythegovernmenttooverseetheprincess’sfinances,andthechiefpurveyor(whoactedasamiddle-manbetweenhadice,hersteward,andoutsidemerchants),wouldbechiefamonghersourcesofinformation.until1800thelatterpositionwasfilledbyMelling,whowasalsoinstrumentalindevelopingcontactsandarrangingvisitsbymembersofEuropeanenvoys’householdstotheNeşedâbâdPalace.aletterfromhadicementionsthevisitofanambassador’swife,100whilethetextoftheVoyage pittoresque,twothirdsofwhichisbasedonMelling’sownaccount,describesthevisitofCountdeludolf(theambassadoroftheKingofthetwoSicilies)andhisfamily.Inreturnforhadice’sgiftsofcashmereshawls,embroideredIndiantextiles,candies,andperfumes,theambassadorissaidtohavepresentedherwithporce-lainvases(perhapsfromtheCapodimontefactorynearNaples)aswellaspreciousstones.Duringthisvisit,whileMademoiselleamoreux,thedaughteroftheformerFrenchconsulinIzmir,playedtheharpandtwootheryounggirlsdanced,notonlytheprincessbutthesultan,too,accompaniedbyMelling,werelookingon—thelasttwofrombehindthecurtains.101
What was the idea behind such visits ? Was it no more than curiosity—anopportunitytopeekintothepersonalworldoftheother?Orwasthereamorecal-culatedexpectationofatwo-wayflowofinformationandideas?hadicecouldkeepupwithEuropeanfashionsandwaysoflife,whilethewordaboutherandherricheswouldalsospread;themodernpatroness,distinguishedforherrefinedtasteandup-to-dateknowledgeofforeignthings,wouldbeknowntoall.Thisrecognitioniswhatsomecollectorscrave,riskingthecriticism,suspicion,andmerejealousyofthosewhocometoviewtheircollections.
A Scapegoat?MellinghimselfremarkedthatSelimIIIgenuinelycaredforhadice.henotedintheVoyage pittoresque thatthesultansharedwithherhisdetailedplanstofamiliar-izethe“devoutandunbending”MuslimswithEuropeanartsandcivilization.102hadiceSultanappears tohaveadoptedSelim III’s ideasandpreferencesasherown.giventheclashbetweenreformistsandconservativesincourtcirclesatthetime,however,herdispositiontowardsthingsnovelandforeigncouldhavebeenregardedasoverlytransgressive.Wedoknowthatnumerousrumorsaboutherspread,includingonealleginganintimaterelationshipbetweenherandMelling,
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andthatfrom1796to1800SelimIIIdistancedhimselffromhadice.103In1800Mellingwasapparently forced toquithadice’s service,and inmid-1802he leftIstanbulforgood.Whetherthereasonforhisdeparturewasthestrainedpoliti-calatmosphereinIstanbulorinpost-revolutionaryFrance,orprivatedifficultiesbetweenhimandhispatroness,wemayneverdiscover.Itisclear,however,thatimmediatelyafterwards,thesultanresumedhisvisitstohishalf-sister.
antagonism between the reformists backing Selim III and the conservative“party”inoppositionwasquitesevereatthetime.later,withanagendaofpromot-ingthenewmercantilistpoliciesingeneralandopposingluxuryimportsinpartic-ular,thebureaucraticeliteofthenineteenthcenturyturnedtoblamingthefemaledesiretoacquireandtocollectforthecourt’swastefulextravagance.104TheverysamepolemichadbeenvoicedbyOttomancriticsoftheimporttradethroughouttheeighteenthcentury.MehmedatâullahEfendi,adiscipleoftherenownedNakşi-MüceddidischolartokadîMustafaEfendi,wasappointedastheŞeyhülislâminNovember1806andblamedSelimIIIforhissisters’tasteforEuropeanimports.Theideologicalbackgroundsofthesecritics,theirstandvis-à-vistheMevlevîandNakşibendî-Müceddidî coalition, and their associations with other orders andsocialgroupshaveyettobeexplored.however,thereareinterestingleads.
amemberoftheOttomanbureaucraticelite,MoravîSüleymanPenâhEfendi(d.1785),wroteinatreatisethattheOttomans’cravingforWesternorEasterngoodswas rooted in the falsebelief that thesewereofbetterquality; theirdis-position to foreign goods was motivated by conspicuous consumption and thetemptationofluxury;andthatbecauseoftheirillhabits,andunderthe“newcir-cumstances” (namely, customs regulations, monopolies, and protective tariffs),Ottomancurrencywasboundtoflowout.Inhisopinion,local/nationalproductswerenotofpoorquality,andtherewasallthenecessarypotentialformanufactur-inginequalquality,quantity,andvarietyintheOttomanrealm.PenâhEfendi,whoarrivedattheseconclusionsonthebasisofhisobservationsoftextileandporce-lainimports,105alsonotedagrowinginterestinluxuryconsumptioninacertainwealthysocialgroup.106later,MehmedSaidhaletEfendi(seeabove),writingfromParisasOttomanambassadortoFrance,comparedtheoutlookoftheFrenchecon-omywiththeOttomansituation.heclaimedthatif,bysomeunexpectedturnofevents,fivefactoriesproducingsnuff,paper,broadcloth,crystalware,andporcelainweretobeestablished,therewouldbenogroundsforanyunfavourablecriticismoftheOttomans,foritwas(basically)thesefiveitemsthattheFrenchexported.107atthetimeofhaletEfendi’sreport,SüleymanPenâhEfendi’ssonyusufagâhEfendiwasservingasthedeputytothegrandvizier,andwasalsoaministeroftheinte-rior.hewasappointedthreetimestothispostovertheperiod1799–1806,havingservedinlondonasthefirstpermanentOttomanambassadorinEuropebetween
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1793and1797.Thenhebecamestewardtooneofhadice’snieces,hibetullahSul-tan,whowasnotoriousforherexcesses.108BothMehmedSaidhaletEfendiandyusufagâhEfendibelongedtothereformpartyunderSelimIII:whiletheformerhasbeenidentifiedasaprominentNakşi-Müceddidî,yusufağâhEfendiisknownforhispatronageofaKadirîconventatÜsküdar.109
hadiceinhabitedaworldinwhichcomplexpersonalitiessuchasthese,withfirst-handexperienceofEuropeannoveltiesandstandingforchangeandmodern-ization,couldalsopromoteapuresocietyofbelievers,the‘asr-ı sa’âdet,thefelici-tousageoftheProphetMuhammad.TheVasiyetnâme(orRisâle-i Birgivî)byImamBirgivî,asixteenth-centuryscholarrenownedforhispolemicalwritingsonpurg-ingreligionofall“blameworthyinnovations”andaccretions,wasrecommendedtotheNizâm-iCedidsoldiersandregularlypublishedbytheMühendishaneprintinghouseafter1803.110annotatedcopiesofthisandtheŞerh-iÂmentü,alsoattributedtohim,werewidelycirculatedamongtheSelimianelite;thelatter,annotatedbyKadızadeahmedbinMehmedEmin,wasdedicatedtohadiceSultanin1804.111Itwasinthisratherradical(puritan)atmospherethatrationalistcurrents,includingnewpositionsondiplomacy,economics,andtradeintheOttomanEmpire,werebeginningtoemerge.
at this point it should be noted that a discourse about European women’salleged craze for oriental china translates perfectly into the Ottoman context.
cOrrect ewer imAge?
