Country Report South Korea - V-Dem · South Korea officially declared its independence on 13 August...

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INSTITUTE COUNTRY BRIEF South Korea Frida Andersson Valeriya Mechkova Country Brief SERIES 2016:10 THE VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY INSTITUTE June 2016

Transcript of Country Report South Korea - V-Dem · South Korea officially declared its independence on 13 August...

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I N S T I T U T E

COUNTRY BRIEFSouth Korea

Frida AnderssonValeriya Mechkova

Country BriefSERIES 2016:10

THE VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY INSTITUTE

June 2016

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Please address comments and/or queries for information to:

V-Dem Institute

Department of Political Science

University of Gothenburg

Sprängkullsgatan 19, PO Box 711

SE 40530 Gothenburg

Sweden

E-mail: [email protected]

V-Dem Country Briefs are available in electronic format at www.v-dem.net.

Copyright © 2016 University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute. All rights reserved.

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About V-Dem Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) is a new approach to conceptualizing andmeasuringdemocracy. V-Dem’s multidimensional and disaggregated approach acknowledges thecomplexityoftheconceptofdemocracy.TheV-Demprojectdistinguishesamongfivehigh-levelprinciplesofdemocracy:electoral,liberal,participatory,deliberative,andegalitarian,whicharedisaggregatedintolower-levelcomponentsandspecificindicators.

KeyfeaturesofV-Dem:

• Provides reliable data on five high-level principles and 22 lower-level components ofdemocracy such as regular elections, judicial independence, direct democracy, andgenderequality,consistingofmorethan400distinctandpreciseindicators;

• Coversallcountriesanddependentterritoriesfrom1900tothepresentandprovidesanestimateofmeasurementreliabilityforeachrating;

• Makesallratingspublic,freeofcharge,throughauser-friendlyinterface.

WithfourPrincipalInvestigators,twoProjectCoordinators,fifteenProjectManagers,morethanthirtyRegionalManagers,almost200CountryCoordinators,severalAssistantResearchers,andapproximately2,600CountryExperts,theV-Demprojectisoneofthelargest-eversocialsciencedata collection projects with a database of over 15million data points. The databasemakeshighlydetailedanalysisofvirtuallyallaspectsofdemocracyinacountry,whilealsoallowingforsummarycomparisonsbetweencountriesbasedonaggregatedindicesfordifferentdimensionsofdemocracy.UsersfromanywhereareabletousetheV-Demonlineanalysistoolswhichcanbe found at theproject’swebsite.Governments, development agencies, andNGOs canbenefitfrom the nuanced comparative and historical data when informing critical decisions such asselectingcountryprogrampriorities,informingprogramdesignsandmonitoringimpactoftheirprograms.

Methodology:

Unlikeextantdatacollectionprojects,whichtypicallyuseasmallgroupofexpertswhorateallcountriesoraskasingleexperttocodeonecountry,theV-Demprojecthasrecruitedover2,600localandcross-nationalexperts toprovide judgmentsonvarious indicatorsaboutdemocracy.The V-Dem dataset is created by combining factual information from existing data sourcesabout constitutional regulations and de jure situation with expert coding for questions thatrequire evaluation.Experts’ratingsareaggregatedthroughanadvancedstatisticalmodelthattakesintoaccountthepossibilitiesthatexpertsmaymakemistakesandhavedifferentscalesinmind when coding. In addition, bridge-coders - experts who code multiple countries - arerecruitedtocalibratethescalesofestimatescross-nationally1.

1ForfurtherdetailsandinformationabouttheV-Demmethodology,seehttp://v-dem.net.

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South Korea

Introduction This V-Dem data brief illustrates the democratic development of South Korea from 1900 to2014.ThepurposeistoprovideaconciseoverviewoftheV-DemdatacollectedforSouthKorea.The historical development of the five V-Dem principles of democracy - electoral, liberal,egalitarian, deliberative and participatory – is analyzed, accompanied by an overview of thefemale rights index. In addition, the brief delves further into the different components anddetailedindicatorsofthemainprinciplesofdemocracy2.Weanticipatethatthisbriefwillbeausefulresourceforpolicy-makers,practitionersandcitizen-leddemocracyassessments.

South Korea officially declared its independence on 13 August 1948, and two days later thecountrywasformallyestablished.ThecountrywasunderJapaneserule from1910until1945whenJapanwasdefeatedinWorldWarII.FollowingtheJapaneseoccupation,thecountrywasdividedwiththeUnitedStatesadministeringinthesouthandtheSovietUnioninthenorth,inaccordance with a United Nations arrangement. Due to disagreement between the twocountries,twoseparategovernmentswereestablishedin1948andbothgovernmentsdeclaredthemselves as the legitimate and true government over the whole country. Following theKoreanWar,thetwogovernmentsturnedintowhatweconsidertobeNorthandSouthKoreatoday.

ThehistoryofSouthKoreaischaracterizedbyalternatingdemocraticandautocraticperiodsofrule. The country’s governments are numbered from the First Republic to the current SixthRepublicandvarygreatlyintheirlevelsofdemocracy.

The First Republic was initially largely democratic, but became increasingly autocratic overtime.TheSecondRepublicofferedahigh levelofdemocracy,butwasoverthrownbytheautocraticmilitaryregimewithinayearoftakingpower.ThefollowingThird,Fourth,andFifthRepublicswere seemingly democratic, but theywere generally regarded as extensions ofmilitary rule.AgradualdemocraticstabilizationistakingplaceduringthecurrentruleoftheSixthRepublic.

Principles of Democracy The radar chart below in Figure 1, offers a quick overview of the five V-Dem indices ofdemocracy in South Korea at four different points in time: 1905, 1950, 1995 and 2014. Allindicesinthefigurerangefrom0to1,whereascoreof0suggeststhatacountrydidnotevincethecharacteristicsofdemocracyrelevanttothisparticular indexatthispoint intime,while1correspondstothebestpossiblesituationforthisindex,accordingtotheV-Demmeasures.

In the V-Dem conceptual scheme, the electoral component of democracy is fundamental andunderstood as an essential element of the other principles of representative democracy –liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian; without it, we cannot call a regime“democratic”. However,we recognize that countries can have “democratic qualities”,withoutbeing democracies. As a result, the aggregation formulae for all high-level principles ofdemocracy include the measure of electoral democracy. Thus, for example, “ParticipatoryDemocracy”isacompositescoreoftheelectoralandtheparticipatorycomponents.

Figure 1. Principles of Democracy Indices

2AllindicatorsandindicescanbefoundinGlossaryofTermsinAppendixI.Foranoverviewofthestructureofthe

indices,pleaseseeAppendixII.

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In the beginning of the 20th century, the level of democracy in South Korea is nearly non-existent with scores of 0 on all five high-level indices. A certain degree of democraticdevelopment, mainly in terms of the electoral aspect, takes place between 1905 and 1950.Deliberative and participatory democracy, on the other hand, have not experienced muchchangewhenone looksat thescores in1905and1950.The largestdemocraticenhancementacrossall indicescanbenotedwhencomparing1950to1995.Thecountryachievesscoresofalmost .8 in termsofelectoralandegalitariandemocracy,suggesting thatrulersaregenerallybeing held responsible by their citizens through electoral competition, that political and civilsociety organizations are able to operate freely, and that there is freedom of expression. Inaddition,thedistributionofpoliticalpoweracrosssocialgroupsislargelyequal.

The liberal democracy score increases from .2 in 1950 to.6 in 1995, and the deliberativedemocracyscore fromaround0to .6. Hence, theprotectionof individualandminorityrightsagainst the “tyranny of the state” and public deliberation between political elites and thecitizens have advanced, although there is still room for improvement. The country is leastdemocratic in the participatory sense, where a score of only .5 is achieved in 1995. Theparticipatoryprincipleofdemocracyreflects theactiveparticipationbycitizens inallpoliticalprocesses,electoralandnon-electoral.Nosubstantialimprovementshavetakenplacebetween1995and2014.

InFigure2below,welookfurtherintotheaforementionedindicesandgraphthecomponentsthat go into the five higher level principles indices of democracy: the electoral, liberal,egalitarian, participatory and deliberative aspects. The development of these components inSouth Korea overmore than one hundred years is displayed togetherwith the female rightsindex3.

3Thescaleofeachindexandindicatorisspecifiedwithinparenthesesinthelegendofeachfigure.Inall indicatorsand indices graphed, a lower score corresponds to a less democratic level, while a higher score suggests amoredemocraticlevel.PleaseseeAppendixIformoreinformationoneachoftheindicatorsandindices.

00,20,40,60,81

ElectoralDemocracy

LiberalDemocracy

ParticipatoryDemocracy

DeliberativeDemocracy

EgalitarianDemocracy

1905

1950

1995

2014

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Thedemocracycomponents inFigure2, reflecta rathervolatiledevelopment inSouthKoreaovertime.However,afewgeneraltrendsareevident.Thefirstlargeimprovementintermsof

democraticdevelopmenttakesplace inrelationto independencefromJapan in1948,wherea

significant improvement is noticed among the different components, although to varying

extents.Thelargestchangetakesplaceintermsofegalitarian,electoralandliberaldemocracy.Greatenhancement in termsof femalerights isalsoevident. Improvements in termsofpublicdeliberationandpoliticalparticipationaremoregradualovertime.

Anotherspike,reflectedinmanyofthecomponents,takesplacein1959-1960,markingtheend

of theFirstRepublic and thebeginningof the SecondRepublic. Themoredemocratic Second

Republicisonlyinplaceforlessthanayear,explainingthedropthatfollowedforthecountry

acrossmanyofthecomponents.

Inthemid-tolate1980sasteepdemocraticimprovementcanbeseenacrossallcomponents.

This reflects aperiod inwhichmillionsof citizens,mainly students, carriedoutmassiveanti-

government protests as part of the June Democracy Movement in 1987. This was the same

monththatthegovernmentannouncedtheDeclarationofPoliticalReforms,includingacallfor

direct presidential elections and a respect of civil rights. Later that same year a referendum

approvedarevisedconstitutionanddirectpresidentialelectionswereheld.Atthispoint,andin

thefewyearsthatfollowed,evenintothe90s,SouthKoreareached.8oraboveinalldemocracy

components,exceptfortheparticipatorywhichpresentsascoreof.6.Sincetheendofthe90s,thecountryhasremainedonapproximatelythesamelevelsacrossallcomponents.

