Cultural Vitality Franco Bianchini

8/12/2019 Cultural Vitality Franco Bianchini

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The Creative CityWorking Paper 3: Indicators of a Creative City

A Methodology for Assessing

Urban Viability and Vitality

Franco Bianchini and Charles Landry

Charles Landry, Franco Bianchini & Comedia

ISBN 1 873667 90 6

May 1994

Published by Comedia

The Round, Bournes Green, Nr Stroud

Glos. GL6 7NL

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or

transmitted, in any form or by means, elelctronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical,

photocopying,recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Comedia

Contents

I. Introduction

1

II. The components of a creative city

II.1 What is a city?

2

II.2 Edge of town

3

II.3 Outer areas

5

II.4 The suburbs

6

II.5 The inner city

7

II.6 The city centre

9

II.6a A communication hub


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COMEDIA Viability and Vitality Discussion Paper 1994 2

10

II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place

11

II.6c Neutral territory

11

II.6d The key location for the public realm

12

II.6e The importance of a critical mass

12

II.6f Administrative and political hub

13

II6g The substantial presence of educational facilities

13

III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality

III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies

14

III.2 Our approach

15

III.2a Conceptual tools16

III.2b The notion of cultural resources

16

III.2c Creativity and creative thinking

17

III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality

18

III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality

19

III.2f The connection between viability and vitality

20

IV. Criteria for viability and vitality

21

IV.1 Critical mass

21

IV.2 Diversity


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23

IV.3 Accessibility

24

IV.4 Security

25

IV.5 Identity and distinctiveness

26

IV.6 Innovativeness

27

IV.7 Linkage & Synergy

28

IV.8 Competitiveness

30IV.9 Organizational capacity

31

V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing vitality

and viability

V.1 Data sources

32V.2 Comparability

34

V.3 Proportion and extent of attributes

35

V.4 Specificity of local context

36

V.5 Dynamic nature of cities

36

V.6 Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data

37

V.7 Weighting

39

VI. Possible indicators of urban viability and vitality

39

VI.1 Background data

40


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VI.2 Critical mass

41

VI.3 Diversity

41

VI.4 Accessibility

42

VI.5 Security

43

VI.6 Identity and distinctiveness

43

VI.7 Innovativeness

44

VI.8 Linkage & Synergy44

VI.9 Competitiveness

44

VI.10 Organizational capacity, participation, consultation

45

VI.11 Implications

46

Bibliography & Acknowledgments

I. Introduction

This paper has one central objective.

To establish a system of indicators to assess the 'health' of

cities in Britain which are more sophisticated than those

currently in existence.

Although the value of creativity for self-expression is recognized, the chief

purpose of acting creatively in urban policy-making must be to achieve

vitality in a city and harness it towards long-term viability. The criteria and

indicators proposed for urban viability and vitality are means to assess to

what extent a city is creative and how its creativity potential might develop

over time.


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In Working Paper 2, Ebert, Gnad and Kunzmann outline a range of

preconditions for establishing a 'creative city'. These include the presence of

universities and research institutes; an open socio-political milieu; a critical

mass of cultural activities and facilities; strong civic identity and pride; and

the availability of land for the establishment of innovative urban

development projects. This paper proposes a different way of categorizing

these preconditions.

Importantly, it is possible, simply by enhancing the quality of strategic

research and creative thinking in local authority and government policy-

making, to raise the levels of urban viability and vitality, because much can

be done by reconceptualizing problems and having the courage to takeinnovative initiatives. Strategic interventions in this area do not always

require large investments.

In Section One we define what constitutes a city and examine the key

characteristics of its components and parts: the city centres, the suburbs, the

inner city, outer areas and edge of town.

In Section Two we proceed to review the theoretical premises and themethods used by the majority of urban 'quality of life' studies, which are an

important category in the various existing types of assessment of the health

of cities.

Section Three clarifies the conceptual tools we use, which include

definitions of 'cultural resources', 'creativity and creative thinking', and

'viability and vitality'. This section also highlights the role of creative

thinking in making connections between vitality and viability.

Section Four establishes a range of criteria against which indicators of urban

viability and vitality can be judged.

Section Five describes available data sources and raises some

methodological questions associated with the use of this data.

Section Six outlines a series of indicators of urban viability and vitality listed

under each of the criteria identified in Section Four.


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The concluding section discusses how the indicators could be used and

some general implications for planners and urban policy-makers deriving

from our research.

II. The components of a creative city

II.1. What is a city?

A city is a complex and multi faceted entity. It can be described as:

An economic structure - an economy;

A community of people - a society;

A designed environment - an artefact;

A natural environment - an ecosystem;

An economy, a society, an artefact and an ecosystem governed

by an agreed set of political rules - a polity.

It is thus essential to consider not only the economic aspects of urban

viability and vitality, but also the social, cultural, environmental and

political aspects. The discipline of creative thinking is required to see the

interconnections between and the potential of these different spheres. For

practical purposes we have included the political dimension under the

social.

There are also clear functional differences between different parts of a city.

It is difficult to identify a typology of zones which can be applied to all of

the larger cities. However, commonly there are five fairly distinct areas.

These are: the city centre; the inner city areas surrounding it; the residential

suburbs; the outer residential and industrial areas; and edge of town. Each

of the five has identifiable functions and, in principle, creativity potential.

Smaller urban centres such as market towns, some historic towns, seaside

resorts, new towns and smaller industrial towns tend to have only three

distinct areas - the centre, the suburbs and edge of town.


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Let us now consider the charecteristics of the five areas, working from the

periphery to the centre

II.2 Edge of town

The edge of town has traditionally been used for traffic infrastructure as

well as greenbelt areas, country parks and some industrial, distribution and

public utility functions - ranging from industrial parks to water treatment

plants and waste dumps. Given the good accessibility of these areas they

have over the last fifteen years, particularly in densely populated regions,

become a favoured site for out-of-town shopping and leisure centres

competing directly with city centre facilities.

The potential of these locations depends on the planning regime governing

them. In greenbelt areas scope for development is severely limited by

planning restrictions. On the other hand there are redundant edge of town

industrial areas where planning procedures have been simplified and

relaxed in order to encourage development, such as in enterprise zones.

This - coupled with the availability of space - means that, in principle, it is

possible to build afresh on a large scale. Out-of-town shopping centresstarted with the provision of bulk goods such as car components, white

goods, carpets, furniture and DIY, moving rapidly into food and then into

comparison shopping such as clothes, records and books. Similarly, leisure

facilties started from tenpin bowling or ice rinks to widen into multiplex

cinemas, restaurants, pubs and night clubs.

New strategically important facilities can be also created such as science

and technology parks, as, for example, in Montpellier. Sometimes it is

possible to experiment with new architecture and materials - one example is

Stockley Park near Heathrow Airport, a location for advanced services and

high tech industrial firms housed in innovative buildings in a well

landscaped environment. Often what can be built in areas such as this

would not be allowed anywhere else in the city. However, some of the most

successful experiments have become prototypes for new buildings even in

city centres. These edge of town sites are more easily controlled and

managed due to their physical isolation and purpose built nature. Generally


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it is simpler than in other parts of cities to contain maintenance costs and

problems such as vandalism.