14
14Ewer-and-basinset,Vienna,dated[17]93.topkapıPalaceMuseum,Istanbul,16/1193,16/1194.afterSonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmısavrupaPorselenleri,”48–9.
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ElizabethKowaleski-Wallace,forexample,haswrittenthatinEngland“likeotherimportedcommodities—silk,tea,andcotton—chinadrewthefemaleconsumerintoanationaldebateaboutthedebilitatingeffectsofahomeeconomyindebtedtoforeigntrade.”Quotinglouislanda,shegoesontosaythatthemercantilisteco-nomicthoughtoftheperiodoftenassumedthat“theimportationofluxuries[was]noteconomicallydesirable,thelogicbeingthatimportedluxurieshaveanadverseeffectonthebalanceoftrade.”Becausewomenwerestereotypicallyidentifiedastheprincipalconsumersofsuchimportedproducts,theymostoftenborethebruntofamercantilistpolemic.112Furthermore,contemporaryliteratureintheWesttookfinechinaorporcelainasemblematicofwomenandtheirweaknesses.Theimageofchinaoftenfunctionedasamarkeroffemalesuperficialityandshallowness,orofapotentialforfemaledepravityexpressedthroughanunwarrantedattractiontothingsthatwerenew,beautiful,expensive,sensualandsumptuous.
Proceedingfromtheobservationthat(intheWest)“femininityisanongoinghistoricalconstruction,onesubjecttochangingeconomicinterestsandpressures,”recentstudiesonconsumptionhavedemonstratedthepresenceofvaryingagendasinthehistoricalconstructionofwomenasconsumers.Thusovermostoftheeigh-teenthcenturyitwas“mercantilecapitalismwhichhadindulged,evensanctioned,a‘feminine’appreciationofimportedcommoditieslikechinawhensuchanappre-ciationpromotedmercantileinterests.”113Criticsofaformalisticapproachpointtohoweighteenth-centurydiscourseshaveattributed“mercantilecapitalismitself,withallofitsattractions,aswellasitsambiguousconsequences”towomen,“whosemarginalityallowsthemtoserve,inthewritingsofcelebrantsandsatiristsalike,asaperfectproxyorscapegoat.”114againstthis,anewcriticalapproachinsiststhattheconstructionofwomenasconsumersofimportedluxuriesisnotafixedhistoricalrealitybutanideologicalprocess.InsupportofthisanalysisitmaybesaidthatintheOttomanworld,intheabsenceofmercantilistideologicalfuss,(a)menwerenolessinclinedto“acquire”chinathanwomen,asastudyoftheprobateinventoriesreveals;and(b)suchmaleconsumerismwasnotstigmatizedaseffeminate.115
acomparisonofhowhadiceandhersisterswereportrayedincontemporaryIstanbul-basedEuropeanaccountswith the satiricalportraitofa femalechina-loverinEnglishliteratureinthesameperiodmaybequiteilluminating.116InSusanFerrier’sMarriage(1818),acertainladyJuliana,whosehusbandisonthevergeoffinancialruin,inspectsvariousbibelotsbroughtbyachinamerchanttoherdraw-ingroominlondon.alsopresentedforherconsiderationis“anamazingdelicatearticle,inthewayofajewel:afrogofturkishagateforburningpastillesin.”This,sheistold,isespeciallyvaluable“foritwasthefavouritetoyofoneofthesultanas,tillshegrewdevoutandgaveupperfumes.”Kowaleski-Wallace,remarkingthat“ladyJuliana’senthusiasmfortheseitemsassociatesherwithOrientalaesthetism:she
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nowappreciatestheverytrinketsthattiredthesultana,”showshowladyJulianastandsoutasasardonicportraitofherself-gratifyingclass.117Therecouldhardlybeanymorestereotypicalcondemnationof“decadent”Orientalaesthetics,orofthe“perversity”ofladyJuliana’stastes.IfitsmessageweretobetranslatedintotheOttomanrealm,hadice’stastesandinclinationtoWesternaestheticswouldalsobeportrayedasdisrespectful,corrupt,andimmoral.It,too,wouldhaveservedtoshiftblameforimperialexcessesorbanckruptcyontotheshouldersofroyalwomen.
MostOttomanprincesseswhoreceivedChineseorEuropeanporcelainasgiftsnormallyused,orbroke,orotherwisedispensedwiththem.Bothhadicesseemtohavecollectedinordertodistinguishthemselves(andtheirprivilegedstatus)fromtherest.atthesametime,itseemsthattheirdesireswerenotquitecontrollable,sothatintheendbothwereturnedintoscapegoatsbycriticsoftheelitetowhichtheybelonged.Ottomanprincessesofthelateeighteenthcenturywereavidconsum-ers,conspicuousandnecessarydisplayersofmercantileriches.Theyweredisplay-ingsomethingthatwasverydifferentfromtheoutmodedformofcorruptdynasticprivilege.however,viewedinahistoricalcontext,bothhadices,likesomeoftheiraunts,sisters,andnieces,appearaspoliticaltypesbutnotasindependentagents.Ifnottheirdesires,thenatleasttheirnewwayoffashioningthemselves,andhencetheirpublicappearancesandmobility,wereundercontrol.118
Itishadice’sgenuineloveforEuropeanporcelainwhichreflects,perhapsmorethananythingelse,heroutstandingpositionamongthestaunchestsupportersofliberalreforms.althoughthemotives,purpose,ormodalitiesofcollectingarenotalwaysclear,thereisacasetobemadetotheeffectthatOttomanprincessesofthelater eighteenth century acquired porcelains, and particularly European porce-lains,inhugequantitiesnotjustforpracticaluses—andevenbeyondthelimitsofconspicuousconsumption.uponcloserexamination,hadicetheyoungerappearsto have engaged in an early quest for a woman’s identity during the formativedawn of Ottoman modernity. her pursuit involved not only the acquisition ofscarceMeissenorViennaorFrenchporcelains,butalso theirdisplayat statelybanquetswhichsheaspiredtohostintheotherwiseexclusivelymalecirclesofherroyalhalf-brother.