Inordertotrackdownmorespecificaspectswithinthesevariousdemocraticdevelopments,we

furtherexploreeachofthesixcomponentsofdemocracytotakeacloserlookattheindicators

andindicesconstitutingthem.

The Electoral Component The V-Dem electoral democracy component indexmeasures the core value ofmaking rulers

responsive to citizens through competition for the approval of a broad electorate during

periodicelections;whetherpoliticalandcivilsocietyorganizationscanoperatefreely;whether

electionsarecleanandnotmarredbyfraudorsystematicirregularities;andwhetherthechief

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executiveof a country is selected (directlyor indirectly) throughelections.Figure3 displaysthefoursub-indicesthatconstitutetheelectoralcomponentindex.

The indices inFigure3, displaya volatiledevelopmentover timeduringaperiodofpoliticalinstabilityreflectedinthedata.

Thefirstgeneralelections,bothtotheConstitutionalAssemblyandtothepresidentialpostaftertheJapanesecolonization,areheldin1948.Asreflectedabove,theelectionsintroduceuniversalsuffrageandthedirectelectionofapresidentbythepeople.Thecleanelectionsindex,however,suggeststhattheseelections,andtheonesthatfollowedoverthenext30years,wereplaguedbyregistrationfraud,systematicirregularities,governmentintimidationoftheopposition,votebuying, and election violence. Just before and during independence, a substantial increaseoccurredintermsofextendedfreedomofassociation,indicatingthatparties,includingpartiesoftheopposition,wereallowedtoorganizeandtoparticipateinelectionstoalargerextentthanbefore,and thatcivil societyorganizationscouldorganizeandoperatemore freelywithin thesociety.

For the 1960 presidential election allegations were made that the election results had beenmanipulated and that widespread corruption was occurring. This led to the protests thatdeveloped into theAprilRevolution.The electionwas annulled, and the incumbentpresidentwent into exile while the First Republic collapsed. Although the Second Republic was moredemocraticinnature,itwasshort-livedandfollowedbymilitaryrulebetween1961and1963.Theeventsofpoliticalinstabilityaredisplayedinthefreedomofassociationindex,whichshowsa significant drop before bouncing back to the middle of the scale. Further political turmoilfollowed the 1971 elections, in which the re-elected incumbent president Park Chung-heedeclaredastateofemergencypartlyduetothethreatoftheoppositiongainingthemostseats.He further opened up for a reunification with North Korea, which was never implemented,dissolved theNationalAssemblyandsuspended the country’s constitution.When thiskindofperiodofinstabilityoccurs,itdecreasesthequalityofelections,freedomofassociationandthedirectelectionoftheexecutive.

After1980,stabilityandasharpimprovementintermsoffreedomofassociationtakeplaceandthecountryreachesascoreofover.8.Since1980,theexecutivehasalsobeendirectlyelected.Duringthe90s,electionsbecameincreasinglyfreeandfair,andbytheturnofthecentury,the

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countryhadreachedascoreof.9onthescale.Aslightdownwardtrendhastakenplaceplacein

recentyearsandcouldbesomethingtokeepaneyeoninthefuture.

The Liberal Component The liberaldimensionofdemocracyembodies the intrinsicvalueofprotecting individual and

minority rights against a potential “tyranny of the state.” This is achieved through

constitutionally protected civil liberties and strong rule of law, and effective checks and

balancesbythejudiciaryandthelegislaturewhichlimittheuseofexecutivepower.

Theliberaldemocracycomponent,displayedinFigure4,includesthreeindices:equalitybeforethelawandindividualliberty,legislativeconstraintsontheexecutive,andjudicialconstraintsontheexecutive.Thethreeindicesfollowasimilardevelopmentovertime,yetondifferentlevels.Following independence, the judicial equality and individual liberty for SouthKorean citizens

have increased substantially. Laws have become increasingly transparent and rigorously

enforced,publicadministrationhasbecomemoreimpartial,andcitizensenjoyalargerdegree

ofaccess to justice, securepropertyrights, freedomfromforced labor, freedomofmovement,

physical integrity rights, and freedom of religion. Similarly, the executive respects the

constitutionmore,andcomplieswithcourtrulingstoalargerextent,andthejudiciaryisableto

act in a more independent fashion.

The legislative constraints on the executive captures the extent to which it is capable ofquestioning, investigating, andexercisingoversightover the executive.Data exists from1948

whenthelegislaturewasestablished.

Thecountryexperiencesan increase inall three indices in1960,marking the transition from

the FirstRepublic to the SecondRepublic. Thedrop right afterwards is a consequence of the

militaryrulewhichfollowedtheshortlivedSecondRepublic.Atthatpoint,theconstraintonthe

executivebythelegislativeandjudiciarywasbasicallynon-existent.

Following theefforts towardsdemocratizationsby the JuneDemocracyMovementduring the

late 1980s, the country experienced great improvements in all three aspects of liberal

democracy.Sincethen,thecountryhasscoredabove.8onallindices.

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The Participatory Component The participatory dimension of democracy embodies the values of direct rule and activeparticipationbycitizensinallpoliticalprocesses;itemphasizesnon-electoralformsofpoliticalparticipationthroughsuchchannelsascivilsocietyorganizationsandthroughthemechanismof direct democracy. Figure 5 displays the four sub-indices that compose the participatorydemocracycomponent.

Figure 5 displays the indices that make up the participatory democracy component, whichscoresthe lowestcomparedtotheotherdimensions inthe first twofigures.Forparticipatorydemocracy,thescoresofthedifferentindicatorsvaryfromnearthebottomofthescaletothetop,indicatingthat,inSouthKorea,someparticipatoryaspectsofdemocracyaremuchstrongerthanothers.

Thecountryhas received lowscoreson thedirectpopular vote index throughout the century,suggestingthatinstitutionalizedprocessesbywhichcitizensregistertheirchoiceoropiniononspecificissuesintheformofreferendumsandplebiscitesarenearlynon-existent.

Civilsocietyparticipationhasbeenverylimited,historically,evenafterindependence.Notuntilthelate80sdidthecitizensofSouthKoreabecomeinvolvedincivilsocietyorganizations.Afterthe JuneDemocracyMovement an increase in participation followed, leading almost to a topscoreof1.

The country’s historically low scores on the local government and the regional governmentindicessuggestthattheidealofdirectlyelectedsub-nationalbodiesautonomousfromunelectedactors was far from achieved prior to the 90s. However, today it has been partly attained,althoughcertainlimitationsoftheirautonomypersist.

The Deliberative Component The deliberative component of democracy captures the core value that political decisions areguidedbythepursuitofthepublicgoodandshouldbeinformedbyrespectfulandreasonabledialogue at all levels rather than by emotional appeals, solidary attachments, parochialinterests,orcoercion.

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Note, that the indicators displayed in Figures 6, 7 and 8 have different scales, which arespecifiedinparenthesesinthelegendofeachfigure.

Public deliberation in SouthKorea, presented inFigure6, has been very limited historically,andwhenthecountrygainedindependencethisdidnotchange.Thewaveofdemocratizationinthe late80s,however,did indeedhavepositiveeffectson thequalityand inclusivenessof thepublicdialogueofthecountry. Oneofthelargestimprovementstakesplaceintermsofthebreadthoftherangeofconsultationwhenimportantdecisionsaremadeatelitelevels.Beforethechange,consultationincludedonlygroupsloyaltotherulingelite,whereaslater,italsobegantoincludeaselectrangeofsociety,laborandbusinessrepresentatives.

Anotherchangeoccurssurroundingtheextenttowhichpoliticalelitesjustifytheirpositionsintermsof the commongoodwhen important policy changes are discussed. Prior to the 1980sjustificationswereoffered in termsofspecificbusiness,partyorconstituency interestsratherthan in terms of the common good. Since then, justifications have been based on explicitstatements of the common good, for themost part,which benefit society as awhole. This isindicatedbyascoreofcloseto4forthecommongoodmeasure. Acrucialaspectofpublicdeliberation is theengagementof thesociety.Beforetherevolution,thepublicbelowtheelitelevelswerealmostalwayseitherunawareofmajorpolicydebatesorunabletotakepartinthem.Followingthemovementtowardsdemocratization,deliberationhasbecomeactivelyencouraged.Arelativelybroadsegmentofnon-elitegroupsoftenparticipateinthediscussions,asreflectedbytheengagedsocietyindicator.

Assuggestedbytherespectforcounterargumentsindicator,thedevelopmenthasbeenslowerinterms of political elites acknowledging and respecting counterarguments, since they tend toacknowledge the arguments without making explicit negative or positive statements aboutthem.

ThelowestscoreforSouthKoreaintermsofpublicdeliberationisforthereasonedjustificationindicator,reflectingthatelitestendtoofferonesinglesimplereasonwhenjustifyingwhytheyexpectproposedpolicies tohavepositiveoutcomes, rather thanofferingamorenuancedandcompletejustificationfortheirdecisions.Itisinterestingthatthehighestlevelofdeliberationisreachedaround the turnof the century,whereaspublicdeliberationactuallydecreases a few

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years later. This suggests the possibility that the country could be facing some challenges intermsofdeliberativedemocracy. The Egalitarian ComponentThe egalitarian idea is one in which material and immaterial inequalities inhibit the actualexerciseofformalrightsandliberties;henceamoreequaldistributionofresources,education,andhealthacrosssocioeconomicgroupsshouldenhancepoliticalequality.

Figure7showstheeightindicatorswhichcomposetheegalitariandemocracycomponent.Asisevidentfromthefigure,thedevelopmentsofthedifferentegalitarianindicatorsinSouthKoreavarygreatlyovertime.

Socialgroupequalityforcivilliberties(orangeline)ishistoricallyhighand,accordingtoitsscoreofcloseto4,membersofallsocialgroupshaveenjoyedthesamelevelofcivillibertiessincethelate1980s.

Thecountryexperiencedsignificant improvements inpowerdistributedby socialgroup (blackline)andeducationalequality(blueline)followingtheendoftheJapaneseoccupationandthemove towards independence in the mid-40s. The country achieved the highest level ofeducationalequality in1990,asthedatasuggeststhat lessthanfivepercentofSouthKoreansfacechallengesinexercisingtheirbasicrightsasadultcitizensduetoalowqualityofeducation.The country reached a score above three in the power distributed by social group indicator,which indicates that either all social groups possess some political power,with some groupshavingmorepowerthanothers,orthatdifferentsocialgroupsalternateinpower.