People go to these areas when they have a specific purpose such as

shopping, leisure or work. They tend to be fairly monofunctional - there are

no schools, no libraries, no public administration functions and no

churches, for example. They are generally not places where unplanned and

spontaneous activities or chance meetings can take place. The scale of edge

of town also means that they are too large to be intimate - not easily

walkable nor are they felt to be safe and attractive in the evening, mainly

because virtually nobody lives there and thus there is no natural

surveillance. Large expanses of tarmac for carparking and roads give these

areas an impersonal and somewhat alienating air.

Although these areas are easily accessible by car, public transport provision

is often insufficient, thus restricting access to those with cars. The elderly,

children and those without may therefore effectively be excluded.

The trend is slowly to replicate more typically urban functions in these

areas, such as doctor's surgeries and libraries, and to create alternative and

well-policed cities, overwhelmingly devoted to consumption. While therecan be islands of creativity, for instance in science parks, creative potential

is limited by insufficient face-to-face interaction, lack of density, insufficient

diversity of facilities and functions, and generally the social lack of

homogeneity of this area's users.

II.3 Outer areas

Outer areas are often used as a location for housing. They differ from edge

of town mainly because their main function is to be a location for houses.

These can be either low density or high rise blocks, mainly built by local

authorities to 'decant' working class families previously resident in high

density inner urban areas, sometimes in the vicinity of new locations for

manufacturing industry. They often contain light industrial plants - often

less high tech and 'dirtier' than in edge of town areas - and/or distribution

infrastructures. With the shift from manufacturing to services, many of

these places are being turned into sites for 'cleaner' business parks or

shopping and leisure facilities especially in metropolitan areas. Typical


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areas include the peripheral housing estates of Glasgow, Newcastle and

Edinburgh, Kirkby and Speke on Merseyside, Blackbird Leys near Oxford

and Ely near Cardiff.

These areas are generally characterized by low incomes, high

unemployment, poor levels of skills and educational qualifications, low car

ownership, degraded environments and related social problems - ranging

from drug addiction to domestic violence and crime, the poor health of the

inhabitants linked to diet and lifestyle. The provision of public transport,

shops, public spaces, leisure and cultural facilities is seriously deficient.

As a consequence, leisure is predominantly home based with high usage of

videos and satellite TV. Youth is often bored and congregate in the streets,often engaging in vandalism and anti-social activities such as joyriding.

Criminality flourishes, often under the control of organized gangs - and so

does the informal economy. Many of these places feel forgotten by agencies

such as social services providers, the education system and even the police.

As a result, political participation tends to be very low. Those with

aspirations for social mobility tend to move out as soon as an opportunity

arises, thus reinforcing the vicious circle in which these places are trapped.

However, in the face of adversity these areas have often generated their

own strengths. There is in many cases a strong sense of local identity and

community, with networks of self help, credit unions and community

businesses. Innovation is often present: In the arts (for example, in the form

of rock groups, photography, writing and theatre groups), in the local

economy (for instance, through community business and self-managed

forms of training) and in the voluntary sector (for example, in the areas of

housing managment and environmental improvements).

Their overall creativity potential, in short, is weakened by a high degree of

monfunctionalism, physical isolation, lack of inward investment from

public and private sources, lack of local disposable income, poor image, fear

of crime and the constant leakage of local talent.

II.4 The suburbs


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The development of suburban areas is closely linked with increases in

mobility either by public transport or by car. Most suburbs were built in the

course of this century and follow transport routes, be they roads,

underground or railway lines. Sometimes new developments welded

together into a conurbation older villages with their own churches, pubs,

shops, historic houses and other landmarks and facilities. This is why some

suburbs have maintained local hearts, with a sub-terranean memory of

separate and distinct identities. This is particularly, but not exclusively, the

case for older, inner suburban areas which historically have been favoured

by professional strata. More recently they have become socially

heterogeneous with an influx of immigrants or students and in some cases

the flight of professionals to rural areas. They are interspersed at times with

facilities, including family hotels or university halls of residence. In manycases outer suburban areas tend to be newer, more socially homogeneous

and tend to be favoured by skilled workers and their families. These areas

tend to be less well served by shops and public transport and as a

consequence are more isolated.

Suburbs are characterized by relatively high income, educational and skills

levels and car ownership. They are very convenient bases for getting in and

out of the city. While their own retailing and leisure may be modest, butnevertheless better than in outer areas, their inhabitants are mobile enough

and close enough both to the city centre and edge of town to easily access

facilities located there.

On the other hand, this 'in between' location may be characterized by a

certain characterlessness and amorphousness. Some aspects of the local

public realm, both indoor (cafes and pubs) and outdoor (squares) are

underdeveloped, while others, such as parks and libraries, are usually

present. An increasingly socially diverse environment and high degrees of

mobility common to middle class families and students mean that it is

difficult for stable communities to emerge. This can result in atomization

and a certain alienation.

Suburban creativity exists, but is often the creativity of individuals, fostered

through a supportive environment in terms of schools, money and parental

encouragement. As a spatial entity, though, the suburbs lack sufficient

diversity of uses (they tend to be dominated by housing), density,


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availability of cheap buildings and land for creative uses, and opportunities

for face-to-face interaction and collective celebrations to be self-generating

hubs of creativity. Although often there are high levels of participation in

voluntary activities, these are in many cases not locally based. Therefore

there is a shortage of opportunities for people to engage in the development

of territorially based activities, which may in time lead to clearer suburban

identities.

II.5 The inner city

The genesis of inner city areas varies according to the specific history of a

town. They usually form a ring around the city centre. In most case they are

characterized by a mixture of decaying elegant residential areas, originallyused by the local bourgeoisie; working class terraced housing, often in

proximity to industrial establishments and ports; public housing, often high

rise; amenities created in the Victorian period, such as parks, libraries and

museums; a variety of worshipping places for different faiths; shopping

areas catering mainly for the needs of local communities; and inner ring

roads and other traffic infrastructures dissecting them, often created in the

postwar period.

Their populations in many cases have decreased substantially over the last

two decades, although there are recent signs of a reversal of this trend.

Nowadays residents typically include some of the original working class

inhabitants, predominantly Afro-Caribbean and Asian immigrants,

students, and younger professionals moving into gradually gentrifying

enclaves.

Their economy consists of small scale, craft based industries which have so

far survived the recent processes of economic restructuring, but are still

struggling; elements of local retailing interspersed with some specialist and

independent shops, attracted to the area by low rents; universities and

educational establishments and a lively 'informal economy' sector.

The inner city is characterized by social, economic and racial polarization.

The cityscape bears the scars of low-income social groups, unemployment,

poverty and social deprivation, with occasional pockets of high-earners and

gentrification. Such contrasts can result in tensions, conflicts and crime.


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On the other hand, it is not difficult to glimpse the creativity potential of

these areas, with their strong character; attractive historic buildings and

streets; cosmopolitan and multicultural mix; often interesting shops (which

have either disappeared elsewhere or could not be set up anew in the city

centre); the availability of redundant buildings and land for innovative

projects, which can be financed through urban regeneration initiatives; the

presence of universities and other educational establishments, and the large

number of students as both consumers and producers for cultural and

social activities.