Tülay Artan, Ph.D. (1989),Massachusetts Instituteoftechnology, isassociateProfessoratSabancıuniversity,Istanbul.herresearchfocusesonthelivesoftheIstanbuleliteintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Shehasalsoworkedontheeconomicandculturalnetworksofprovincialnotables,andontheOttomanroyalhunt.Sheistheauthorofthesectionon“artandarchitecture,”Cambridge History of Turkey(2006),vol.3,408–80.E-mail:[email protected]
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Thisstudyispartofalargerexploration,extendingfrom“TheluxurytradesandtheOttomanElite’sacquisitionofEuropeanPorcelain,”Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (forthcoming)to“Otto-manWaysofCollectingandDisplaying,”Muqarnas(forthcoming).ThetopkapıPalaceMuseum’scollectionofEuropeanporcelainsremainedclosedtoresearchersthroughouttheperiodinwhichthisstudywasinprogress.
1 tülayartan,“aCompositeuniverse:artsandSocietyinIstanbulattheEndoftheEighteenthCentury,”inOttomanEmpire & European Theatre: From the Beginnings to 1800. Vol.1,The Age of Sultan Selim III and Mozart (1756–1808),ed.M.hüttlerandh.E.Weidinger(Vienna:DonJuanarchiv,forthcoming).
2 georgeW.gawrych,“ŞeyhgalibandSelimIII:MevlevîsmandtheNizam-iCedid,”International Journal of Turkish Studies4(1987):96–101.
3 Forvisualartsandartistsinthisperiod,seenumerousstudiesbygünselrenda.
4 WhiletheMevlevîconnectiontothereformparty,evenifitdidnotincludeallMevlevîs,isobvious,theBektashi-Janis-saryidentificationoftheanti-reformistgroupisreductionistandthereforemisleading:urielheyd,“TheOttomanulemaandWesternizationinthetimeofSelimIIIandMahmudII,”Scripta Hierosolymitana9(1961):63–96;StanfordJ.Shaw,History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey,vol.1(Newyork:CambridgeuniversityPress,1977),273–4.Foraselectgroupwhowereaskedtopresenttheircriticismsofthestateinwriting,seeErginÇağman,III. Selim’e Sunulan Islahat Lâyihaları(Istanbul:Kitabevi,2010).
5 Identityisacomplexandprovocativeconcept.“Incommonsenselanguage,”sayshall,“identificationisconstructed
onthebackofarecognitionofsomecommonoriginorsharedcharacteristicswithanotherpersonorgroup,orwithanideal,andwiththenaturalclosureofsolidarityandallegianceestablishedonthisfoundation.”SeeStuarthall,“Introduction:WhoNeedsIdentity,”inQuestions of Cultural Identity,ed.StuarthallandPaulDugay(london,ThousandOaksandNewDelhi:SagePublications,1996),1–17.FormoreonidentityseealsoPaulDugay,JessicaEvans,andPeterredman,Identity: A Reader(london,ThousandOaksandNewDelhi:SagePublications,2000).Forarecentstudyofthecomplexpictureofidentitiesintheperiodinquestion,seea.yıldız,“Vaka-yıSelimiyeortheSelimiyeIncident:aStudyoftheMay1807rebellion”(Ph.D.dissertation,Sabancıuniversity,2007).
6 astheirnameimplies,theMüceddidîswererenewers—butinareligiousandconservativesense.asthenewlyrisingbranchoftheNakşibendîs,whoadvised“strictadherencetotheshariaandthetenetsofSunni-OrthodoxIslamwhichwouldproducearegenerationoftheMuslimcommunityandthestate,”theyseemtohavebeenmotivatedtosupportSelim’smodernizationreforms.SeeButrusabu-Manneh,Studies on Islam and the Ottoman Empire in the 19th Century (1826–1876)(Istanbul:ISISPublications,2001),12,43.
7 ForSirhindî’spartingofthewayswithIbnarabî,seeMuhammedabdulhaqansari,Sufism and Shari’ah: A Study of Ahmad Sirhindi’s Effort to Reform Sufism(london:TheIslamicFoundation,1986).FortheexemplarypoetryofNeccâr-zâdeMustafarıza(1679–1746),seehalilİbrahimŞimşek,“MesnevîhânBirNakşbendiyye-MüceddidiyyeŞeyhi:Neccâr-zâdeMustafarıza’nınhayatıvetasavvufîgörüşleri,”Tasavvuf: İlmî ve
notes
141 eighteenth-centuryottomanprincessesascollectors
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Akademik Araştırma Dergisi 6/14(2005):159–78.
8 Incontrast,beforethePortugueseexpansionoftheearlysixteenthcentury,porcelainwasveryrareinEurope.ThegreatbulkoftheOrientalmerchandisewhichreachedEuropebefore1500waspurchasedfromMuslimtradersinEgyptorthelevant.WhileafewpieceswerebroughttoEuropebytravellers,mostofthemarrivedasdiplomaticgifts.SeeDavidWhitehouse,“ChinesePorcelaininMedievalEurope,”Medieval Archaeology16(1972):63–78.Formissionsengagedin“tributeandtrade”betweenChinaanditsneighbours,seeMichaelrogers,FilizÇağmanandZerentanındı, Topkapı Saray Museum: The Albums and Illus-trated Manuscripts(london:Thamesandhudson,1986),118–19,ills.79and80.
9 Besidestradinganddiplomaticexchang-es,lootingofdefeatedcitieswasanotherwaytoobtainChineseporcelain,buttherearenocompleteInnertreasuryrecordsoftheporcelainsseizedinSafavidPersiaorMamlukEgyptbetween1514and1680.Foracompleteanalysisofthecollectionseer.Krahl,incollaborationwithN.Erbahar,Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapı Palace Museum Istanbul: A Complete Catalogue, ed.Johnayers,3vols. (london:SothebyParkeBernetPublica-tions,1986). alsotakatoshiMisugu,Chinese Porcelain Collections in the Near East: Topkapı and Ardebil(hongKong:hongKonguniversityPress,1981).
10 InthelatterpartofthenineteenthcenturytheaccumulatedmaterialandartisticwealthoftheOttomanswaspartiallytransferredtoanewgenerationofpalacesontheBosphorus.asthecourtmovedoutofthetopkapıPalacetheEuropeanporcelainreserveofthetreasurymovedwiththem.abdülhamidII,whoplayedacrucialroleinthistransfer,alsoinitiatedtheestablishmentofamuseumatthe
yıldızPalace.ThedecisiontodisplayChineseporcelainswastakenin1909—shortlybeforeabdülhamidII’sfinaldeposition.Curiously,itwasErnstZimmermann,thedirectoroftheStaatlichePorzellansammlunginDresden,whowasinvitedin1910,andagainin1925and1927,topreparethisChinesecollectionforexhibition,andalsotointroducetothepublictheEuropeanporcelaincollectionofthetopkapıPalace.ForstudiesofthecollectionbyZimmermann,see“DiePorzellanschätzedeskaiserlichtenSchatzhausesunddesMuseumszuKonstantinopel,”Cicerone3(1911):496–503;idem,Altchinesische Porzellane im Alten Serai. Meisterwerke der Türkischen Museen zu Konstantinopel,Bd.II(Berlin/leipzig:Walterdegruyter,1930).PazıidentifiedtheEuropeanporcelaininthetopkapıcollectionsastheproductsofgerman(Meissen,Berlin,Fürstenberg,höchst,Nymphenburg,limbach,Volkstedt,tettau),austrian(Vienna),French(Sèvres,limoges,Paris),russian,Italian,andDutchfactories:MukaddesPazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesindeavrupaPorselenleriKoleksi-yonu,”inKemal Çığ’a Armağan(Istanbul:topkapıSarayıMüzesiyayınları,1984),166.