Equality in terms of health develops more gradually over time, as is evident in the healthequality indicator (purple line). In the 90s the country reached a level of equal healthcarequality. The score of 4 indicates that the share of SouthKorean citizenswho cannot exercisetheirbasicpoliticalrightsasadultcitizensduetoalackofaccesstogood,qualityhealthcareislessthanfivepercent.

Theendof themoreautocraticFirstRepublic in1960seems tohavehad the largestpositiveinfluenceonpowerdistributedbysocioeconomicposition(redline)andparticularisticorpublicgoods(yellowline).Thedevelopmentofamoreequalpowerdistributionbetweenthewealthyandthepoor,however,slowsdownandendsupwithascorebelow3in2014,suggestingthat

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wealthy people still enjoymuchmore political power than the average citizen or the poorerpopulation.Aquitediscretedownwardtrendcanbeseeninthefigure,suggestingthatthecountrymightbemovingtowardsaslightlylessequalpowerdistributioninthisaspect.

Theparticularisticorpublicgoodsindicatormeasureswhethermostpublicexpenditurestargetspecificgroups,partiesorcorporations,orthesocietyasawhole.Accordingtothefigure,socialand infrastructure expenditures are evenly divided between particularistic and public-goodsprograms.Sincetheturnofthecentury,mostsocialandinfrastructureexpenditureshavebeenpublic-goodsbutasignificantportionisparticularistic.

Acloselyrelatedaspectofequality ismeasuredbytheindicatormeans-testedvs.universalistic(light blue line). It captures whether welfare programs are means-tested (e.g. cash-transferprograms)orbenefit allmembersof society (e.g education, national healthcare schemes, andretirement programs). In the V-Dem conceptual scheme, welfare programs that benefiteveryone and do not stigmatize certain unprivileged groups, such as poor people, are moredemocratic from an egalitarian perspective than means-tested programs which only targetthese particular groups.ThedevelopmenttowardsmoreuniversalisticwelfareprogramsinSouthKoreahasbeenrathersluggish,withthegreatestenhancementtakingplacefollowingtherevolution.Inrecentyears,the countryhas receiveda scoreof close to4, suggesting thatmostwelfare statepolicies areuniversalistic,althoughasignificantportionisstillmeans-tested.

Thedistributionofpowerbygender(greenline)istheaspectofequalityinwhichSouthKoreaperforms theworst, reflectedbya scorebetween2and3which indicates thatmenstillhavemorepoliticalpowerthanwomen.

Female Rights Equality betweenwomen andmen is indivisible fromdemocracy at all levels, and is broadlyrecognizedasapre-conditionfortrulyrepresentativeandresponsivegovernments.TheV-Demfemale rights index focuses on the ability of women to participate in the open discussion ofpoliticalissues,toparticipateincivilsocietyorganizations,thefreedomofmovement,therighttoprivateproperty,theaccesstojustice,thefreedomfromforcedlabor,andanequalshareinthe overall distribution of power. Figure8 displays the seven indicators that constitute thisindexforSweden.

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The female rights index is comprised of seven distinct indicators, included in Figure 8.The different aspects of female rights are strengthened at different points in time.The independence from Japan resulted in top level scores in termsofproperty rights (yellowline) and the freedom from forced labor for women (orange line). Virtually all women haveenjoyedbothrightseversince.

SouthKoreanwomenreachfullfreedomofdomesticmovement(blackline)tenyearslater,withascoreof4ontheindicator.Women’saccesstojustice(greenline)expandsmoregraduallyovertime,butsincetheJuneDemocracyMovementin1987,secureandeffectiveaccesstojusticeforthewomenofSouthKoreahasalmostalwaysobserved.

Thedevelopmentoffreedomofdiscussionforwomen(purpleline)followsasimilarpath,exceptfor adrop in1970. Since the late1980s, however,women’s right todiscuss is virtually fullyrespected, meaning that freedom of speech by South Korean women in their homes and inpublicspacesisnotrestricted.Femalerightshavebeenfullyachievedinalmostallaspectssincetherevolution,althoughwomenarestillstrugglingtoachievethesamepoliticalpowerthatmenhave(lightblueline).

Concluding Remarks ThisdatabriefdepictsthedemocraticdevelopmentofSouthKoreafrom1900to2014,basedondata from key V-Dem indices and indicators. Overall, the data reflect the volatile history ofSouthKoreawithalternationsbetweenmoreandlessdemocraticgovernments.Themajorityoftheindicesandindicatorsreflectindependencein1948andtheJuneDemocracyMovementin1987,aswellasthedemocraticreformswhichfollowedtheseevents.Sincethelate1980s,thecountry has had scores between .8 and 1 in all democracy components, except for theparticipatoryaspectwhichhasreachedascoreof.6.

The history of less democratic regimes is captured by the low level of the clean electionindicator,whichachievesjustabove.2upuntilthedemocracymovementinthe80s.Hence,thecountry struggled with serious electoral challenges of registration fraud, systematicirregularities,governmentintimidationoftheopposition,votebuying,andelectoralviolencefora largepart of the20th century.The scoreof above .8 since the90s, however, reflects SouthKorea’sgreatimprovementsovertimeinthisregard.

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Thecountryalsoshowedhighscoresinsomeaspectsofdemocracyevenbeforethedemocracy

waveduringthelate80s.Theequalitybeforethelawandindividuallibertiesshowsscoresof.6inthebeginningof1950sandsocialgroupequalityforcivillibertiesascoreof3outof4in1910.Sincethe1980s,femalerightshasadvancedtoveryhighlevels,withtheexceptionthatwomenofSouthKoreastilldonotholdasmuchpoliticalpowerastheirmalecounterparts.

Appendix I. List of variables. Thisisalistofalltheindicesandindicatorsincludedinthecountrybrief.

Itcontainsthequestionandthequestionalternativesaswellasinformationofaggregation,

scale,datareleaseandcitation.ThesecanalsobefoundintheV-Demcodebook.

VariablesincludedinFigure1.

Electoraldemocracyindex(D)(v2x_polyarchy)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheidealofelectoraldemocracyinitsfullestsenseachieved?Clarifications: Theelectoralprincipleofdemocracyseekstoembodythecorevalueofmaking

rulers responsive to citizens, achieved through electoral competition for the electorate’s

approval under circumstances when suffrage is extensive; political and civil society

organizationscanoperatefreely;electionsarecleanandnotmarredbyfraudorsystematic

irregularities; andelectionsaffect the compositionof the chief executiveof the country. In

between elections, there is freedom of expression and an independent media capable of

presenting alternative views on matters of political relevance. In the V-Dem conceptual

scheme,electoraldemocracyisunderstoodasanessentialelementofanyotherconception

of (representative) democracy – liberal, participatory, deliberative, egalitarian, or some

other.

Aggregation: The index is formed by taking the average of, on the one hand, the sum of the

indices measuring freedom of association (thick) (v2x_frassoc_thick), suffrage (v2x_suffr),

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clean elections (v2xel_frefair), elected executive (de jure) (v2x_accex) and freedom ofexpression (v2x_freexp_thick); and, on the other, the five-way interaction between thoseindices. This is halfwaybetween a straight average and strictmultiplication,meaning theaverageofthetwo.It isthusacompromisebetweenthetwomostwellknownaggregationformulas in the literature,bothallowing "compensation" inone sub-component for lackofpolyarchy in the others, but also punishing countries not strong in one sub-componentaccordingtothe"weakestlink"argument.TheaggregationisdoneatthelevelofDahlssub-components (with the one exception of the non-electoral component). The index isaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_polyarchy=.1*v2x_suffr+ .1*v2xel_frefair+ .1*v2x_accex+ .1*v2x_frassoc_thick+ .1*v2x_freexp_thick+.5*v2x_suffr*v2xel_frefair*v2x_accex*v2x_frassoc_thick*v2x_freexp_thick.

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_freexp_thickv2x_EDcomp_thickDatarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Liberaldemocracyindex(D)(v2x_libdem)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheidealofliberaldemocracyachieved?Clarifications: The liberal principle of democracy emphasizes the importance of protecting

individual and minority rights against the tyranny of the state and the tyranny of themajority.Theliberalmodeltakesa“negative”viewofpoliticalpowerinsofarasitjudgesthequalityofdemocracybythelimitsplacedongovernment.Thisisachievedbyconstitutionallyprotected civil liberties, strong rule of law, an independent judiciary, and effective checksandbalancesthat,together,limittheexerciseofexecutivepower.Tomakethisameasureofliberaldemocracy,theindexalsotakesthelevelofelectoraldemocracyintoaccount.

Aggregation:Theindexisaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_libdem=.25*v2x_polyarchy^1.6+.25*v2x_liberal+.5*v2x_polyarchy^1.6*v2x_liberal

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_liberalv2x_polyarchyDatarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Participatorydemocracyindex(D)(v2x_partipdem)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheidealofparticipatorydemocracyachieved?Clarifications: The participatory principle of democracy emphasizes active participation by

citizens inallpoliticalprocesses, electoralandnon-electoral. It ismotivatedbyuneasinessabout a bedrock practice of electoral democracy: delegating authority to representatives.Thus, direct rule by citizens is preferred, wherever practicable. This model of democracythustakessuffrageforgranted,emphasizingengagementincivilsocietyorganizations,directdemocracy, and subnational elected bodies. To make it a measure of participatorydemocracy,theindexalsotakesthelevelofelectoraldemocracyintoaccount.

Aggregation:Theindexisaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_partipdem=

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.25*v2x_polyarchy^1.6+.25*v2x_partip+.5*v2x_polyarchy^1.6*v2x_partip

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_polyarchyv2x_partipDatarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Deliberativedemocracyindex(D)(v2x_delibdem)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheidealofdeliberativedemocracyachieved?Clarification: The deliberative principle of democracy focuses on the process by which

decisions are reached in a polity. A deliberative process is one inwhich public reasoningfocused on the common goodmotivates political decisions—as contrastedwith emotionalappeals, solidary attachments, parochial interests, or coercion. According to this principle,democracyrequiresmorethananaggregationofexistingpreferences.Thereshouldalsoberespectful dialogue at all levels—from preference formation to final decision—amonginformedandcompetentparticipantswhoareopentopersuasion.Tomakeitameasureofnot only thedeliberativeprinciple but also of democracy, the index also takes the level ofelectoraldemocracyintoaccount.