Perhaps cosmopolitan values could be the key strength of inner city areas.

They are expressed in restaurants, nightclubs, street markets, local shopsand manufacturing enterprises. Immigrant cultures can bring with them

energy, entrepreneurial skills and flair, fresh ideas, challenges and different

cultural perspectives that can contribute to re-thinking how the city works

and what it has to offer.

If you add to this the accessibility of city centre facilities of all kinds, these

areas can clearly be seen as potential creative hubs for the reinvention of the

city as a whole.

On the other hand there is the risk that inner city areas become closed

ghettoes, when one immigrant community is overwhelmingly predominant

and is discriminated against by the majority of residents of residents in

other parts of the city.

II.6 The city centre

City centres are places where a wide variety of activities take place. They

are places where people live, work, shop, have fun, relax, learn. They thus

could be, if they work well, the crucial part, the hub, the heart, the engine of

any city. If the city centre does not function properly it is likely that the city

as a whole will not perform effectively. In reality the potential of the city

centre is hindered by a series of structural trends.

The first is the commercialization of land markets and land use, which has

grown in strength with the weakening of powers and resources of local


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authorities. Land sales and more relaxed planning regimes have led to a

situation in which lower value uses and functions, such as independent

shops and housing, have been pushed out. As a result, city centres are now

dominated by retail and office uses, producing an erosion of the public

realm and a decline in public and social life in the evenings and at

weekends. In addition both office and retailing uses are dominated by large

companies (for example, approximately 80% of shops in Britain are

controlled by multiples in contrast to 26% in Italy), which impose

standardized architectural and design styles so that every city centre tends

to look the same.

The second trend is the dispersal of some city centre office, shopping and

public administration functions to out of town locations, because of theneed for car parking, for space for expansion and, in the case of local

authorities, to realize profits by the sale of city centre buildings. These new

out of town shopping centres and business parks now threaten the viability

and vitality of city centres with strong competition.

The third, and longstanding, trend is loss of population, which has reduced

the mix of city centre uses and exacerbated the problems of relative

deadness and lack of safety at night. This trend is only now slowly beingreversed with the provision of mainly sheltered housing, student

accommodation and fashionable flats for higher income groups in city

centres.


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Nevertheless there are signs that awareness of the potential

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Semibold;}{\f29\fnil\fcharsmuting, the emergence of electronic cottages in

the countryside and the decentralization of many data processing

operations. A threat is posed by the decentralization to greenfield sites

outside the city of key centres for the knowledge industries such as scienceparks, research institutes and universities. These centres have often

developed their own communications networks across the world.

The city centre, nevertheless, still has considerable advantages over other

locations as a focus not only for shopping, social and recreational activities,

but also for other economic activities involving the handling of rare and

expensive information. One well known example is that of the

telecommunications highways linking city centre locations in the majorworld financial capitals.

Being a communications hub is one of the most important conditions for

gathering the information and knowledge required to develop creative

solutions to urban problems.

II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place

At its best the city centre can encapsulate and crystallise the essence of a

city. It is in the centre where the uniqueness of a city's history, culture and

architecture is usually most manifest, although it must be recognized that it

is the values of dominant elites, both economically and politically, that tend

to be expressed in the built environment of city centres rather than those of

low income citizens whose culture might be the real soul and spice of the

city. However, the centre often has a special meaning for residents and

visitors alike, and occupies a special place in collective memory. The


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complaint that each city or city centre now looks the same has become a

clich and that is why concern about the redifferentiation and authenticity

of cities and city centres has emerged with considerable force. The layers of

history embodied in a place, its distinctiveness and authenticity, are some

of the raw materials which can be turned into creative responses.

II.6c Neutral territory

The city centre potentially represents a place for commonality, where some

form of common identity and spirit of place could be created - to counteract

the dangers of spatial segregation by social class - and where people of

different ages, social classes, ethnic and racial groups and lifestyles could

mix and mingle in informal and unplanned ways, more easily than in thesuburbs or in outer areas, which are frequently highly differentiated and

socially stratified.

The city centre as a 'neutral territory' is, therefore, important for the

development of creative ideas, because it is both an area where people feel

comfortable and relaxed and yet at the same time stimulated and

challenged by contact with an environment that is more socially

heterogeneous than normally experienced. The city centre at its best canfunction as a showcase for creative ideas and activities generated in all

parts of the city.

II.6d The key location for the public realm

The city centre is generally the place where the majority of public facilities

are agglomerated, ranging from museums to cafes, public squares, cinemas,

pubs, restaurants, theatres and libraries. Despite recent trends towards the

privatization of public space. The public realm is important for the

development of creativity because it allows people to go beyond their own

circle of family, professional and social relations. The idea of the public

realm is bound up with the ideas of discovery, of expanding one's horizons,

of the unknown, of surprise, of experiment and of adventure.


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II.6e The importance of critical mass

Certain facilities and services (in the fields of education, retailing, leisure

and culture as well as types of business reliant on personal contact and a

range of highly differentiated and specialized skills) need to achieve a

critical mass of users and clients in order to be economically viable. For

example, note the role city centre public libraries still play, not just for the

provision of books, but also for record and video loans as well as for

photocopying, room hire and special events. By contrast, suburban or outer

area branch library facilities simply cannot justify such a range of services.

The density of facilities and services in city centres can also contribute to

creating cross support between activities where, for example, the cultural

and entertainments economy supports parts of the retailing and hoteleconomy and vice versa.

For example, the quantity and quality of shops that can be found in a city

centre is difficult to replicate in another location. The variety of shops

include important anchor stores, such as department stores and shopping

malls, which attract a broad range of customers in large numbers. This

critical mass of shoppers provides a passing trade capable of sustaining

specialist retailers. These might range from jazz record shops to cheesesuppliers.

Critical mass encourages creative thinking by providing choice, competition

and potential economic viability for innovative activities. The stimulus of

competition is particularly important to push the barriers of thinking

further.

II.6f Administrative and political hub

The administrative and political functions of cities are usually located in the

city centre. These functions may relate to local, regional or national levels.

One of the advantages of having public policy decision-making centres

present in the city is that it might be easier to involve key politicians and

officers in the often time-consuming, complex and tortuous process of

developing creative urban responses.

II.6g The substantial presence of educational facilities


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The expanded higher education sector has been one of the most important

actors in the re-use of buildings located in city centres across Europe, in

spite of the fact that some universities are being built today in greenfield

sites on the edge of town. The implications of this for the creative city are

threefold. First, a new public sphere of cafes, meeting places, bookshops

and cultural venues has emerged or been consolidated. Secondly, the newer

universities especially have been keen to enter into a dialogue with the local

authorities and local business and more generally to be part of the civic

network. Thirdly, local business has often profited in terms of technological

innovation from the presence of universities and research centres, in some

cases located in city centres.


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III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality

III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies

The liveability of cities is determined by the extent to which they are viable

and vital places to live in. Vitality provides the raw materials, the often

unfocused energy, the force which through creative thinking and strategies

can be harnessed to achieve a city that by being self-sustaining, responsive

to external challenges and self-generating becomes viable.