11 JulianrabyandÜnsalyücel,“ChinesePorcelainattheOttomanCourt,”inKrahl,Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapı Palace,1:27–54(esp.35,37,47).
12 topkapıSarayıMüzesiarşivi(hereaftertSMa),E.8990/1;E.8990/2(3Za1237/1822);D.7205(1237/1822).
13 rabyandyücel,“ChinesePorcelainattheOttomanCourt.”
14 Ibid.15 tülayartan,“TheSouthSeaBubbleand
OttomanSpeculatorsinthetulipMarket”,paperpresentedathuizingaInstituut(amsterdam),PhDCourse,
Istanbul, City of Contrasts. Cultural Transfer Between Europe and Turkey,Istanbul,May31–June5,2010.
16 ZekiSönmez,“türkÇiniciliğindetekfurSarayıİmalatıÇiniler”,inOsmanlı’da Çini Seramik Öyküsü,ed.araaltun(Istanbul:IMKByayınları,1997),215–21;F.yenişehirlioğlu,“IstanbultekfurSarayıOsmanlıÇiniFırınlarıveEyüpÇöm-lekçilerMahallesiyüzeyaraştırmaları,”XII. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, 30 Mayıs–03 Haziran 1994(ankara:KültürveturizmBakanlığıyayınları,1995),535–66.
17 Forhisartisticpatronage,seegezaVonhabsburg,Princely Treasures(Newyork:VendomePress,1997),179–98.
18 JessieMcNabDennis,“J.g.heroldandCompany:TheartofMeissenChinoise-rie,”The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin,n.s.,22,no.1(Summer1963):10–21;OliverImpey,“ExportartoftheEdoPeriodandItsInfluenceonEuropeanart,”Modern Asian Studies 18,no.4,Special Issue: Edo Culture and Its Modern Legacy(1984):685–97.
19 anetteloesch,“BöttgerStonewareandBöttgerPorcelain,”inThe Glory of Baroque Dresden: The State Art Collections Dresden(Jackson,Miss.:TheMississipiCommissionforInternationalCulturalExchange,2004),199.
20 For“türkenkoppchen,”seeanetteloesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”inIm Lichte des Halbmonds. Das Abendland und der türkische Orient(leipzig:Peterlang,1995),272–4,cat.nos.426–35,332–34;eadem,“BöttgerStonewareandBöttgerPorcelain,”201.SeealsoKlaus-PeterarnoldandVerenaDiefenbach, eds.,Meissener Blaumalerei aus drei Jahrhun-derten(leipzig:Editionleipzig,1989),170f(cat.nos.99f),214(cat.no.129).ForearlyOttomanorders,seeErnstZimmer-mann,“DieanfängederBlaumalereiim
142 tülayartan
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MeissenerPorzellan,”inMitteilungen aus den Sächsischen Kunstsammlungen2(1911),72–81(80,ill.3);idem,“Deutsch-esExportporzellandes18.Jahrhundertsfürdietürkei”inBelvedere. Monatsschrift für Sammler und Kunstfreunde9/10,no.54(1926):193–98.
21 gökselSonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmışavrupaPorselenleri,”inOsmanlı Sarayında Avrupa Porselenleri(Istanbul:SuSSMyayınları,2005),14.
22 loesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”272–4,333(cat.no.433).amongstthelaterware,twocoffee-cups(oneofwhichremainedundecorated)andthreeChinese-styleblue-and-whitecupsarealsoexemplary:ibid.,273(cat.nos.434and435)and332–33(cat.nos.426–32).SeealsoBearb.Vonrainerrückert, Meissener Porzellan 1710–1810(BayerischesNationalmu-seum:München,1966),144(no.711);hermannJedding,Meissener Porzellan des 18. Jahrhunderts in Hamburger Privatbesitz.(MuseumfürKunstandgewerbe:hamburg,1982),141(no.134);The Constance I. And Ralph H. Wark collection of Meissen Porcelain(Cummergalleryofart:Jacksonville,1984),220(nos.496,497).
23 Sadberk Hanım Müzesi(Istanbul:ShMyayınları,1995),118–19(hK208–3271,hK209–3272,hK232–3295).
24 Pazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesindeavrupaPorselenleriKoleksiyonu,”166.
25 EarlySaxonywareswerestampedwiththeinitialsar(Augustus Rex)andKPM(KoeniglichtePorzellanManufaktur),MPM(MeissenPorzellanManufaktur),orKPF(KoeniglichtePorzellanFabrik).around1723MeissenwarewasstampedwithChinesesymbols.From1725until1730theKPMstampwasusedtogetherwithtwocrossedswords,afterwhich,variationsofthecrossedswordsbecame
thesymbolofMeissenware.ConcernthatthissymbolwouldnotbetoleratedintheIslamicworldcausedthemanufacturerstoinventanotherone,asnakearoundascepter,orawhip,tobeusedonproductstobeexportedtotheOttomans.althoughthispracticewaslimitedtoashortperiod(1721–3),itisstillnoteworthyevidenceoftheextentofOttomandemand.untilthelatenineteenthcentury,“türkenkop-pchen”wereoftennotstampedatallunlesswithChinesesymbols.
26 Pazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesindeavrupaPorselenleriKoleksiyonu,”166and173(Ill.5).
27 “ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”344(cat.no.456).
28 EvelineSintNicolaas,etal.,An Eyewitness of the Tulip Era: Jean-Baptiste Vanmour(Istanbul:Koçbank,2003);OlgaNefedova,A Journey into the World of the Ottomans: The Art of Jean-Baptiste Vanmour (1671–1737)(Milano:Skira,2009).
29 MaureenCassidy-geiger,“graphicSourcesforMeissenPorcelain:OriginsofthePrintCollectionintheMeissenarchives,”Metropolitan Museum Journal31(1996):105–07,figs.22,23,24.