Aggregation:Theindexisaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_delibdem=

.25*v2x_polyarchy^1.6+.25*v2x_delib+.5*v2x_polyarchy^1.6*v2x_delib

Scale:IntervalSources:v2xdl_delibv2x_polyarchyDatarelease:4,5.Datarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)

Egalitariandemocracyindex(D)(v2x_egaldem)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheidealofegalitariandemocracyachieved?Clarifications: The egalitarian principle of democracy addresses the distribution of political

power across social groups, i.e., groups defined by class, sex, religion, and ethnicity. Thisperspective on democracy emphasizes that a formal guarantee of political rights and civillibertiesarenotalwayssufficientforpoliticalequality.Ideally,allsocialgroupsshouldhaveapproximately equal participation, representation, agenda-setting power, protection underthe law, and influenceoverpolicymakingandpolicy implementation. If suchequalitydoesnot exist, the state ought to seek to redistribute socio-economic resources, education, andhealthsoastoenhancepoliticalequality.Tomakeitameasureofegalitariandemocracy,theindexalsotakesthelevelofelectoraldemocracyintoaccount.

Aggregation:Theindexisaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_egaldem=

.25*v2x_polyarchy^1.6+.25*v2x_egal+.5*v2x_polyarchy^1.6*v2x_egal

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_egalv2x_polyarchyDatarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

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VariablesincludedinFigure2.

Electoralcomponentindex(D)(v2x_EDcomp_thick)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheelectoralprincipleofdemocracyachieved?Clarification: The electoral principle of democracy seeks to achieve responsiveness and

accountabilitybetweenleadersandcitizensthroughthemechanismofcompetitiveelections.This is presumed to be achieved when suffrage is extensive; political and civil societyorganizationscanoperatefreely;electionsarecleanandnotmarredbyfraudorsystematicirregularities;andthechiefexecutiveofacountryisselected(directlyorindirectly)throughelections.

Aggregation: The electoral component index is operationalized as a chain defined by itsweakest linkof freedomofassociation,suffrage,cleanelections,andelectedexecutive.Theindexisthusaggregatedusingthisformula:v2x_EDcomp_thick=v2x_frassoc_thick*v2x_suffr*v2xel_frefair*v2x_accex.

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_frassoc_thickv2x_suffrv2xel_frefairv2x_accexDatarelease:3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Participatorycomponentindex(D)(v2x_partip)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheparticipatoryprincipleachieved?Clarification: The participatory principle of democracy emphasizes active participation by

citizens inallpoliticalprocesses, electoralandnon-electoral. It ismotivatedbyuneasinessabout a bedrock practice of electoral democracy: delegating authority to representatives.Thus, direct rule by citizens is preferred, wherever practicable. This model of democracythustakessuffrageforgranted,emphasizingengagementincivilsocietyorganizations,directdemocracy,andsubnationalelectedbodies.

Aggregation:Thisindexisformedbyaveragingthefollowingindices:civilsocietyparticipation(v2x_iccpart), direct popular vote (v2xdd_dd), elected local government power(v2xel_locelec),andelectedregionalgovernmentpower(v2xel_regelec).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2x_iccpartv2xdd_ddv2xel_locelecv2xel_regelecDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Egalitariancomponentindex(D)(v2x_egal)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheegalitarianprincipleachieved?Clarifications: The egalitarian principle of democracy addresses the distribution of political

power across social groups, i.e., groups defined by class, sex, religion, and ethnicity. Thisperspective on democracy emphasizes that a formal guarantee of political rights and civillibertiesarenotalwayssufficientforpoliticalequality.Ideally,allsocialgroupsshouldhaveapproximately equal participation, representation, agenda-setting power, protection underthe law, and influenceoverpolicymakingandpolicy implementation. If suchequalitydoes

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not exist, the state ought to seek to redistribute socio-economic resources, education, and

healthsoastoenhancepoliticalequality.

Aggregation: The index is formed by point estimates drawn from a Bayesian factor analysismodel including indicators of power distribution according to socioeconomic position

(v2pepwrses), power distribution according to social group (v2pepwrsoc), social group

equality in respect for civil liberties (v2clsocgrp), equal access to education (v2peedueq),

equalaccesstohealth(v2pehealth),powerdistributionaccordingtogender(v2pepwrgen),

shareofbudgetallocatedtopublic/commongoods(v2dlencmps),andtheshareofwelfare

programsthatprovideuniversalratherthanmeans-testedbenefits(v2dlunivl).

Scale:IntervalSources: v2pepwrses v2pepwrsoc v2clsocgrp v2peedueq v2pehealth v2pepwrgen

v2dlencmpsv2dlunivl

Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Liberalcomponentindex(D)(v2x_liberal)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentistheliberalprincipleofdemocracyachieved?Clarification: The liberal principle of democracy emphasizes the importance of protecting

individual and minority rights against the tyranny of the state and the tyranny of the

majority.Theliberalmodeltakesa“negative”viewofpoliticalpowerinsofarasitjudgesthe

qualityofdemocracybythelimitsplacedongovernment.Thisisachievedbyconstitutionally

protected civil liberties, strong rule of law, an independent judiciary, and effective checks

andbalancesthat,together,limittheexerciseofexecutivepower.

Aggregation: This index is formedbyaveragingthe following indices:equalitybeforethe lawand individual liberties (v2xcl_rol), judicial constraints on the executive (v2x_jucon), and

legislativeconstraintsontheexecutive(v2xlg_legcon).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2xcl_rolv2x_juconv2xlg_legconDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Deliberativecomponentindex(D)(v2xdl_delib)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentisthedeliberativeprincipleofdemocracyachieved?Clarification: The deliberative principle of democracy focuses on the process by which

decisions are reached in a polity. A deliberative process is one inwhich public reasoning

focused on the common goodmotivates political decisions—as contrastedwith emotional

appeals, solidary attachments, parochial interests, or coercion. According to this principle,

democracyrequiresmorethananaggregationofexistingpreferences.Thereshouldalsobe

respectful dialogue at all levels—from preference formation to final decision—among

informedandcompetentparticipantswhoareopentopersuasion.

Tomeasurethesefeaturesofapolitywetrytodeterminetheextenttowhichpoliticalelites

givepublicjustificationsfortheirpositionsonmattersofpublicpolicy,justifytheirpositions

intermsofthepublicgood,acknowledgeandrespectcounter-arguments;andhowwidethe

rangeofconsultationisatelitelevels.

Aggregation: The index is formed by point estimates drawn from a Bayesian factor analysismodelincludingthefollowingindicators:reasonedjustification(v2dlreason),commongood

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justification (v2dlcommon), respect for counterarguments (v2dlcountr), range of

consultation(v2dlconslt),andengagedsociety(v2dlengage).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2dlreasonv2dlcommonv2dlcountrv2dlconsltv2dlengageDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Femalerightsindex(D)(v2x_gender)

Projectmanager:JohnGerringQuestion:Towhatextentarewoman’spoliticalrightsprotected?Clarifications:Politicalrightsindexfocusesontheabilityofwomentoparticipateindiscussions

ofpoliticalissues,participationincivilsocietyorganizations,freedomofmovement,theright

toprivateproperty,accesstojustice,freedomfromforcedlabor,representationintheranks

ofjournalists,andanequalshareintheoveralldistributionofpower.

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodel of the indicators for CSO women’s participation (v2csgender), female journalists

(v2mefemjrn), freedom of domestic movement for women (v2cldmovew), freedom of

discussion for women (v2cldiscw), freedom from forced labor for women (v2clslavef),

property rights for women (v2clprptyw), access to justice for women (v2clacjstw), and

powerdistributedbygender(v2pepwrgen).

Scale:IntervalSources: v2csgender v2mefemjrn v2cldmovew v2cldiscw v2clslavef v2clprptyw v2clacjstw

v2pepwrgen

Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).VariablesincludedinFigure3.

Freedomofassociation(thick)index(D)(v2x_frassoc_thick)

Projectmanager:AllenHicken,MichaelBernhard,JanTeorellQuestion: To what extent are parties, including opposition parties, allowed to form and to

participateinelections,andtowhatextentarecivilsocietyorganizationsabletoformandto

operatefreely?

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodel of the indicators for party ban (v2psparban), barriers to parties (v2psbars),

opposition parties autonomy (v2psoppaut), elections multiparty (v2elmulpar), CSO entry

and exit (v2cseeorgs) and CSO repression (v2csreprss). Since the multiparty elections

indicator is only observed in election years, its values have first been repeated within

electionregimeperiods(asdefinedbyv2x_elecreg).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2psparbanv2psbarsv2psoppautv2elmulparv2cseeorgsv2csreprssDatarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferentaggregationformulaforthethinner index

v2x_frassoc)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Cleanelectionsindex(D)(v2xel_frefair)

Projectmanagers:StaffanLindberg,JanTeorell

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Question:Towhatextentareelectionsfreeandfair?Clarifications:Freeandfairconnotesanabsenceofregistrationfraud,systematicirregularities,

governmentintimidationoftheopposition,votebuying,andelectionviolence.Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysis

model of the indicators for EMB autonomy (v2elembaut), EMB capacity (v2elembcap),electionvoterregistry(v2elrgstry),electionvotebuying(v2elvotbuy),electionothervotingirregularities (v2elirreg), election government intimidation (v2elintim), election otherelectoralviolence(v2elpeace),andelectionfreeandfair(v2elfrfair).Sincethebulkoftheseindicators are only observed in election years, the index scores have then been repeatedwithinelectionregimeperiods(asdefinedbyv2x_elecreg)

Scale:IntervalSources: v2elembaut v2elembcap v2elrgstry v2elvotbuy v2elirreg v2elintim v2elpeace

v2elfrfairDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Shareofpopulationwithsuffrage(D)(v2x_suffr)

Projectmanager:Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion: What share of adult citizens (as defined by statute) has the legal right to vote in

nationalelections?Clarification: This question does not take into consideration restrictions based on age,

residence,havingbeenconvictedforcrime,orbeinglegallyincompetent.Itcoverslegal(dejure) restrictions, not restrictions thatmay be operative in practice (de facto). The scoresreflect de jureprovisionsof suffrage extension inpercentageof the adult population as ofJanuary 1 in a particular year. The adult population (as defined by statute) is defined bycitizens inthecaseof independentcountriesorthepeople living intheterritorialentity inthe case of colonies. Universal suffrage is coded as 100%. Universalmale suffrage only iscodedas50%.Yearsbeforeelectoralprovisionsareintroducedarescored0%.Thescoresdonot reflectwhether an electoral regimewas interrupted or not. Only if new constitutions,electoral laws, or the like explicitly introducenewregulationsof suffrage, the scoreswereadjusted accordingly if the changes suggested doing so. If qualifying criteria other thangender apply (such as property, tax payments, income, literacy, region, race, ethnicity,religion, and/or ‘economic independence’), estimates have been calculated by combininginformationontherestrictionswithdifferentkindsofstatisticalinformation(onpopulationsize, age distribution, wealth distribution, literacy rates, size of ethnic groups, etc.),secondary country-specific sources, and – in the case of very poor information – theconditionsinsimilarcountriesorcolonies.