Existing studies of urban quality of life inevitably touch on issues of

viability and vitality. These studies - often leading to the compilation of

rankings of cities - focus largely on variables such as crime and publicorder; health provision; life expectancy; pollution and traffic levels; cost of

living; provision of shopping facilities; racial harmony; scenic quality;

climate; quality and cost of housing; unemployment levels; employment

prospects; wage levels; educational, recreational and cultural facilities;

travel to work times; transport provision; political stability and political

participation.

Without entering into a discussion of the methodology of this tradition ofstudies one can argue that there is nothing distinctly urban about any of the

variables listed above. Such studies measure what a place has to offer to

individual residents and visitors, usually through the analysis of relevant

data and through opinion surveys used to weigh the relative importance of

each variable. Yet the same data could be analysed and the same surveys

could be carried out for the purpose of measuring quality of life in a rural

area, in a region or in a country. In other words, quality of life studies

generally fail to provide an indication of how people relate to the city as a

collective entity and of the peculiarities of the urban experience in different

localities. Such studies also fail to recognize the multi-faceted nature of

cities embodied in the five interconnected spheres noted above, and tend to

view towns and cities almost as competing department stores in which

goods (the various quality of life variables) are displayed in standardized

and neatly separated compartments.

We believe that existing studies are of limited use to policy makers, because

all they do is to provide a quantitative decription of the existing


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comparative advantages and disadvantages of cities. The most likely use

policy-makers can make of this type of study in the inter-urban competition

game is to display more prominently their city's strengths and attempt to

conceal their weaknesses. In short, they provide a picture of the

consequences of what has already happened, rather than an identification

of the possible resources, obstacles and underlying dynamics one has to

work with to maximize potential and achieve a vital and viable city.

Quality of life studies provide essentially a snapshot of the current

situation, though often complemented and enriched by longitudinal time

series data; they tell you where you are in relation to other cities, but not

what to do with comparative strengths and weaknesses.

III.2 Our approach

By contrast, the approach proposed here focuses on the detail of local

specificities rather than on standardized data. It starts from the assumption

that each city has its own unique potential which must be identified,

preserved, valued and strategically exploited in a responsible manner. It is

developmental and dynamic rather than static; it is based on the analysis of

what has happened in the past and of the present situation, but seeks toprefigure potential futures through a methodology in five stages which can

be summarized as follows:

The clarification of the conceptual tools to be used.

The analysis of relevant trends and data as contextual factors.

The identification of potential resources, obstacles,

opportunities and problems.

The processing of this information through creative thinking.

The drawing of a set of conclusions which are meant to aid the

development strategies.

This is the process which we have followed to select the criteria for urban

vitality and viability as well as the specific indicators we propose below.


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The first stage of our approach, however, explains the philosophical

premises of our work and as such it deserves detailed elaboration.

III.2a Conceptual tools

Our experience suggests that four concepts are central to the development

of new indicators of the development of urban vitality and viability. They

are:

'cultural resources' as an example of often neglected urban

potential;

'creativity' and 'creative thinking' as instruments throughwhich urban potential can imaginatively be identified and

maximized;

'viability' and 'vitality' themselves;

III.2b The notion of cultural resources

A broad definition of cultural resources is proposed below. It encompassesthe following elements:

1. The creativity and ingenuity of local people.

2. Historical, artistic, archaeological and anthropological

heritage, including accents and dialects.

3. Internal and external perceptions of the city, which are

constituted by the interaction of media images, 'conventional

wisdom', descriptions of the city in tourist guides and travel

literature and cultural representations of the city - for example,

how the city has been portrayed in popular songs, myths,

jokes, writing, films and painting.

4. The repertoire of specific local products and skills in crafts,

manufacturing industry and services.


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5. Built form, architectural heritage and urban landscapes,

landmarks and amenities, such as park systems, waterfronts

and topography.

6. The attractiveness and legibility of the city's public spaces.

7. The diversity in the provision, and quality of, shopping,

cultural, leisure, eating, drinking and entertainment facilities.

8. Local traditions of public social life, civic traditions, festivals

and rituals.

9. Hobbies and enthusiasms, voluntary and amateur activities.

10. Occupational, youth and ethnic subcultures.

11. The range and quality of skills in the pre-electronic media,

such as the performing and visual arts and also in such

contemporary 'cultural industries' as film, video, broadcasting,

photography electronic music, publishing, design and fashion.

12. The institutions and skills involved in the management and

development of local talent and ideas and for the distribution

and marketing of products and services in the fields listed

above.

As we can see cultural resources are the skills and creativity of local people,

the concrete manifestations of people's work (buildings, manufactured

products, artefacts) and more intangible, yet significant qualities such as

social milieu, people's memory and the reputation of the place. These three

types of cultural resources can be exploited in different ways and require

different kinds of intervention.

For example, a city administration could aim to establish an organic

connection between creative people and the local authority itself, for

example through initiatives like the National Ideas Summit organized by

the Australia Council. The involvement of innovators can be important not

only in the phase of ideas generation but also in the implementation phase


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for example by involving artists in an urban design team or entrepreneurs

in an economic development team.

III.2c Creativity and creative thinking

Creativity is an important resource for change, innovation, sustainable

development, visioning, forecasting and successful restructuring. The pace

of urban change is quickening, and increasing urban competition requires

urban leaders and decision-makers to be more and more creative.

Creativity is an overused concept, often applied to things which are not

creative at all (for instance, any imitative or stereotyped literary work can

be called, by convention, 'creative writing').

In our view genuine creativity involves experimentation; originality; the

capacity to rewrite rules; to be unconventional; to think a problem afresh,

from first principles, with a new perspective; to visualize and imagine

future scenarios and solutions to problems; to discover common threads

amid diversity; to look at problems laterally and with flexibility. It is these

modes of thinking that encourage innovation and development. Creativity

is an instrument for maximising the possibilities of any given situation,product or medium and of adding value and meaning to the results of

human endeavour in any field.

III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality

The concept of viability is concerned with long term self-sufficiency,

sustainability, adaptability, flexibility, the capacity to change, self-

regeneration, responsibility and security.

Cities are like living organisms because they have periods of growth, stasis

and decline. Urban viability is their capacity to adapt and respond to

changing circumstances. Such adaptability and responsiveness is greater in

those cities whose economic, social, cultural and environmental dimensions

are evenly developed to a level of self-sustainability. The recognition of the

breadth of these concepts would give city centres a greater pool of

resources to draw on for self renewal.


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Viability is thus not exclusively an economic concept. It encompasses also,

for example, issues related to social cohesion, the environmental

sustainability of the place and its cultural life and identity. It is concerned

with the balanced development of all aspects of city life.

Vitality is essentially concerned with four features. They are:

levels of activity - things going on;

levels of use - participation;

levels of interaction, communication, transaction and

exchange;

levels of representation - how activity, use and interaction is

projected outwards and discussed in the outside world.

III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality

The concepts of economic viability and vitality have to do with the

economic performance of the city measured for example in terms of levelsof employment, disposable income and standards of living of people in the

catchment area, annual numbers of tourists and visitors, retail performance,

property and land values. Creating economic viability and vitality involves

laying the basis for economic self-sufficiency and long term security.