30 ForMeissen-brandedporcelainJanissaryfigurines(1730–40),seegökselSonat,“EuropeanPorcelains,”inTopkapı Palace(Istanbul:akbank,2000),431.ForfigurinesbasedonthedrawingsofJean-BaptisteVanmourandWilliamhogarth(1697–1764),seeRecueil de cent estampes représentant différentes nations du Levant(Paris,1714–15)andaubreydelaMotraye,Travels Through Europe, Asia and into Parts of Africa II(london,1723).Formorefigurines,seeloesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”274,cat.nos.363,366–71,377,379–82,andpp.311–18;Türkei. Abend-land begegnet Morgenland 16.-18. Jahrhundert. Eine Ausstellung im Rahmen
der Internationalen Tage Ingelheim(Essen:VerlaghermannSchmidtMainz),1992,152–53,cat.nos.112–21,125,pp.190–97.
31 Therusso-Ottomanwarof1768–1774causedaseriouscrisisineast-centralEuropeandintheBalkansasPrussiaandaustriabackedrussiathroughout.
32 Osmanlı Sarayında Avrupa Porselenleri,34–5.
33 Ibid.,38.34 Sonat,“EuropeanPorcelains,”429.35 hK198-3261a-B,originallypartofthe
ambitiousprivatecollectionofhüseyinKocabaş:Sadberk Hanım Museum,145.
36 loesch,“ZumEinflußdertürkenmodeaufdasMeißnerPorzellan,”343,cat.no.452.Foraliddedjuginyellow,seecat.no.453.
37 hK194-3257a-B:Sadberk Hanım Museum,144.
38 Pazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesindeavrupaPorselenleriKoleksiyonu,”166.
39 Ibid,ill.2(ca.1730);Sonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmısavrupaPorselenleri,”46–47(ca.1735).
40 Sonat,“EuropeanPorcelains,”421;eadem,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmışavrupaPorselenleri,”16.
41 tSM,16/769:Sonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmışavrupaPorselenleri,”50–51.
42 tSM,26/4752:Sonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmışavrupaPorselenleri,”54–5.SadberkhanımMuseum,hK243-3306,hK216-3279a-B;Sadberk Hanım Museum,145.averysimilarliddeddish,albeitonaplainyellowbackground,istSM,16/682(1798).
43 Forasaucerandacoffee-cupwiththenamesoftheOttomanambassadortoViennain1791,ratibEbubekirEfendi,andhiswiferefikahanum,inscribedingold,see Bir Reformcu, Şair ve Müzisyen :
143 eighteenth-centuryottomanprincessesascollectors
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Sultan III. Selim Han(Istanbul:IBBKültüra.Ş.,2008),128–9.Seealsoaewer-and-basinsetdated1793(tSM,16/1193,16/1194)andtwojarsdated1795(tSM,16/718,16/717):Sonat,“topkapıSarayıMüzesi’ndekiOsmanlıZevkiyleyapılmışavrupaPorselenleri,”48–9and52–3respectively.
44 See,forexample,aliddedbowl(made1805–27),decoratedwithacityscapeandaseabattle,withapaddle-wheelsteamercarryingaredOttomanflagonawhitebackground,withapinkroseforahandle,intheSadberkhanımMuseum,hK213-3276a-B:Sadberk Hanım Museum,143.
45 Whenthecompanywasreformedandsharesredistributed,thekingownedathirdofthesharesandmostoftheothershareholderswerefromthecircleofMadamedePompadour:SvendEriksenandgeoffreyDeBellaigue,Sèvres Porcelain, Vincennes and Sèvres 1740–1800(london:FaberandFaber,1987),35–6;afterMoiraVincentelli,Women and Ceramics: Gendered Vessels(ManchesterandNewyork:ManchesteruniversityPress,2000),167.FollowingtheFrenchrevolution,theassemblyof1790nationalizedthefactory.
46 Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,168–9.47 EriksenandDeBellaigue,Sèvres
Porcelain, Vincennes and Sèvres 1740–1800,37.
48 EmmanuelCooper,“EuropeanPorcelain:germany,France,Italy,andSpain,Scandinavia,thelowCountriesandrussia,BritainandIreland,”inThe Thousand Years of Pottery(london:TheBritishMuseumPress,2000)(1972,1981,1988),166–70.
49 OnthisseePazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesindeavrupaPorselenleriKoleksi-yonu,”169.
50 SignedbygilbertDrouet,aflowerpainter:Pazı,“topkapıSarayıMüzesinde
avrupaPorselenleriKoleksiyonu,”170,ill.1.
51 Forthegrandvizier’sandthereisülküt-tab’sordersofbowls,platesandtextilesin1803,seeBaşbakanlıkOsmanlıarşivi(hereafterBOa),4 Numaralı Hatt-ı Hümayun Kataloğu,5808/0.
52 MilletKütüphanesi,raşidEfendinr.630/5,113b.SeealsoMauriceherbette,Une Ambassade Turque sous le Directoire(Paris:librairieacadémiqueDidier,1902);ErolÜyepazarcı,trans.,Fransa’da İlk Daimî Türk Elçisi “Moralı Esseyit Ali Efendi” (1797–1802)(Istanbul:Pera,1997),64.
53 EnverZiyaKaral,Halet Efendinin Paris Büyük Elçiliği (1802–1806)(Istanbul:Istanbuluniversitesiyayınları,1940),25–26.Iwasabletolocatethetwodocumentsinquestion:BOa,hat140[5808/O](29/Z/1217);andhat139[5744](05/S/1219)..
54 SeeMichaelrogers,“OttomanluxurytradesandTheirregulation,”inOsmanische Studien zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte. In Memoriam Vanco Boskov,ed.h.g.Mayer(Wiesbaden:harrassowitz,1986),135–55;EdhemEldem,French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century(leiden,Boston,andKöln:Brill,1999);N.Elibol,“XVIII.yüzyıldaOsmanlı-avusturyaticareti”(Ph.D.dissertation,Marmarauniversity,2003);idem,“XVIII.yüzyıldaavusturyatopraklarındaFaaliyetgösterenOsmanlıtüccarları,”Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi15(2004):62–7;idem,“XVI–XVII.yüzyıllardaavusturya’nınDoğuticareti”(forthcoming);idem,“XVI–XVIII.yüzyıllardarumeliveOrtaavrupatopraklarıarasındakiticaretFaaliy-etleriyleİlgiliBazıtespitler,”(forthcom-ing);a.MesutKüçükkalayandNumanElibol,“Osmanlıİmparatorluğunaavrupa’danKarayoluileyapılanİhracatınDeğerlendirilmesi,1795–1809,”Anadolu
Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi4,no.1(2004):29–54;a.MesutKüçükkalay,“İzmirEfrençgümrüğüMukataasınaait1802–1805tarihli15adetDefterinanalizi,”Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi16(güz2004):215–23;idem,“İzmirEfrençgümrüğü’neaitBirİradDefteri’ninanaliziveticaretİlişkinSonuçlar(1797–1799),”Belleten70,no.257(2006):265–88.Seealsoarecentcollectionofarticles,Merchants in the Ottoman Empire,ed.SuraiyaFaroqhiandgillesVeinstein(Paris,louvainandDudley,Mass.:Collectionturcica,2008).