Aggregation:v2elsuffrage/100Responses:PercentScale:IntervalSource:v2elsuffrageDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Electedexecutiveindex(dejure)(D)(v2x_accex)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion: Is the chief executive appointed through popular elections (either directly or

indirectly)?

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Clarifications: This index attempts tomeasurewhether the chief executive is elected, eitherdirectly elected through popular elections or indirectly through a popularly elected

legislaturethatthenappointsthechiefexecutive.

Note that a popular election is minimally defined and also includes sham elections with

limited suffrage and no competition. Similarly, “appointment” by legislature only implies

selectionand/orapproval,notthepowertodismiss.

This index is useful primarily for aggregating higher-order indices and should not be

interpretedasanimportantelementofdemocracyinitsownright.

Aggregation: There are six different chains of appointment/selection to take into account inconstructingthisindex,allofwhicharescaledtovaryfrom0to1.First,whethertheheadof

state is directly elected (a=1) or not (a=0). Second, the extent to which the legislature ispopularly elected (b), measured as the proportion of legislators elected (if legislature isunicameral), or the weighted average of the proportion elected for each house, with the

weightdefinedbywhichhouseisdominant(if legislatureisbicameral).Third,whetherthe

headofstate isappointedbythe legislature,or theapprovalof the legislature isnecessary

for theappointmentof theheadof state (c1=1,otherwise0). Fourth,whether theheadofgovernmentisappointedbythelegislature,ortheapprovalofthelegislatureisnecessaryfor

theappointmentoftheheadofgovernment(c2=1,otherwise0).Fifth,whethertheheadofgovernmentisappointedbytheheadofstate(d=1)ornot(d=0).Sixth,whethertheheadofgovernmentisdirectlyelected(e=1)ornot(e=0).Definehoswastheweightfortheheadofstate.Iftheheadofstateisalsoheadofgovernment(v2exhoshog==1),hosw=1.Iftheheadofstatehasmorepowerthantheheadofgovernmentovertheappointmentanddismissalof

cabinet ministers, then hosw=1; if the reverse is true, hosw=0. If they share equal power,hosw=.5.Definetheweightfortheheadofgovernmentashogw=1-hosw.Theformulais:

v2x_accex=

hosw*[max(a1,b*c1)]+hogw*[max(a1*d,b*c1*d,a2,b*c2)]

Scale:IntervalSources: v2lgello v2lgelecup v2lgdomchm v2exaphos v2expathhs v2exaphogp v2expathhg

v2exdfcbhsv2exdjcbhgv2exdfdmhsv2exdfdshgv2exhoshog

Datarelease:4,5(release1,2,and3usedadifferent,preliminaryaggregationformula)Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).VariablesincludedinFigure4.

Equalitybeforethelawandindividuallibertyindex(D)(v2xcl_rol)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion: To what extent are laws transparent and rigorously enforced and public

administration impartial, and to what extent do citizens enjoy access to justice, secure

propertyrights,freedomfromforcedlabor,freedomofmovement,physicalintegrityrights,

andfreedomofreligion?

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodel of the indicators for rigorous and impartial public administration (v2clrspct),

transparent laws with predictable enforcement (v2cltrnslw), access to justice for

men/women (v2clacjstm, v2clacjstw), property rights for men/women (v2clprptym,

v2clprptyw),freedomfromtorture(v2cltort),freedomfrompoliticalkillings(v2clkill),from

forced labor for men/women (v2clslavem v2clslavef), freedom of religion (v2clrelig),

freedom of foreign movement (v2clfmove), and freedom of domestic movement for

men/women(v2cldmovem,v2cldmovew).

Scale:Interval

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Sources: v2clrspct v2cltrnslw v2clacjstm v2clacjstw v2clprptym v2clprptyw v2cltort v2clkillv2clslavemv2clslavefv2clreligv2clfmovev2cldmovemv2cldmovew

Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Legislativeconstraintsontheexecutiveindex(D)(v2xlg_legcon)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion:Towhatextentisthelegislatureandgovernmentagencies(e.g.,comptrollergeneral,

general prosecutor, or ombudsman) capable of questioning, investigating, and exercisingoversightovertheexecutive?

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodeloftheindicatorsforlegislaturequestionsofficialsinpractice(v2lgqstexp),executiveoversight (v2lgotovst), legislature investigates in practice (v2lginvstp), and legislatureoppositionparties(v2lgoppart).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2lgqstexpv2lgotovstv2lginvstpv2lgoppartDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Judicialconstraintsontheexecutiveindex(D)(v2x_jucon)

Projectmanager:JanTeorellQuestion: Towhat extent does the executive respect the constitution and complywith court

rulings,andtowhatextentisthejudiciaryabletoactinanindependentfashion?

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodel of the indicators for executive respects constitution (v2exrescon), compliancewithjudiciary (v2jucomp), compliancewith high court (v2juhccomp), high court independence(v2juhcind),andlowercourtindependence(v2juncind).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2exresconv2jucompv2juhccompv2juhcindv2juncindDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).VariablesincludedinFigure5.

Civilsocietyparticipationindex(D)(v2x_cspart)

Projectmanager:MichaelBernhardQuestion:AremajorCSOsroutinelyconsultedbypolicymaker;howlargeistheinvolvementof

people in CSOs; are women prevented from participating; and is legislative candidatenomination within party organization highly decentralized or made through partyprimaries?

Clarifications:Thesphereofcivilsocietyliesinthepublicspacebetweentheprivatesphereandthestate.Here,citizensorganizeingroupstopursuetheircollectiveinterestsandideals.Wecall these groups civil society organizations (CSOs). CSOs include, but are by no meanslimitedto,interestgroups,laborunions,spiritualorganizations(iftheyareengagedincivicorpoliticalactivities),socialmovements,professionalassociations,charities,andothernon-governmentalorganizations.

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Thecorecivilsocietyindex(CCSI)isdesignedtoprovideameasureofarobustcivilsociety,understood as one that enjoys autonomy from the state and in which citizens freely andactivelypursuetheirpoliticalandcivicgoals,howeverconceived.

Aggregation:TheindexisformedbytakingthepointestimatesfromaBayesianfactoranalysismodel of the indicators for candidate selection –national/local (v2pscnslnl), CSOconsultation (v2cscnsult), CSO participatory environment (v2csprtcpt), and CSO women’sparticipation(v2csgender).

Scale:IntervalSources:v2pscnslnlv2cscnsultv2csprtcptv2csgenderDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Localgovernment(D)(v2xel_locelec)

Projectmanagers:KellyMcMann,JanTeorellQuestion: Are there elected local governments, and –if so – towhat extent can they operate

withoutinterferencefromunelectedbodiesatthelocallevel?Clarification: The lowest score would be reserved for a country that has no elected local

governments. A medium score would be accorded a country that has elected localgovernmentsbutwherethosegovernmentsaresubordinatetounelectedofficialsatthelocallevel (perhaps appointed by a higher-level body). A high score would be accorded to acountryinwhichlocalgovernmentsareelectedandabletooperatewithoutrestrictionsfromunelected actors at the local level (with the exception of judicial bodies). (Naturally, localgovernmentsremainsubordinatetotheregionalandnationalgovernments.)

Aggregation: First, local government elected (v2ellocelc) is recoded so that 0=none elected,1=onlyexecutiveelected,2=onlyassemblyelected,and3=bothelected.Thisnewconstructisthen scaled to vary from 0-1 and multiplied by local offices relative power (v2ellocpwr)scaledtovaryfrom0-1.

Scale:IntervalSources:v2ellocelcv2ellocpwrDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Directpopularvoteindex(D)(v2xdd_dd)

Projectmanager:DavidAltmanQuestion:Towhatextentisthedirectpopularvoteutilized?Clarification:Directpopularvotingrefersheretoaninstitutionalizedprocessbywhichcitizens

ofaregionorcountryregistertheirchoiceoropiniononspecificissuesthroughaballot.Itisintended to embrace initiatives, referendums, and plebiscites, as those terms are usuallyunderstood.Itcapturessomeaspectsofthemoregeneralconceptofdirectdemocracy.Thetermdoesnotencompassrecallelections,deliberativeassemblies,orsettings inwhichthevoteisnotsecretorthepurviewisrestricted.Likewise,itdoesnotapplytoelectionsforrepresentatives.

Aggregation: Thisindexmeasureshoweasyit istoinitiateandapproveadirectpopularvoteandhowconsequentialthatvoteis(ifapproved)?Easeof initiationismeasuredby(a)theexistence of a direct democracy process (v2ddlegci), (b) the number of signatures needed(v2ddsigcip), (c) time-limits to circulate the signatures (v2ddgrgpci), and (d) the level ofgovernment (national and/or subnational). Ease of approval is measured by quorumspertaining to (a) participation (v2ddgrgpci), (b) approval (v2ddbindci), (c) supermajority

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(v2ddspmjci),and(d)districtmajority(v2dddistci).Consequencesaremeasuredby(a)thelegal status of the decisionmade by citizens (binding ormerely consultative) (v2ddlegci),and (b) the frequency with which direct popular votes have been approved in the past(v2ddciniyr).

Scale:IntervalSources: v2ddlegci v2ddsigcip v2ddgrtlci v2ddgrgpci v2ddlevci v2ddbindci v2ddthreci

v2ddspmjciv2dddistciv2ddlegciv2ddciniyrDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Regionalgovernment(D)(v2xel_regelec)

Projectmanagers:KellyMcMann,JanTeorellQuestion:Arethereelectedregionalgovernments,and–ifso–towhatextentcantheyoperate

withoutinterferencefromunelectedbodiesattheregionallevel?Clarification: The lowest scorewould be reserved for a country that has no elected regional

governments. A medium score would be accorded a country that has elected regionalgovernments but where those governments are subordinate to unelected officials at theregionallevel(perhapsappointedbyahigher-levelbody).Ahighscorewouldbeaccordedtoacountryinwhichregionalgovernmentsareelectedandabletooperatewithoutrestrictionsfromunelectedactorsattheregionallevel(withtheexceptionofjudicialbodies).(Naturally,regionalgovernmentsremainsubordinatetothenationalgovernment.)