Social viability and vitalityis conditioned by the demographics of a given

place as well as by levels of social interaction and social activity as well as

the nature of social relations. A socially vital and viable city would be

characterised by low levels of deprivation, strong social cohesion, good

communications and mobility between different social strata, civic pride

and community spirit, tolerance of different lifestyles, harmonious race

relations, and a vibrant civil society.

Environmental viability and vitality concerns two distinct aspects.

The first is ecological sustainability in relation to variables such as air and

noise pollution, production and disposal of waste, traffic congestion, green


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spaces and seasonal changes. Ecological sustainability embodies perhaps

most succinctly and effectively the essential nature of the concept of

viability. Questions of Ecological sustainability force us to think about the

lateral and long term consequences of all types of public policy.

The second concerns the design aspects, which have to do with variables

such as the legibility of the city, its sense of place, its architectural

distinctiveness, the linkages in design terms between different parts of the

city, the quality of street lighting and the characteristics of the urban

environment in terms of safety, friendliness, legibility and psychological

approachability.

Cultural viability and vitality concerns the maintenance, respect andcelebration of what a city and its population is, where it has come from and

where it potentially might be going to. It thus has to do with identity,

memory, tradition, community celebration and the production, distribution

and consumption of products, artefacts and symbols, which express the

distinctive nature of the place. These cultural resources of a city can range

right across areas such as the traditional arts, or perhaps characteristic local

industry or even specific craft skills associated with the place. Cultural

viability and vitality concerns anchoring the city to a particular identity anddoes not necessarily imply being inward looking. Conditions for

encouraging viability and vitality might include good access to training in

cultural production, appropriate and flexible infrastructures for different

cultural activities, a secure funding mix encompassing earned income and

private and public support, an efficient and effective system for marketing

and distribution for local cultural activities and products.

III.2f The connections between viability and vitality

It is now important to clarify the nature of connections between viability

and vitality:

Vitality denotes a mass of activities, which in and of themselves are not

necessarily good. Without direction, activity can become merely subjective

self-expression. Activity, use and interaction need to be focused towards a

set of purposes, goals and objectives for them to have any substantial,

positive impact. These targets, purposes and goals emerge through the


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harnessing and application of creative thinking to available resources, in the

light of the analysis of relevant data and trends - the hard factors. Some

more intangible qualities of the city will also need to be taken into account.

They include friendliness, hospitality and open-mindedness; historical and

cultural continuity; a sense of fun and humour; fantasy, flamboyance and

colour. Through this process viabilitycan be achieved.

In short vitality is the set of raw materials which need to be elaborated in a

focused manner as a means of reaching viability. Therefore it is necessary to

promote vitality in order to achieve viability. Creativity is the catalyst

through which vitality and viability can become inextricably interwoven for

the long term benefit of the city.

IV. Criteria for viability and vitality

We have derived our criteria from a variety of sources, including the views

of policy-makers, academics and surveys of public opinion, as well as

assessing a wide range of contextual data and trends such as those used in

traditional quality of life studies. We have also attempted to develop

criteria that cut across all five dimensions of what constitutes a 'city', and

which can make sense to people with different professional backgroundssuch as academics from different disciplines, planners, architects,

entrpreneurs, city centre managers, the police. Our proposed criteria are:

IV.1 Critical mass

Critical mass is concerned with the achievement of appropriate thresholds

which allow activity to take off, reinforce itself and cluster.

In economic terms critical mass concerns the development and

agglomeration of sufficient activities to ensure that economies of scale,

inter-firm cooperation and synergies can be obtained, such as through a

financial district in the city centre, an artisan quarter in an inner area, a

science park on the edge of town or a managed workspace in an outer

housing estate. Critical mass also represents the thresholds beyond which

the organization of particular economic initiatives such as trade fairs,

foreign trade missions, promotion and inward investment campaigns

become possible. Such thresholds refer not only to data concerning the

levels of economic activity, but also the presence of infrastructure, financial


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and human capital which can make the organization of complex economic

initiatives possible. Equally critical mass indicates the level which firms

based in different parts of the city have to attain in order to make profits.

Socially critical mass could be identified as the density of social interactions

within particular areas of the city at different times of the day, the week and

the year. Is the city centre, for example, dead at night or at weekends?

In environmental terms there could be in parts of the city centre or an inner

area or even in a suburb a critical mass of historic buildings sufficient to

form an attractive and marketable heritage quarter. The same could be true

of green spaces or waterways in an outer area or at the edge of town. In an

attractive city it is important to have a critical mass of more than one type ofattraction such as museums, urban and country parks, waterfronts,

restaurants and theatres.

In cultural terms critical mass highlights the many different components of

the creative milieu of a city such as its history, its image (which includes its

cultural representations over the centuries) and its network of public

spaces. It involves also the level of civic debate and discussion, be it

through public meetings, radio, TV and press and the presence of anattractive and coherent calendar of activities. Critical mass culturally is also

the opportunity of experiencing different types of facilities such as going in

the course of the same evening to a French bistro, a Shakespeare play, a late

night cabaret in a wine bar and then enjoying a stroll through a pleasant

historic area.

Critical mass represents the momentum which has to be achieved for

initiatives to be implemented. In a situation in which sufficient critical mass

exists the role of creativity is to develop its full potential through a wide

range of initiatives involving policy-makers from different institutions and

disciplines as well as actors from the private and voluntary sectors.

On the other hand, where such critical mass does not exist, the task is to

find creative ways of making 'more out of less' by, for example, branding,

redefining and regrouping smaller, sometimes isolated, underrated and

underexploited existing strengths. One example is the Ironbridge Heritage

Park near Telford, which is a collection of small previously dispersed


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industrial archaeology sites, the totality of which has become more than the

sum of its parts. Another possible way of creating new critical mass is by

encouraging facilities in other cities to relocate as well as by helping new

indigenous activities to develop.

IV.2 Diversity

A diverse economic base, while respecting existing specializations and

strengths needs to be encouraged. Planning plays a role in helping to

develop a diversity of economic uses in order to enhance the resilience of

the city and its capacity to adapt to economic change. A city which is, say,

overdependent on tourism may rely excessively on variables over which

there is no local control such as airfare prices and currency values.

A diverse social base implies a variegated and lively civil society and

voluntary sector; comprising self-confident organizations likely to be more

resilent and productive in times of economic and social stress. It also

involves taking on board multiculturalism and interculturalism as positive

forces in order to engender new ideas and fresh approaches.

Cultural diversity implies the encouragement of production, consumption

and distribution opportunities for different cultural forms and theencouragement of a wide and rich definition of what local culture is about.

Environmental diversity involves topography such as landscapes and hills

and also concerns assessing to what extent a city has made its history

visible in its built form. An outlying area, for example, built in a short space

of time in a particular period all in the same style can become monocultural,

potentially dull and prone to vandalism and lack of respect.

Diversity, in short, provides a rich menu of possibilities, which can trigger

and stimulate a myriad combinations leading to original strategic responses

to urban problems. Without diversity the range of options is more limited.