55 C.louiseavery,“EuropeanCeramicsgivenbyr.ThorntonWilson,”The Metropolitan Museum Art Bulletin,n.s., 15,no.9(May1957):192.
56 Forthenewkindoflifetheseprincessespursued,seetülayartan,“Early20thCenturyMapsand18th–19thCenturyCourtrecords:SourcesforaCombinedreconstructionofurbanContinuityontheBosphorus,”Proceedingsofthesymposium“lacittàIslamicaattraversoicatasti.Strumentiperlariconstruzionedelprocessotipologica,”5–7July1991inEnvironmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Center13–14/1993(1996):96–111;eadem,“Eyüp’ünbirDiğerÇehresi:SayfiyeveSahilsaraylar,”inEyüp: Dün / Bugün Sempozyumu Bildirileri 11–12 Aralık 1993(Istanbul:tarihVakfıyurtyayınları,1994);“Boğaziçi’ninÇehresiniDeğiştirenSoyluKadınlarveSultanefendiSarayları,”Istanbul Dergisi3(Oct.1992)(republishedinEnglishas“NobleWomenWhoChangedtheFaceoftheBosphorusandthePalacesoftheSultanas”,Biannual Istanbul1(Jan.1993):87–97;eadem,“atripleWeddingProcessionof1724:urbanFestivalorCourtritual?”,inRoyal Courts and Households,ed.tülayartan,JeroenDuindamandMetinKunt,(leidenandBoston:Brill,forthcoming).
144 tülayartan
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57 Bycontrast,porcelainproducedinMeissen,Vienna,orPariswasdesiredbytheeducatedandwealthyconsumersinEuropewhosoughtafinebutaffordablerangeoftablewares.Theypreferreddecorativeschemeswhichrepresentedtheircontemporaryinterestsratherthanthoseassociatedwiththecourtculture,whichwerethemostrareandcostly.Thus,thetraditionalroleofdisplayingandrepresentingwasnowsharedbytheemergingclasses,thenewbourgeoisie.SeeSarahrichards,“‘atrueSiberia’:artinServicetoCommerceintheDresdenacademyandtheMeissenDrawingSchool,1764–1836,”Journal of Design History11,no.2(1998):112;guntherSterba,Meissen Domestic Porcelain(london:Barrie&Jenkins,1991),48.
58 rabyandyücel,“ChinesePorcelainattheOttomanCourt”.
59 TheothercollectionwasthatofEsadPaşa,governorofSivas,whosesixceladonand3,098Chineseporcelainpieceswereappropriatedbythestatein1759fromhisthreepalacesinSyria.In1684thestateacquired417piecesfromMuazzezSultan,wifeofSüleymanII,andafterthedeathofgevherhanSultan,daughterofSultanIbrahimin1696,244pieceswerereturnedtothetreasury.Seerabyandyücel,“ChinesePorcelainattheOttomanCourt.”
60 Seea.göksel,“The“Surname” of Abdi As a Sample of Old Turkish Prose”(Mathesis,Boğaziçiuniversity,1975),97(49b).
61 allthesurvivingkitchenrecordsofhadiceSultanaredated1743,endingtwomonthsbeforeherdeath.SeeinparticularBOa,D.hSK25713(1155);D.hSK25714(1155).
62 Vak‘anüvisSubhîMehmedEfendi,Subhî Tarihi. Sâmî ve Şâkir Tarihleri ile Birlikte (İnceleme ve Karşılaştırmalı Metin),ed.M.
aydıner(Istanbul:Kitabevi,2008),23(6b).
63 Relation des deux rebellions arrivées à Constantinople en 1730 et 1731 dans la déposition d’Achmet III et l’élévation au trône de Mahomet V, composé sur des mémoires originaux reçus de Constanti-nople(lehaye,1737),16–17.afterMüniraktepe,Patrona İsyanı (1730)(Istanbul:IstanbulÜniversitesiyayınları,1958),139.
64 Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,164–5.65 NeéprincessofSaxony(granddaughterof
augustusIII),shewasmarriedtoCharlesIIIofSpain(r.1759–88),originallyofBourbon,andthentheKingofthetwoSicilies.Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics, 164.
66 agermanprincess(neéSophiaaugustaFrederica)whobecametheEmpressofrussiaafter1762aswifeofPeterIIIofholstein-gottorp.Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,165.
67 MarriedtoKingFrederickV(r.1746–66).Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,165.
68 NeéDuchessSophiaCharlotteofMecklenburg-Strelitz,wifeofgeorgeIII(r.1760–1820).Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,170.
69 McNab,“J.g.heroldandCompany,”15.70 Janineterrasson,Madame de Pompadour
et la création de la “Porcelaine de France”(Fribourg:Officedulivre,1969),30.
71 hadice’srelationshipwithMellingrecallsthatofMadamedePompadourandherdealer.“SheacquiredvastnumbersofsmallartworksmanyofwhichwerepurchasedthroughthedealerlazareDuvauxandwererecordedinhisbooks.attimesshewouldsendlistsofordersonaweeklybasisorevenmorefrequently.Porcelainwasamonghermostcommonpurchases,butoftencombinedwithormolutoaddtoitseffect”:Vincentelli,Women and Ceramics,167.
72 accountsofEuropeansinIstanbulatthetimeinclude(sometimesconflicting)referencestoMelling’sprofessionalassociationwiththeroyalladies:a.Castellan,Lettres sur la Morée, l’Hellespont et Constantinople,tomeII(Paris,1820),lettrexxxviii;J.C.hobhouse,A Journey Through Albania and Other Provinces of Turkey in Europe and Asia to Constanti-nople 1809–1810(london,1813),863;J.-E.Beauvoisins,Notice sur la cour du Grand-Seigneur, son serail, son harem, la famille du sang imperiale, sa maison militaire, etc(Paris,1809[1807]).
73 CornelisBoschmaandJacquesPerot,Antoine-Ignace Melling (1763–1831): Artiste-Voyageur(Paris:MuséeCarnave-let,1991);CornelisBoschmaandZwolleWaanders,Antoine-Ignace Melling, Lettres de Hollande et des villes anséatiques: La correspondance d’un artiste-voyageur avec sa famille à Paris en 1812(Paris:Fonda-tionCustodia,1997).
74 BOa,hh57452(1205).75 antoine-IgnaceMelling,Voyage
pittoresque de Constantinople et des rives de Bosphore. D’après les dessins de M. Melling(Paris,1819).
76 Frederichitzel,“CorrespondenceBetweenantoine-IgnaceMelling(1763–1801)andhaticeSultan”,inProceedings of the International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World 2(Istanbul:IrCICa,2002),221–5.