Aggregation:First,regionalgovernmentelected(v2elsrgel)isrecodedsothat0=noneelected,1=onlyexecutiveelected,2=onlyassemblyelected,and3=bothelected.Thisnewconstructisthenscaled tovary from0-1andmultipliedbyregionalofficesrelativepower(v2elrgpwr)scaledtovaryfrom0-1.

Scale:IntervalSources:v2elsrgelv2elrgpwrDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).VariablesincludedinFigure6.

Reasonedjustification(C)(v2dlreason,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: Whenimportantpolicychangesarebeingconsidered,i.e.beforeadecisionhasbeen

made, to what extent do political elites give public and reasoned justifications for theirpositions?

Clarification:Becausediscoursevariesgreatlyfrompersontoperson,baseyouransweronthestylethatismosttypicalofprominentnationalpoliticalleaders.

Responses:0:Nojustification.Elitesalmostalwaysonlydictatethatsomethingshouldorshouldnot

be done, but no reasoning about justification is given. For example, “We must cutspending.”

1:Inferiorjustification.Elitestendtogivereasonswhysomeoneshouldorshouldnotbefordoingornotdoingsomething,butthereasonstendtobeillogicalorfalse,althoughtheymay appeal tomany voters. For example, “Wemust cut spending. The state isinefficient.”[Theinferenceisincompletebecauseaddressinginefficiencieswouldnotnecessarilyreducespendinganditmightundermineessentialservices.]

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2: Qualified justification. Elites tend to offer a single simple reason justifyingwhy theproposedpoliciescontribute toordetract fromanoutcome.Forexample, “Wemustcutspendingbecausetaxpayerscannotaffordtopayforcurrentprograms.”

3: Sophisticated justification. Elites tend to offer more than one or more complex,nuanced and complete justification. For example, “We must cut spending becausetaxpayerscannotaffordtopayforcurrentgovernmentprograms.Raisingtaxeswouldhurteconomicgrowth,anddeficitspendingwouldleadtoinflation.”

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Respectcounterarguments(C)(v2dlcountr,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: When important policy changes are being considered, to what extent do political

elitesacknowledgeandrespectcounterarguments?Clarification:Becausediscoursevariesgreatlyfrompersontoperson,baseyouransweronthe

stylethatismosttypicalofprominentnationalpoliticalleaders.Responses:

0:Counterargumentsarenotallowedorifarticulated,punished.1: Counterarguments are allowed at least from some parties, but almost always are

ignored.2: Elites tend to acknowledge counterarguments but then explicitly degrade them by

makinganegativestatementaboutthemorthe individualsandgroupsthatproposethem.

3: Elites tend to acknowledge counterarguments without making explicit negative orpositivestatementsaboutthem.

4:Elitesalmostalwaysacknowledgecounterargumentsandexplicitlyvaluethem,eveniftheyultimatelyrejectthemforthemostpart.

5: Elites almost always acknowledge counterarguments and explicitly value them, andfrequentlyalsoevenacceptthemandchangetheirposition.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Engagedsociety(C)(v2dlengage,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: When important policy changes are being considered, how wide and how

independentarepublicdeliberations?Clarification:Thisquestionreferstodeliberationasmanifestedindiscussion,debate,andother

publicforumssuchaspopularmedia.Responses:

0:Publicdeliberationisnever,oralmostneverallowed.1: Somelimitedpublicdeliberationsareallowedbut thepublicbelowtheelite levels is

almostalwayseitherunawareofmajorpolicydebatesorunabletotakepartinthem.

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2: Publicdeliberation isnotrepressedbutnevertheless infrequentandnon-eliteactorsaretypicallycontrolledand/orconstrainedbytheelites.

3: Public deliberation is actively encouraged and some autonomous non-elite groupsparticipate,butitisconfinedtoasmallsliceofspecializedgroupsthattendstobethesameacrossissue-areas.

4:Publicdeliberationisactivelyencouragedandarelativelybroadsegmentofnon-elitegroupsoftenparticipateandvarywithdifferentissue-areas.

5: Largenumbersofnon-elitegroupsaswell asordinarypeople tend todiscussmajorpoliciesamongthemselves, inthemedia, inassociationsorneighborhoods,or inthestreets.Grass-rootsdeliberationiscommonandunconstrained.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Commongood(C)(v2dlcommon,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: When important policy changes are being considered, to what extent do political

elitesjustifytheirpositionsintermsofthecommongood?Clarification:Becausediscoursevariesgreatlyfrompersontoperson,baseyouransweronthe

stylethatismosttypicalofprominentnationalpoliticalleaders.Responses:

0:Littleornojustificationintermsofthecommongoodisusuallyoffered.1: Specificbusiness,geographic,group,party,orconstituencyinterestsareforthemost

partofferedasjustifications.2:Justificationsareforthemostpartamixofspecificinterestsandthecommongoodand

itisimpossibletosaywhichjustificationismorecommonthantheother.3: Justifications are based on a mixture of references to constituency/party/group

interestsandonappealstothecommongood.4: Justificationsareforthemostpartalmostalwaysbasedonexplicitstatementsofthe

common good for society, understood either as the greatest good for the greatestnumberorashelpingtheleastadvantagedinasociety.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Rangeofconsultation(C)(v2dlconslt,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: When important policy changes are being considered, how wide is the range of

consultationatelitelevels?Clarification:Becausepracticesvarygreatlyfrompolicytopolicy,baseyouransweronthestyle

thatismosttypicalofpolicymaking.Responses:

0: No consultation. The leader or a very small group (e.g. military council) makesauthoritativedecisionsontheirown.

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1: Very little and narrow. Consultationwith only a narrow circle of loyal party/rulingelites.

2: Consultation includesthe formerplusa largergroupthat is loyal to thegovernment,suchastherulingparty’sorparties’localexecutivesand/orwomen,youthandotherbranches.

3:Consultationincludestheformerplusleadersofotherparties.4: Consultation includes the former plus a select range of society/labor/business

representatives.5: Consultationengageselitesfromessentiallyallpartsofthepoliticalspectrumandall

politicallyrelevantsectorsofsocietyandbusiness.Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).VariablesincludedinFigure7.

Powerdistributedbysocioeconomicposition(C)(v2pepwrses,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:JohnGerring Question:Ispoliticalpowerdistributedaccordingtosocioeconomicposition?Clarification: Allsocietiesarecharacterizedbysomedegreeofeconomic(wealthandincome)

inequality.Insomesocieties,incomeandwealtharedistributedinagrosslyunequalfashion.Inothers,thedifferencebetweenrichandpoorisnotsogreat.Here,weareconcernednotwith the degree of social inequality but ratherwith the political effects of this inequality.Specifically,we are concernedwith the extent towhichwealth and income translates intopoliticalpower.

Responses:0: Wealthy people enjoy a virtual monopoly on political power. Average and poorer

peoplehavealmostnoinfluence.1: Wealthypeopleenjoyadominantholdonpoliticalpower.Peopleofaverage income

havelittlesay.Poorerpeoplehaveessentiallynoinfluence.2:Wealthypeoplehaveaverystrongholdonpoliticalpower.Peopleofaverageorpoorer

incomehavesomedegreeofinfluencebutonlyonissuesthatmatterlessforwealthypeople.

3: Wealthypeoplehavemorepoliticalpowerthanothers.Butpeopleofaverageincomehave almost as much influence and poor people also have a significant degree ofpoliticalpower.

4: Wealthy people have nomore political power than thosewhose economic status isaverageorpoor.Politicalpower ismoreor lessequallydistributedacrosseconomicgroups.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Socialgroupequalityinrespectforcivilliberties(C)(v2clsocgrp,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:Svend-ErikSkaaning

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Question: Doallsocialgroups,asdistinguishedbylanguage,ethnicity,religion,race,region,orcaste,enjoythesamelevelofcivilliberties,oraresomegroupsgenerallyinamorefavorableposition?

Clarification: Here,civil libertiesareunderstoodto includeaccess to justice,privatepropertyrights,freedomofmovement,andfreedomfromforcedlabor.

Responses:0: Members of some social groups enjoy much fewer civil liberties than the general

population.1: Members of some social groups enjoy substantially fewer civil liberties than the

generalpopulation.2:Membersofsomesocialgroupsenjoymoderatelyfewercivillibertiesthanthegeneral

population.3: Members of some social groups enjoy slightly fewer civil liberties than the general

population.4:Membersofallsalientsocialgroupsenjoythesamelevelofcivilliberties.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Healthequality(C)(v2pehealth,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion:Towhatextentishighqualitybasichealthcareguaranteedtoall,sufficienttoenable

themtoexercisetheirbasicpoliticalrightsasadultcitizens?Clarification:Poor-qualityhealthcarecanmakecitizensunabletoexercisetheirbasicrightsas

adult citizensby failing toadequately treatpreventableand treatable illnesses that renderthemunabletowork,participateinsocialorpoliticalorganizations,orvote(wherevotingisallowed).

Responses:0:Extreme.Becauseofpoor-qualityhealthcare,atleast75percent(%)ofcitizens’ability

toexercisetheirpoliticalrightsasadultcitizensisundermined.1:Unequal.Becauseofpoor-qualityhealthcare,atleast25percent(%)ofcitizens’ability

toexercisetheirpoliticalrightsasadultcitizensisundermined.2:Somewhatequal.Becauseofpoor-qualityhealthcare,tento25percent(%)ofcitizens’

abilitytoexercisetheirpoliticalrightsasadultcitizensisundermined.3: Relatively equal. Basic health care is overall equal in quality but because of poor-

qualityhealthcare,fivetotenpercent(%)ofcitizens’abilitytoexercisetheirpoliticalrightsasadultcitizensisundermined.

4: Equal.Basichealthcare isequal inqualityand less than fivepercent (%)of citizenscannotexercisetheirbasicpoliticalrightsasadultcitizens.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Particularisticorpublicgoods(C)(v2dlencmps)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindberg

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Question: Consideringtheprofileofsocialandinfrastructuralspendinginthenationalbudget,how“particularistic”or“publicgoods”aremostexpenditures?