It is therefore more difficult to adapt and to resist the temptation of

uncritically imitating other places.

IV.3.Accessibility

The concept of accessibility concerns convenience and ladders of

opportunity.


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Economic accessibility is about the opportunity to contribute to economic

life, whether through the availability of premises, advisory services,

technology, information sources, venture capital or training. If economic

access is poor then the capacity of the city to renew itself economically is

undermined. Economic viability as a whole suffers.

Social accessibility involves the possibility of taking part in city life. This

can be in terms of participation in decision making through, say a city

centre or neighbourhood forum or the establishment of a 'city card' to

encourage the use of facilities by residents. Is it possible for all social groups

to find ways of participating in what, for example, the city centre has to

offer? Do mechanisms exist that help balance disadvantage and enable all tobecome active citizens?

Key questions for cultural accessibility include the following: Are the

different cultural identities of the communities that make up the city

legitimized, respected and celebrated? Are cultural venues throughout the

city accessible physically, psychologically and in terms of signposting? Are

there marketing schemes to tell the population what is going on and is there

educational provision so that people can learn to enjoy and participate inthe culture the city has to offer?

Do environmental factors encourage participation? How frequent and

reliable is public transport, especially to and from outlying areas? Are there

community and disabled transport schemes? Are car parks accessible and

safe? Is it possible to walk safely from inner city areas to the city centre? In

public spaces are there toilets, creches, baby-changing rooms and public

seating areas? Equally important - are there city maps or information points

in key locations of arrival? Is there a clear indication of where the city

begins and ends, and unfussy signs identifying where facilities are located?

Are the boundaries between different quarters within the city marked with

street signs?

Accessibility creates an environment within which the process of creatively

identifying and exploiting urban resources can more easily unfold in its

fullness.


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IV.4. Security

Security is concerned with continuity, stability, comfort, and lack of threat.

Economically it concerns the stability of the local economic base, including

both firms and employment. It also concerns the depth of commitment of

local firms to the city (an example of strong commitment is Pilkingtons in St

Helens). Evidence of investment by local firms and others increases

security.

Socially, security means the lack of threat to people and property, a sense of

trust and bonding with one's fellow citizens and the availability, support

and solidarity from social networks in the city, such as advice centres,

community policemen, including even young people making their seatsavailable to older people on buses and so on. A good mix of users in terms

of age, and time of the day, increases business in the city and contributes to

the overall feeling of safety.

A well lit, clean, well-maintained, sensitively but effectively policed, legible

and well-used environment fosters a sense of security, while blindspots,

dirty streets, loud noise, indefensible space, congestion and an environment

unfriendly to pedestrians undermines security.

Culturally, security involves acceptance, in an open and non-chauvinistic

way, of the different cultural identities of a place. The presence of festivals

and other cultural celebrations reaffirming and reinventing city identity as a

whole and/or neighbourhood identities and traditions provides a sense of

security. This security is strengthened if there is the possibility of freely

expressing oneself culturally by having access to venues, funding and

information.

While we recognize that creative ideas often emerge from conditions of

insecurity, pressure, anxiety and conflict, the development of a creative

climate often needs long term thinking, planning and implementation

which can only take place in a calmer and more secure environment.

IV.5. Identity and distinctiveness

The increasing globalization of the economy is one of the key forces

producing cities and especially city centres that are increasingly


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homogenous, standardized and monocultural. At the same time

competition locally, nationally and internationally is forcing cities to

highlight what is unique or special about what they offer.

Economically a city can increase its attractiveness and viability by

providing products and services that are not available elsewhere. Beyond a

basic threshold of nationally reputable shop chains, such as (in the UK)

Marks and Spencer's or Debenhams, city centres need to distinguish

themselves from competing centres. This can be achieved through the

existence of a variety of locally owned shops or specialist outlets, or

through the encouragement of local firms that stamp their identity onto the

city.

A strong identity has positive social impacts in that it creates the

preconditions for establishing civic pride, community spirit and the

necessary caring for the urban environment. A city may, however, be made

up of a range of identities, sometimes rooted in different parts of the city,

that express themselves in different lifestyles and thus the tolerance alluded

to earlier is a key aspect of harnessing these identities so that they

contribute to overall viability and do not cause fragmentation.

Crucially important is the establishment of cultural identity as this can

mark out one place from the next. Are the specific symbols of the city and

its neighbourhoods recognized and made visible? These can be food, songs,

manufacturing products, dialects, the urban landscape or any other aspect

of the city's traditions. Equally important though is the creation of new

traditions and images so that the city's image does not get frozen in the

past. Is there a policy to encourage this?

Historic cities in particular have in-built advantages, by having textured

layers of history to work with in projecting their uniqueness and

specialness. This is more difficult for newer cities. Nevertheless new

schemes, often working with artists say in public art projects, have been

able to find ways of etching distinctiveness into the urban landscape by

drawing on references and stories from a city's past or aspirations about its

future.


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Beyond a certain level in cities, once basic services, shops and facilities have

been provided, these differences are ways of adding value to what a city is

about and thus help establish viability.

Identity and distinctiveness are important for creativity because they

provide the anchor and the roots which are necessary to select what is

central and what is peripheral in the tide of available information and ideas.

They can also provide a bond between people with different institutional

interests cooperating for the common good of the city. However, when

identity and distinctiveness degenerate into parochialism, introversion,

chauvinism and antagonism to the outside world they may destroy the

foundations of a creative milieu.

IV.6.Innovativeness

Of all the proposed criteria for viability and vitality innovativeness is most

directly linked to the definition of creativity and creative thinking provided

earlier. The presence of an innovative, creative milieu is a key ingredient in

the establishment of an economically viable city. The ebbs and flow of

urban development require policy-makers at times to look at problems

afresh without necessarily repeating what has gone on before. Rather like

an R & D department of a firm, a city in order to achieve viability andvitality has to be able to act creatively. To what extent, for example, do

inner city and outlying areas - where unemployment is higher - provide

incubator units for new businesses? Are there opportunities for the sharing

of ideas between enterpreneurs, public policy-makers, academics, artists

and other creative thinkers? Are these opportunities formalized through

networks, special advisory services and partnerships?

Are there in the social arena consultation procedures that allow opinions

and ideas to be captured in order to broaden the base of inputs into

decision-making? Are decision-making processes transparent? Are there

mechanisms, fora or meeting opportunities which allow positive critical

debate to take place? Is the socio-political environment one in which the

opinions of both majorities and minorities are accepted?

In the cultural field, to what extent are there policies to assist and encourage

local producers to carry out experimental and pioneering projects? Are

there projects that explore the relationship between the city's history and


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heritage and its possible futures? Is the artistic community involved in the

process through which the city presents itself to the outside world? Are

there linkages between innovations introduced by people working in the

media sector and advanced research in media technologies, such as image

and music recording? Are there innovative schemes in which cultural

workers use their skills in environments such as prisons, hospitals and

hostels for homeless people in order to reduce social stress?

Are there environmental enhancement schemes that pre-figure the kind of

physical setting that the city centre or particular neighbourhoods may

aspire to? Are there schemes involving collaboration between visual

artists/designers and planners/engineers? Are there innovative greening,

recycling and transport initiatives, such as the creation of cycle lanes andcar sharing?