77 JacquesPerot,Frederichitzel,androbertanhegger,Hatice Sultan ile Melling Kalfa. Mektuplar(Istanbul:tarihVakfıyurtyayınları,2001).
78 “Idon’twantthe[arm]chair(s).Ididnotlikeit.Iwantgildedchairs.Iwantthemassoonastheyarrive”:Perot,hitzel,andanhegger,Hatice Sultan ile Melling Kalfa,53(letter20)and38–39(letters6and7).Forafewexamplesofthesearmchairs,seeC.Cimilli,“III.SelimDöneminde
145 eighteenth-centuryottomanprincessesascollectors
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topkapıSarayharemindeMobilya,”Antik Dekor112(april–May2009),82–91.Inherprobateinventorythereareafewdozengildedchairs(iskemleandsandalye):tSMa,E.8990/1.
79 hewassimultaneouslytheenvoyofDenmarkandSaxony.togetherwithhiseldestson,whowasambitious,pro-French,andindiscreet,tothepointofspreadingrumorsamongtheembassies,hübschservedSultanSelimandhadaccesstootherhighlyplacedOttomans:alexanderh.Degroot,“Dragomans’Careers:TheChangeandStatusinSomeFamiliesConnectedwiththeBritishandDutchEmbassiesatIstanbul,1785–1829,”inFriends and Rivals in the East: Studies in Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Levant from the Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century,ed.alastairhamilton,alexan-derh.Degroot,andMauritsh.VandenBoogfert(leidenandBoston:Brill,2000),238–9.
80 afterM.Çağatayuluçay,Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları(ankara:ttK,1986),105:tSMa,D.10610(1237/1822).
81 Forhadice’sprobateinventories,seetSMa,E.8990/1(1237);saleonJuly22,1822:E.8990/2(3Za1237);saleofitemsthatwerenolongerusableandlistedwiththeestatesofothers:D.7205(1237).Themoneyraisedatauctioncametoatotalof104,038,5guruş,butherstandingdebttoanumberofhercreditorswasfinallypaidbyMahmudIIonSeptember10,1822:tSMa,E.6124(25Zilhicce1237).
82 Inseveralotherprobateinventoriesoftheperiod,Europeanporcelainissortedaccordingtoitsprimarycolors,indicatingoriginallycompleteservices.
83 SeeF.Mügegöçek,EastEncounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century(NewyorkandOxford:OxforduniversityPress,1987),37–44.
84 Forareconstructionofthepalace,seeSedathakkıEldem,Boğaziçi Yalıları. Rumeli YakasıI(Istanbul:VehbiKoçVakfı,1993),76–7.
85 Infact,inoneregisterthereweretwenty-ninechandeliersandinanothersixteen,whichhadnotbeenunboxed,suggestingthattheywerenotmeanttobeusedbuttobekeptascollectibles.TheunprecentednumberofportraitsofMustafaIIIandSelimIII,oilpaintingsinratherunusualdimensions,suggeststhattheyweregiftsfromthesultansinquestiontotheroyalladiesandweremeanttobehungonwalls.OnesuchportraitwasreturnedtothetopkapıPalaceafterthedeathofŞahSultan:Bir Reformcu, Şair ve Müzisyen,104–5.
86 Fora1793Bahnâme(BookofPornogra-phy)illustratingEuropeanfurnitureinanIstanbulbrothel,seeChristie’s,london,June18,1998,lot189.Theillustrationsareextraordinarilynovelanddetailedandtheluxuriousbrothelinquestionappearsstrikinglyà la mode,itsdecorrelatingtopalaceinteriors.
87 ÖzgeSamancı,“CulinaryConsumptionPatternsoftheOttomanEliteduringtheFirsthalfofthe19thcentury,”inThe Illuminated Table, the Prosperous House, Food and Shelter in the Ottoman Material Culture,ed.SuraiyaFaroqhiandChristophNeumann(Würzburg:ErgonVerlagWürzburg,2003),161–84.Foralistoffoodstuffsallocatedtohadicefromtheimperialkitchens,seeBOa,KK7253,55a(7Muharrem1201).
88 tSMa,E.8990/2(3Za1237).89 ForEsma’sandBeyhan’sestates,see
tSMa,D.413(1264),D.2656(1264/1848)andD.2646(1240/1824)respectively.
90 Fordragoman,diplomatandwriterIgnatiusMouradgead’Ohsson’saccountofWesternfurnituresuchaschests,console-tables,lustres,chandeliersand
tablesinuseinimperialpalaces,seeF.M.göçek,Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change(NewyorkandOxford:OxforduniversityPress,1996),40.
91 ElizabethKowaleski-Wallace,Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the Eighteenth Century(Newyork:ColumbiauniversityPress,1996),54.SeealsoBethKowaleski-Wallace,“Women,ChinaandConsumerCultureinEighteenth-CenturyEngland,”Eigh-teenth-Century Studies29,no.2(1996):153–67.
92 Kowaleski-Wallace,Consuming Subjects,54.
93 tSMa,D.10610(1237/1822).Incontrast,numeroushouseholdaccountsofŞah,Beyhan,hibetullah,andEsmadosurvive.
94 Schnapper,arguingagainstthesystematicanduncriticalapplicationoftheinterpre-tationthatallprincelyacts,includingaccumulatingorcollectingartandcuriosities,celebrategloryandpoweraswellasdecoratinglifeandhousehold,proposestostudythemeaningofprincelycollectionsintheframeworkofdynastiesandterritorialunits,toexaminetherealitiesofspecificcases,andtorecognizetheimportanceofdifferentconditionsandthetemperamentsofeachcollector:antoineSchnapper,“TheKingofFranceasCollectorintheSeventeenthCentury,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History17,no.1.TheEvidence of Art: Images and Meaning Meaning in History(Summer,1986):187–8.
95 JeffreyMunger,“germanandaustrianPorcelainintheEighteenthCentury,”Heilbrun Timeline of Art History(Newyork:MetropolitanMuseumofart,2003).
96 leoraauslander,Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France(Berkeley:universityofCaliforniaPress,1996).Forbanquetscenesandtablesettingsfrom
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seventeenth-andeighteenth-centuryEuropeanpalaces,seeStefanBursche,Tafelzier des Barock(Munich:EditionsSchneider,1974);PhilippePerrot, Le Luxe: Une richesse entre faste et confort, XVIIIe-XIXe siècle(Paris:Seuil,1995);lorenzSeelig,“DrinkingVesselsandDisplayPlattersforCourtlytablesandBuffets,”“lateBaroqueWall-MountedBuffetsinBerlinandDresden,”and“TheEighteenth-CenturyDinnerService,”inSilver and Gold: Courtly Spendour from Augsburg(Munich:PrestelPublications,1995),15–21,31–38,43–49;andDanielroche,A History of Everyday Things: The Birth of Consumption in France, 1600–1800(Cambridge:CambridgeuniversityPress,2000),54–78.