Clarification: Particularistic spending is narrowly targeted on a specific corporation, sector,socialgroup,region,party,orsetofconstituents.Suchspendingmaybereferredtoas“pork,”“clientelistic,”or“privategoods.”

Public-goodsspendingisintendedtobenefitallcommunitieswithinasociety,thoughitmaybemeans-testedsoastotargetpoor,needy,orotherwiseunderprivilegedconstituents.Thekeypointisthatallwhosatisfythemeans-testareallowedtoreceivethebenefit.

Youranswershouldconsidertheentirebudgetofsocialandinfrastructuralspending.Weareinterestedintherelativevalueofparticularisticandpublic-goodsspending,notthenumberofbillsorprogramsthatfallintoeithercategory.

Responses:0:Almostallofthesocialandinfrastructureexpendituresareparticularistic.1:Mostsocialandinfrastructureexpendituresareparticularistic,butasignificantportion

(e.g.¼or1/3)ispublic-goods.2:Socialandinfrastructureexpendituresareevenlydividedbetweenparticularisticand

public-goodsprograms.3:Mostsocialandinfrastructureexpendituresarepublic-goodsbutasignificantportion

(e.g.,¼or1/3)isparticularistic.4:Almostallsocialandinfrastructureexpendituresarepublic-goodsincharacter.Onlya

smallportionisparticularistic.Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Powerdistributedbysocialgroup(C)(v2pepwrsoc,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:JohnGerringQuestion:Ispoliticalpowerdistributedaccordingtosocialgroups?Clarification:Asocialgroupisdifferentiatedwithinacountrybycaste,ethnicity,language,race,

region, religion, or some combination thereof. (It does not include identities grounded insexualorientationorsocioeconomicstatus.)Socialgroupidentityiscontextuallydefinedandis likelytovaryacrosscountriesandthroughtime.Socialgroupidentitiesarealsolikelytocross-cut, so thatagivenpersoncouldbedefined inmultipleways, i.e., aspartofmultiplegroups.Nonetheless,atanygivenpointintimetherearesocialgroupswithinasocietythatareunderstood-bythoseresidingwithinthatsociety–tobedifferent,inwaysthatmaybepoliticallyrelevant.

Responses:0: Political power is monopolized by one social group comprising a minority of the

population.Thismonopolyisinstitutionalized,i.e.,notsubjecttofrequentchange.1: Politicalpowerismonopolizedbyseveralsocialgroupscomprisingaminorityofthe

population.Thismonopolyisinstitutionalized,i.e.,notsubjecttofrequentchange.2: Politicalpower ismonopolizedbyseveralsocialgroupscomprisingamajorityof the

population.Thismonopolyisinstitutionalized,i.e.,notsubjecttofrequentchange.3: Eitherallsocialgroupspossesssomepoliticalpower,withsomegroupshavingmore

power than others; or different social groups alternate in power, with one groupcontrollingmuchofthepoliticalpowerforaperiodoftime,followedbyanother–butallsignificantgroupshaveaturnattheseatofpower.

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4: All social groups have roughly equal political power or there are no strong ethnic,caste, linguistic, racial, religious, or regional differences to speak of. Social groupcharacteristicsarenotrelevanttopolitics.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Educationalequality(C)(v2peedueq,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion: Towhatextentishighqualitybasiceducationguaranteedtoall,sufficienttoenable

themtoexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens?

Clarification: Basic education refers to ages typically between6 and16 years of agebut thisvariesslightlyamongcountries.

Responses:0:Extreme.Provisionofhighqualitybasiceducationisextremelyunequalandatleast75

percent (%) of children receive such low-quality education that undermines theirabilitytoexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens.

1:Unequal.Provisionofhighqualitybasiceducationisextremelyunequalandatleast25percent (%) of children receive such low-quality education that undermines theirabilitytoexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens.

2: Somewhat equal.Basic education is relatively equal inqualitybut ten to25percent(%) of children receive such low-quality education that undermines their ability toexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens.

3:Relativelyequal.Basiceducationisoverallequalinqualitybutfivetotenpercent(%)ofchildrenreceivesuchlow-qualityeducationthatprobablyunderminestheirabilitytoexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens.

4: Equal. Basic education is equal in quality and less than five percent (%) of childrenreceivesuchlow-qualityeducationthatprobablyunderminestheirabilitytoexercisetheirbasicrightsasadultcitizens.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Powerdistributedbygender(C)(v2pepwrgen,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:JohnGerringQuestion:Ispoliticalpowerdistributedaccordingtogender?Responses:

0:Menhaveanear-monopolyonpoliticalpower.1:Menhaveadominantholdonpoliticalpower.Womenhaveonlymarginalinfluence.2:Menhavemuchmorepoliticalpowerbutwomenhavesomeareasofinfluence.3:Menhavesomewhatmorepoliticalpowerthanwomen.4:Menandwomenhaveroughlyequalpoliticalpower.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).

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Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Means-testedv.universalisticpolicy(C)(v2dlunivl,*_dos,*_ord,*_meanl)

Projectmanagers:MichaelCoppedge,JohnGerring,StaffanLindbergQuestion:Howmanywelfareprogramsaremeans-testedandhowmanybenefitall(orvirtually

all)membersofthepolity?

Clarification: A means-tested program targets poor, needy, or otherwise underprivilegedconstituents.Cash-transferprogramsarenormallymeans-tested.

A universal (non-means tested) program potentially benefits everyone. This includes freeeducation, national health care schemes, and retirement programs. Granted, some maybenefitmore than others from these programs (e.g.,when peoplewith higher salaries gethigherunemploymentbenefits).Thekeypointisthatpracticallyeveryoneisabeneficiary,orpotentialbeneficiary.

Thepurposeofthisquestionisnottogaugethesizeofthewelfarestatebutratheritsquality.So,youranswershouldbebasedonwhateverprogramsexist.

Responses:0: There are no, or extremely limited, welfare state policies (education, health,

retirement,unemployment,povertyprograms).1:Almostallofthewelfarestatepoliciesaremeans-tested.2: Mostwelfare statepoliciesmeans-tested, but a significantportion (e.g.¼or1/3) is

universalisticandpotentiallybenefitseveryoneinthepopulation.3: The welfare state policies are roughly evenly divided between means-tested and

universalistic.4:Mostwelfarestatepoliciesareuniversalistic,butasignificantportion(e.g.,¼or1/3)

aremeans-tested.5: Almost all welfare state policies are universal in character. Only a small portion is

means-tested.Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

VariablesincludedinFigure8.

CSOwomen’sparticipation(C)(v2csgender,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:MichaelBernhardQuestion:Arewomenpreventedfromparticipatingincivilsocietyorganizations(CSOs)?Clarification:Pleasepayattentiontoboth(A)whetherwomenarepreventedfromparticipating

incivilsocietyorganizations(CSOs)becauseoftheirgenderand(B)whetherCSOspursuingwomen’sinterestsarepreventedfromtakingpartinassociationallife.

Responses:0:Almostalways.1:Frequently.2:Abouthalfthetime.3:Rarely.4:Almostnever.

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Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Freedomofdiscussionforwomen(C)(v2cldiscw,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:PamelaPaxton,Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion: Are women able to openly discuss political issues in private homes and in public

spaces?Clarification: Thisindicatorspecifiestheextenttowhichwomenareabletoengageinprivate

discussions,particularlyonpoliticalissues,inprivatehomesandpublicspaces(restaurants,public transportation, sports events, work etc.) without fear of harassment by othermembers of the polity or the public authorities. We are interested in restrictions by thegovernmentanditsagentsbutalsoculturalrestrictionsorcustomarylawsthatareenforcedbyothermembersofthepolity,sometimesininformalways.Thisquestiondoesnotaskyoutoassesstherelativefreedomofmenandwomen.Thus,itispossibletoassignthelowestpossiblescoretoacountryevenifmenandwomenenjoyequal–andextremelylow–rightstofreedomofdiscussion.

Responses:0:Notrespected.Hardlyanyfreedomofexpressionexistsforwomen.Womenaresubject

to immediate and harsh intervention and harassment for expression of politicalopinion.

1:Weaklyrespected.Expressionsofpoliticalopinionsbywomenarefrequentlyexposedtointerventionandharassment.

2: Somewhat respected. Expressions of political opinions by women are occasionallyexposedtointerventionandharassment.

3: Mostly respected. There are minor restraints on the freedom of expression in theprivate sphere, predominantly limited to a few isolated cases or only linked to softsanctions. But as a rule there is no intervention or harassment if women makepoliticalstatements.

4: Fullyrespected.Freedomofspeechbywomenintheirhomesandinpublicspacesisnotrestricted.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Propertyrightsforwomen(C)(v2clprptyw,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:PamelaPaxton,Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion:Dowomenenjoytherighttoprivateproperty?Clarification: Private property includes the right to acquire, possess, inherit, and sell private

property, including land. Limits on property rights may come from the state (whichmaylegally limit rights or fail to enforce them); customary laws and practices; or religious orsocialnorms.Thisquestionconcernstherighttoprivateproperty,notactualownershipofproperty.

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Thisquestiondoesnot askyou to assess the relative rightsofmenandwomen.Thus, it ispossibletoassignthelowestpossiblescoretoacountryevenifmenandwomenenjoyequal–andveryminimal–propertyrights.

Responses:0:Virtuallynowomenenjoyprivatepropertyrightsofanykind.1:Somewomenenjoysomeprivatepropertyrights,butmosthavenone.2:Manywomenenjoymanyprivatepropertyrights,butasmallerproportionenjoysfew

ornone.3: More thanhalf ofwomen enjoymost privateproperty rights, yet a smaller share of

womenhavemuchmorerestrictedrights.4:Mostwomenenjoymostprivatepropertyrightsbutasmallminoritydoesnot.5:Virtuallyallwomenenjoyall,oralmostall,propertyrights.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Powerdistributedbygender(C)(v2pepwrgen,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanager:JohnGerringQuestion:Ispoliticalpowerdistributedaccordingtogender?Responses:

0:Menhaveanear-monopolyonpoliticalpower.1:Menhaveadominantholdonpoliticalpower.Womenhaveonlymarginalinfluence.2:Menhavemuchmorepoliticalpowerbutwomenhavesomeareasofinfluence.3:Menhavesomewhatmorepoliticalpowerthanwomen.4:Menandwomenhaveroughlyequalpoliticalpower.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Freedomofdomesticmovementforwomen(C)(v2cldmovew,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:PamelaPaxton,Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion:Dowomenenjoyfreedomofmovementwithinthecountry?Clarification:Thisindicatorspecifiestheextenttowhichallwomenareabletomovefreely,in

daytime and nighttime, in public thoroughfares, across regions within a country, and toestablishpermanentresidencywhere theywish.Note that restrictions inmovementmightbe imposed by the state and/or by informal norms and practices. Such restrictionssometimesfallonruralresidents,onspecificsocialgroups,orondissidents.Thisquestiondoesnotaskyoutoassesstherelativefreedomofmenandwomen.Thus,itispossibletoassignthelowestpossiblescoretoacountryevenifmenandwomenenjoyequal–andextremelylow–freedomofmovement.Do not consider restrictions in movement that are placed on ordinary (non-political)criminals.Donotconsiderrestrictionsinmovementthatresultfromcrimeorunrest.