IV.7.Linkage & Synergy

The criterion of linkage has two distinct but related aspects. The first

involves relations within the city and the second the relations between the

city and the outside world.

A good degree of intra-urban linkage in the local economy is desirable. Towhat extent do local firms employ and train local people, particularly from

disadvantaged areas? To what extent are profits made by city-based firms

reinvested in the local economy? The city centre, in particular, can be an

important resource for the development of the wider local economy and in

turn the economy of the urban and regional hinterland can be the motor for

the development of the city centre. The city centre is in fact in many cases

the gateway for economic relations between the city-region as a whole and

the outside world. Connectedness is particularly important in the context of

the growing internationalization of urban economies, the increasing

importance of EU policies for cities and greater inter-urban competition.

Being locally rooted and internationally oriented is an important condition

for urban viability, and a well-functioning intra-regional network is an

important pre-condition for the success of international urban networking.

The more connected and linked a city is the greater the commitment of

firms to the local economy is likely to be. Enhancing the connectedness of

city firms to it reduces the risk of disinvestment by companies.


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A city also benefits from social linkage. Cities as a whole are made up of

neighbourhoods with unique socio-demographic characteristics. In order to

encourage understanding between and appreciation of different social

groups the city centre should act as a communications hub and as a location

for services of relevance to the city as a whole. Equally networks of social

interest groups often find that the city centre provides the most appropriate

place to meet. Looking further afield are there international and educational

exchange and twinning arrangements, that are encouraged and supported

by local decision-makers?

The cultural infrastructure of a city is not confined to its city centre,

although the city centre plays a crucial role in being the showcase for what

is best in a city. It also can act as a service centre to market and distributeproducts, performances and artefacts. The city centre, lastly, is most likely

be the location where foreign books and newspapers are available and

where celebrations concerning the whole of the city take place.

Environmental linkage highlights the importance of the physical

relationship between the city centre and its sub-centres. Are different areas

of the city cut off from each other by ringroads and other physical barriers

which inhibit interflow, interaction and exchange? Do these physicalbarriers mean that in terms of mental geography some neighbourhoods

appear distant, inaccessible and isolated? Are there visual routes, vistas and

signposts which can make the public realm in different districts of the city

understandable to its users?

Openness to the outside is an important precondition for the creative city in

terms of achieving a good flow of strategic information and ideas. Such

open dealings with the outside world need to be balanced by a strong sense

of the city's own self worth and be conducted from a position of strength (of

which a good intra-regional network may be a important component) in

order to prevent the risk of cultural and economic colonization by outside

actors.

IV.8. Competitiveness

Competitiveness is a criterion of primary importance because it denotes the

existing and potential performance and quality of the city in relation to the

range of economic, social, environmental and cultural variables captured by


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the criteria described earlier. The importance of competitiveness is growing

because of the increasing international mobility of investment and skills.

In economic terms, competitiveness concerns the profitability, level of

investment, technological innovation and access to venture capital of firms

operating within the city. Equally important are the quality and skills of the

workforce and how well the city is networked both in terms of contacts

with influential people and communications systems, such as cable and

fibre optics. It also concerns the rank and status of local firms and their

products and services locally, nationally and internationally.

Competitiveness in social terms concerns the quality of the relationships

between social groups (including race relations) as well as the achievementsof the city's voluntary sector.

Environmentally, competitiveness has to do with the city's attractiveness

and uniqueness, as well as its location. For instance, how centrally is the

city located in terms of transport links?

Culturally, competitiveness concerns the rank and status of educational and

cultural institutions and activities, and particularly how they are seen bypeer groups.

One of the main purposes of creative thinking is to harness the potential of

the city to such an extent that the city maximizes its competitive

advantages.

IV.9. Organizational capacity

An overarching skill which uses creativity to harness vitality and achieving

viability is the ability of those responsible for city development - be they

actors in the economic, social, cultural or environmental fields - to develop

the capacity to implement ideas and initiatives. Organizational capacity is

thus a central ingredient for establishing viability. It involves the capacity to

lead, to be technically competent and up to date, to identify strategic issues

and priorities, to take a long-term view, to listen to and consult with others,

to command loyalty and trust and to inspire and enthuse other decision-

makers, to create a supportive team with a strong corporate identity, to

create a consensus on key issues by establishing a shared vision, to raise


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confidence, to find positive uses of conflict, to overcome sectional interests,

take responsibility, make difficult decisions rapidly and efficiently and stick

to an agreed course of action in the face of opposition and difficulties.

Creativity without solid organizational capacity is not sufficient to make the

most of a city's resources. Organizational capacity acts like a multiplier of

resources that have been identified and maximized through creative

thinking.

Having proposed a range of criteria to assess viability the next task is to see

to what extent these criteria can be transformed into useful indicators that

can be applicable to cities of different sizes and with geographically

different locations, histories and economic conditions. In order to do this itis important to consider some methodological issues.

V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing viability and

vitality

V.1. Data Sources

It is important at this point to clarify which data can be used by local

authorities and other policy institutions to make comparative judgements

about the viability and vitality of their cities.

The assessment of urban viability and vitality involves both the use of

quantitative data, which allow for comparisons to be made between

different cities and qualitative data, based on more detailed information

gathered locally.


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We have undertaken a survey of British data sources to assess what is

available at the city centre level and to establish whether this data is

applicable to diagnose viability and vitality according to the definition

proposed. A further step has been to see whether the sources are readily

available to local authorities and other policy makers who might wish to

assess the situation in their city centres.

Three broad types of information have been investigated - official statistics

collected by statutory bodies, commercially driven sources and occasional

sources.

The main statutory sources of statistics, including in particular the Census of

Population, theAnnual Census of Production, the General Household Surveyandthe Family Expenditure Survey plus others noted in the Guide to Official

Statistics, provide a baseline which much commercially driven data

elaborates upon and extends. In some cases however, nationally available

data on say 'walk to work' patterns can in principle be used as a proxy to

help measure aspects of viability, say, in defining a sense of local

community.

To establish a more accurate picture of a city's health, commerciallyavailable data is essential. These sources, including the data generated by or

manipulated by organizations such as Goad, Hillier Parker, Mosaic/CCN,

Pinpoint, Superprofile and CACI which either work up self-contained data

or add to statutory sources. Data collected for specific purposes include the

Hillier Parker/Goad ranking surveys of multiple shops, data on property

prices collected by key estate agencies or credit rating data gathered by

organizations such as CCN.

Perhaps the most important innovation in this over the last decade has been

the development of geographical information systems (GIS) allied to

increased computer power, which allows a much sharper focus on what is

happening at postcode enumeration district level. Of particular significance

is the classification of residential neighbourhoods into types of dwelling.

This was started as a Department of Environment project, led by Richard

Webber, in order to assess levels of social deprivation. This classification

system was then further elaborated and commercially adapted as ACORN

and marketed by CACI. This identifies 11 types of housing clustered into 39


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categories.This system was then further elaborated through Mosaic, which

identifies 58 postcode types and can be analyzed down to 15 households.