97 asamatteroffact,hadice’sporcelainsthatwereputupforauctionwerenotcompletetablesets,oreventeaorcoffeesets.Itisapitythatnorecordofherbridalgiftsandtrousseauof1786,repeatedlymentionedinageneralwayindocumentspertainingtohermarriage,hassofarbeenlocated.
98 PalmiraFontesdaCosta,“TheCultureofCuriosityattheroyalSocietyintheFirsthalfoftheEighteenthCentury,”Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London56(2002):147.OntherelationshipbetweenluxuryandcuriosityseealsoNeilMcKendrick,JohnBrewerandJ.haroldPlumb,The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England(london:hutchinson,1982);ChristopherJ.Berry,The Idea of Luxury: A Conceptual and Historical Investigation(Cambridge:CambridgeuniversityPress,1994).
99 Johnayers,“Introduction,”inKrahl,Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapı Palace, 1:16.
100Perot,hitzel,andanhegger,Hatice Sultan ile Melling Kalfa, 47.
101Melling,Voyage pittoresque.
102Ibid.103MellinghimselfmentionsBaşağa’s
oppositiontohisactivities.SelimIII’sestrangementisgleanedfromadailyjour-nal:Semaarıkan,III. Selim’in Sırkatibi Ahmet Efendi Tarafından Tutulan Rûznâme(ankara:ttK,1993).
104amisogyniststatesman,historian,andlegist,ahmedCevdetPaşa(1822–1895)wasforemostincastigatingOttomanprincessesforconspicuousconsumptionandforthecollapseofthetreasury:Tezâkir13–20(ankara:ttK,1986).Forastudyofaspendthriftprincess,uncriti-callyreflectingahmedCevdet’sviews,seealiakyıldız,Mümin ve Müsrif Bir Padişah Kızı. Refia Sultan(Istanbul:tarihVakfıyurtyayınları,1998).Ironically,bothofahmedCevdet’sdaughters,Fatmaaliye(topuz)(1862–1936)andEmineSemiye(1864–1944),rosetofameaswritersandnovelists,andarecountedamongthefirstOttomanfeminists.
105MilletKütüphanesialiEmirî677/1737:azizBerker,“MoraİhtilâlitarihçesiveyaPenahEfendiMecmuası,”Tarih Vesikaları2,nos.7–12(1942–3):63–80,153–60,228–40,309–20,385–400,473–80.heclaimedthatporcelain(fincanandtabak)producedinaustriawasnolongerasgoodasithadbeen.(Thisobservationintheearly1770sisnoteworthyasarealisticappraisalofthedecliningqualityofViennaware.)IfKütahyaproductionhadbeensubsidizedandsupportedbyothermeansatthedisposalofthestate,heargued,ceramicsofsuperiorqualitycouldhavebeenproduced.heassertedthatthesecouldevenhaveequaledthoseofIndia,becauseKütahyarawmaterialsweresuperiortothoseofaustriaandIndia:ibid.,399–400,478.
106hefocusedespeciallyonthosecapableanddesirousofspendingconsiderablesumsonluxuryfursandtextiles:ibid.,”475.SeealsoyavuzCezar,“Osmanlı
aydınıSüleymanPenahEfendi’ninSosyal,EkonomikveMaliKonulardakigörüşveÖnerileri,”Toplum ve Bilim42(Summer1988):116.
107Karal,Halet Efendinin Paris Büyük Elçiliği,33.
108Meanwhileyusufağa(betterknownasValideSultanKethüdası)servedEsmaSultantheyounger,forwhomseetülayartan,“PeriodsandProblemsofOttoman(Women’s)PatronageontheViaEgnatia,”inVia Egnatia Under Ottoman Rule, 1380–1699(rethymnon:universityofCretePublications,1996),19–43.
109abu-Manneh,Studies on Islam,11;Mehmeda.yalçınkaya,The First Permanent Ottoman Embassy in Europe: The Embassy of Yusuf Agah Efendi to London (1793–1797)(Istanbul:ISISPress,2010).
110DespitehisSufibackground,ImamBirgivî(d.1573)appearsinmodernlitera-tureasasharia-mindedanti-Sufi.Curiously,heiseitherseenashavingalong-lastinginfluenceonthosewhoresistedOttomanmodernization,orasforeshadowingtrendswhicharecharacteristicofmodernityinreligion:rudolpPeters,“religiousattitudestowardsModernizationintheOttomanEmpire:aNineteenthCenturyPioustextonSteamships,Factoriesandthetelegraph,”Welt Des Islams26(1986):76–105;gottfriedhagen,“afterword,”inrobertDankoff,An Ottoman Mentality: The World of Evliya Çelebi (leidenandBoston:Brill,2004),215–56.
111KemalBeydilli,Türk Bilim ve Matbaacılık Tarihinde Mühendishane-Mühendishane Matbaası ve Kütüphanesi (1776–1826)(Istanbul:Erenyayıncılık,1995),145,255–56.Foracriticofthestaterecom-mendingRisale-i Birgivîtothesoldiers,seeÇağman,III. Selim’e Sunulan Islahat Lâyihaları,49.
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112E.Kowaleski-Wallace,Consuming Subjects,58.
113Ibid.,67.114Ibid.,53.SeealsolauraBrown,Ends of
Empire: Women and Ideology in Early Eighteenth-Century English Literature(Ithaca:CornelluniversityPress,1993).
115Ontheotherhand,inthelightofstudiesbyShammasandWeatherill,Kowaleski-Wallacearguedthat“itmaywellbethecasethatmencollectedchina,whilewomenactuallyuseditonawiderscale”:Kowaleski-Wallace,Consuming Subjects,57–8.SeealsolornaWeatherill,“aPossessionofOne’sOwn:WomenandConsumerBehaviourinEngland,1660–1740,”Journal of British Studies25(1986):131–56;eadem,Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660–1770(Cambridge,1988);CaroleShammas,The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America(Oxford:OxforduniversityPress,1990).
116ForsuchrumoursinvolvingEsmatheElder,seeMemoirs of Baron de Tott, Containing the State of the Turkish Empire and the Crimea, during the Late War with Russia. With Numerous Anecdotes, Facts, and Observations, on the Manners and customs of the Turks and Tartars(london:g.g.J.andJ.robinson,Pater-Nosterrow,1785).EsmaSultantheyoungerwasanotherprincesswhowasmuchgossippedabout:seeadolphusSlade,Turkey and the Turks and a Cruise in the Black Sea(Newyork,1854),548.Seealsoartan,“PeriodsandProblemsofOttoman(Women’s)PatronageontheViaEgnatia,”38–42.
117Kowaleski-Wallace,Consuming Subjects,65–8.
118tülayartan,“FormsandForumsofExpression:İstanbulandBeyond,1600–1800,”inThe Ottoman World,ed.ChristineWoodhead(londonandNewyork:routledge,2011).