These systems provide a much more sophisticated classification than the

traditional socio-demographic categorizations such as the ABC1 definition

of the population that throws up all kinds of anomalies and discrepancies

especially when used for the primary commercial purpose to target

consumers. At their simplest, jobs and social class do not always tell us

whether people have spending capacity or a propensity to consume in a

certain way. This information is now used in a myriad ways, including the

indication of specific levels of wealth, identifying customers for direct

marketing campaigns for particular product ranges such as financial

services, and assessing catchment areas or retail potential (see Peter Brown,Geodemographics: A Review of Recent Developments and Emerging Trends,

published by the Urban Regional Research Laboratory, University of

Liverpool, 1989).

The software developed by organizations such as Mosaic, CACI, Pinpoint

or Superprofile is structured in such a way as to be able to draw on

statutory data, which is then manipulated to below postcode level. Data

sources can then be added as appropriate, including retail relatedinformation from the 1100 Goad plans which identify names of shops in

shopping areas, the Target Group Index survey of 24000 individual

shoppers, the National Shoppers Survey information from 1.5 million

shoppers and credit rating data.

Furthermore, in principle, this software can add any other relevant survey

material such as the ten-year national surveys undertaken by the Volunteer

Centre on volunteering.

GIS information providers and handlers are over the next year developing

data on softer attitudinal aspects of city life areas, which will be of

relevance to viability and vitality. These include the lifestyle questions of

TGI, extensions to the National Shoppers Survey and new data being

developed by Goad, such as that on occupants of first floor premises in city

centres, as well as psychographic information gathered by organizations

such as AC Synergy. Psychographic profiling of the population seeks to

establish the value systems of citizens and how this relates to both


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consumer choices as well as attitudes to community and family, politics,

change and innovation. This will have an impact on the kind of indicators

that can be used.

V.2. Comparability

The incidence of any factor describing urban viability and vitality on its

own does not tell us much unless there is a benchmark against which to

judge it. What gives any figures meaning is comparison to similar situations

or an average that has been established. It is crucial to compare like with

like. Without a comparator one is simply left with a qualitative judgement

that there may be a lot or a little of something, and there is no real measure.

Broad based core information generated from, say, the Census orHousehold Survey on income or living conditions can be handled to

provide comparative data as can commercial information on shopping

habits. What is difficult is to compare information that is regionally or

locally collected and not nationally collated, and information that is deemed

to be confidential and is not readily available, such as some crime data.

The same holds true for information collected on environmental questions

such as air pollution, noise, soil contamination and water quality. On airpollution there is the DoE's Enhanced Urban Network monitoring which

covers only 9 sites in addition to data collected by approximately 60 local

authorities from private contractors or systems they have purchased

themselves. Data on noise is perhaps the most widely available, but this is

collected by local authorities on an ad hoc basis according either to

complaints or for specific planning decisions. A similarly uneven situation

exists in assessing contaminated land or water quality.

V.3. Proportion and extent of attributes

How much of an attribute a city possesses can in many instances be judged.

High levels of income, superior housing or lack of crime are

commonsensically seen as good. But there are other variables where what is

good or bad is subject to interpretation, depending on the context or the

connection with other variables present. For example, diversity as a broad

concept can be seen as a good and the number of small companies on the

one hand may be deemed to be a positive attribute. On the other hand

though, the lack of powerful economic players may mean that a city centre


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does not achieve a critical mass which powerfully assists in the wealth

creation process. In this instance, too much diversity may be a negative

feature.

Accessibility similarly is seen as positive. On the other hand it is precisely

that accessibility which allows people who may shop in a given area to go

elsewhere if a city loses its comparative advantage. Another example

concerns economic activity; high levels of certain types of activity quite

often bring with them higher levels of pollution, because as the level of

transactions increases this can lead to higher levels of air use, congestion

and higher CO emissions. One further example is density. Density is

commonly regarded as an advantage up to a certain point when it

degenerates into overcrowding. For example, an overcrowded supermarketor restaurant deters potential customers - as does an empty one.

Each positive attribute carries with it potential negative side effects.

The key concept here is threshold - when does a good attribute turn into a

bad one? There are thus benchmarks, although they are difficult to identify

for all circumstances.

V.4. Specificity of local context

The question is not only about how much of something exists, say car

parking, but also where it is located. For example, it is relatively easy to

establish levels of car parking provision in city centres both in absolute

terms and comparatively. Superficially it may appear that say, a city centre

has adequate parking, in comparison with competitor cities. However, the

car parks may be located in the wrong place and thus do not contribute to

the viability of a city centre because they are slightly off centre and

regarded by shoppers as too inconvenient. To take another example, a city

centre may have high pedestrian flows in the evening, but these pedestrians

might come from one age group only, say 19- to 24-year-olds and may deter

the emergence of a more broadly based evening life. It is important to take

into account the special circumstances of a particular place and the need to

apply judgement about a whole series of variables - both tangible and less

tangible - which can then guide decision-making. These judgements will be

based on a qualitative assessment.


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In sum, assessing viability and vitality is more of an art than a science.

V.5. Dynamic nature of cities

Some may argue that too much can be made of the organic paradigm in

evaluating cities and city centres. True as this may be, the health of cities

centres is conditioned by a myriad decisions, some deriving from statutory

precepts, other from guidelines - say in planning - and from the mass of

individual decisions made by all kinds of economic and social agents. Some

of these decisions have short-term effects, like the setting up of a trade fair

or festival, others more medium- and long-term effects like the building of a

shopping centre or the relocation of a significant business to a particular

city centre. Using the available statistics usually gives us a snapshot of a

city centre at a given moment and at times, through historic data, thegeneral direction where a city centre is going. A good example, here, is the

movement in the Hillier Parker/Goad multiple ranking or changes in the

levels of earned income over time.

What figures cannot tell us about is hopes, aspirations and goals. What

decisions is the local authority about to make, what is the changing

perception of major retailers and what external changes have occurred that

have shifted the way interests groups in a city might relate to each other?

Taking crime as an example, a place like Cheltenham, seen as genteel and

gentrified, has higher crime incidences than nearby Gloucester, because it is

richer and those who commit crime travel. A campaign on crime prevention

and the knowledge of the population at large that the city is a target causes

heightened awareness, the installation of burglar alarms and perhaps a

greater police presence. As a consequence life becomes more difficult for

itinerant criminals and the activity is displaced, say to Bristol, Bath or

Stroud. Another example might be the redesign of parts of a city centre and

the impact this has on patterns of crime, shopping or usage in general. At

the moment of assessment these changes may be occurring, but as yet go

unnoticed.

Similar examples could be given in the economic sphere. An innovation

introduced by a local firm may change fortunes as might a major contract or

a change in fashion or achieving a major award such as City Challenge, the


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Olympics or a European City of Culture designation. Again this highlights

the need for place specific interpretations related to objective indicators.

V.6. Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data

As not all data can be obtained in an objectifiable form the consideration of

subjective and objective data needs to be looked at in four different ways:

Subjective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,

how safe do people feel?

Objective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,

how much do people spend weekly on taxis because they are

afraid of walking home at night?

Subjective measures of objective phen

Cultural Vitality Franco Bianchini

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