Responses:

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0:Virtuallynowomenenjoyfullfreedomofmovement(e.g.,NorthKoreaorAfghanistanundertheTaliban).

1:Somewomenenjoyfullfreedomofmovement,butmostdonot(e.g.,ApartheidSouthAfrica).

2: Most women enjoy some freedom of movement but a sizeable minority does not.Alternativelyallwomenenjoypartialfreedomofmovement.

3:Mostwomenenjoyfullfreedomofmovementbutasmallminoritydoesnot.4:Virtuallyallwomenenjoyfullfreedomofmovement.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Freedomfromforcedlaborforwomen(C)(v2clslavef,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:PamelaPaxton,Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion:Areadultwomenfreefromservitudeandotherkindsofforcedlabor?Clarification:Involuntaryservitudeoccurswhenanadultisunabletoquitajobs/hedesiresto

leave – not by reason of economic necessity but rather by reason of employer’s coercion.This includes labor camps but not work or service which forms part of normal civicobligationssuchasconscriptionoremploymentincommandeconomies.

Thisquestiondoesnotaskyoutoassesstherelativefreedomofmenandwomenfromforcedlabor.Thus,acountryinwhichbothmenandwomensufferthesameconditionsofservitudemightbecodeda(0)forwomen,eventhoughthereisequalityacrossthesexes.

Responses:0: Femaleservitudeorotherkindsofforcedlaboriswidespreadandaccepted(perhaps

evenorganized)bythestate.1: Female servitude or other kinds of forced labor is substantial. Although officially

opposed by the public authorities, the state is unwilling or unable to effectivelycontainthepractice.

2: Female servitude or other kinds of forced labor exists but is not widespread andusually actively opposed by public authorities, or only tolerated in some particularareasoramongparticularsocialgroups.

3: Female servitude or other kinds of forced labor is infrequent and only found in thecriminalunderground.Itisactivelyandsincerelyopposedbythepublicauthorities.

4:Femaleservitudeorotherkindsofforcedlaborisvirtuallynon-existent.Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatV-Dem.net).Datarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

Accesstojusticeforwomen(C)(v2clacjstw,*_dos,*_ord,*_mean)

Projectmanagers:PamelaPaxton,Svend-ErikSkaaningQuestion:Dowomenenjoyequal,secure,andeffectiveaccesstojustice?Clarification: This question specifies the extent to which women can bring cases before the

courtswithoutrisktotheirpersonalsafety,trialsarefair,andwomenhaveeffectiveabilityto seek redress if public authorities violate their rights, including the rights to counsel,defense,andappeal.

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Thisquestiondoesnotaskyoutoassesstherelativeaccesstojusticemenandwomen.Thus,itispossibletoassignthelowestpossiblescoretoacountryevenifmenandwomenenjoyequal–andextremelylimited–accesstojustice.

Responses:0:Secureandeffectiveaccesstojusticeforwomenisnon-existent.1: Secureandeffectiveaccess to justice forwomen isusuallynotestablishedorwidely

respected.2: Secure and effective access to justice for women is inconsistently observed. Minor

problemscharacterizemost casesoroccur ratherunevenlyacrossdifferentpartsofthecountry.

3:Secureandeffectiveaccesstojusticeforwomenisusuallyobserved.4:Secureandeffectiveaccesstojusticeforwomenisalmostalwaysobserved.

Scale:Ordinal,convertedtointervalbythemeasurementmodel.Cross-coder aggregation: Bayesian item response theory measurement model (see V-Dem

Methodology,postedatDatarelease:1,2,3,4,5.Citation:V-Demcodebook(seesuggestedcitationatthetopofthisdocument).

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Appendix II. Overview of the structure of the indices.

StructureofAggregation–IndicesandIndicators DemocracyIndicesNames

Mid-LevelDemocracyandGovernanceIndicesNames

Lower-LevelDemocracyandGovernanceIndicesNames

NamesIndicators v2_tagIndicesandIndicators

ElectoralDemocracyIndex

v2x_polyarchy

Freedomofexpressionindex

v2x_freexp

Governmentcensorshipeffort-Media

v2mecenefm

Harassmentofjournalists v2meharjrn Mediaself-censorship v2meslfcen Freedomofdiscussion

formenv2cldiscm

Freedomofdiscussionforwomen

v2cldiscw

Freedomofacademicandculturalexpression

v2clacfree

Alternativesourceinformationindex

v2xme_altinf

Mediabias v2mebias Print/broadcastmedia

criticalv2mecrit

Print/broadcastmediaperspectives

v2merange

ElectoralComponentIndex

v2x_EDcomp_thick

Freedomofassociationindex(thick)

v2x_frassoc_thick

PartyBan v2psparban Barrierstoparties v2psbars Oppositionparties

autonomyv2psoppaut

Electionsmultiparty v2elmulpar CSOentryandexit v2cseeorgs CSOrepression v2csreprss

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Shareofpopulationwithsuffrage

v2x_suffr

Percentofpopulationwithsuffrage

v2elsuffrage

Cleanelectionsindex

v2xel_frefair

EMBautonomy v2elembaut EMBcapacity v2elembcap Electionvoterregistry v2elrgstry Electionvotebuying v2elvotbuy Electionothervoting

irregularitiesv2elirreg

Electiongovernmentintimidation

v2elintim

Electionotherelectoralviolence

v2elpeace

Electionfreeandfair v2elfrfair Electedexecutive

index(dejure) v2x_accex

Lowerchamberelected v2lgello Upperchamberelected v2lgelecup Legislaturedominant

chamberv2lgdomchm

HOSselectionbylegislatureinpractice

v2exaphos

HOSappointmentinpractice

v2expathhs

HOGselectionbylegislatureinpractice

v2exaphogp

HOGappointmentinpractice

v2expathhg

HOSappointscabinetinpractice

v2exdfcbhs

HOGappointscabinetinpractice

v2exdjcbhg

HOSdismissesministersinpractice

v2exdfdmhs

HOGdismissesministersinpractice

v2exdfdshg

HOSappointscabinetinpractice

v2exdfcbhs

LiberalDemocracyIndex

v2x_libdem

ElectoralDemocracyIndex

v2x_polyarchy

LiberalComponentIndex

v2x_liberal

Equalitybeforethelawandindividuallibertyindex

v2xcl_rol

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Rigorousandimpartialpublicadministration

v2clrspct

Transparentlawswithpredictableenforcement

v2cltrnslw

Accesstojusticeformen v2clacjstm Accesstojusticefor

womenv2clacjstw

Propertyrightsformen v2clprptym Propertyrightsfor

womenv2clprptyw

Freedomfromtorture v2cltort Freedomfrompolitical

killingsv2clkill

Freedomfromforcedlaborformen

v2clslavem

Freedomfromforcedlaborforwomen

v2clslavef

Freedomofreligion v2clrelig Freedomofforeign

movementv2clfmove

Freedomofdomesticmovementformen

v2cldmovem

Freedomofdomesticmovementforwomen

v2cldmovew

Judicialconstraintsontheexecutiveindex

v2x_jucon

Executiverespectsconstitution

v2exrescon

Compliancewithjudiciary

v2jucomp

Compliancewithhighcourt

v2juhccomp

Highcourtindependence v2juhcind Lowercourtindependence v2juncind Legislative

constraintsontheexecutiveindex

v2xlg_legcon

Legislaturequestionsofficialsinpractice

v2lgqstexp

Executiveoversight v2lgotovst Legislatureinvestigates

inpracticev2lginvstp

Legislatureoppositionparties

v2lgoppart

DeliberativeDemocracyIndex

v2x_delibdem

ElectoralDemocracyIndex

v2x_polyarchy

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Deliberative

ComponentIndex

v2xdl_delib

Reasonedjustification v2dlreason

Commongood v2dlcommon

Respect

counterarguments

v2dlcountr

Rangeofconsultation v2dlconslt

Engagedsociety v2dlengage

Egalitarian

democracyIndex

v2x_egaldem

ElectoralDemocracy

Index

v2x_polyarchy

Egalitarian

ComponentIndex

v2x_egal

Powerdistributedby

socioeconomicposition

v2pepwrses

Powerdistributedby

socialgroup

v2pepwrsoc

Socialgroupequalityin

respectforcivilliberties

v2clsocgrp

Educationalequality v2peedueq

Healthequality v2pehealth

Powerdistributedby

gender

v2pepwrgen

Encompassing-ness v2dlencmps

Means-testedvs.

universalistic

v2dlunivl

Participatory

DemocracyIndex

v2x_partipdem

ElectoralDemocracy

Index

v2x_polyarchy

Participatory

ComponentIndex

v2x_partip

Civilsociety

participation

index

v2x_cspart

Candidateselection--

National/local

v2pscnslnl

CSOconsultation v2cscnsult

CSOparticipatory

environment

v2csprtcpt

CSOwomens

participation

v2csgender

DirectPopular

VoteIndex

v2xdd_dd

Initiativespermitted v2ddlegci

Initiativessignatures% v2ddsigcip

Initiativessignature-

gatheringtimelimit

v2ddgrtlci

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Initiativessignature-gatheringperiod

v2ddgrgpci

Initiativeslevel v2ddlevci Initiativesparticipation

thresholdv2ddbindci

Initiativesapprovalthreshold

v2ddthreci

Initiativesadministrativethreshold

v2dddistci

Initiativessupermajority v2ddspmjci Occurrenceofcitizen-

initiativethisyearv2ddciniyr

Localgovernmentindex

v2xel_locelec

Localgovernmentelected v2ellocelc Localofficesrelative

powerv2ellocpwr

Localgovernmentexists v2ellocgov Regional

governmentindex

v2xel_regelec

Regionalgovernmentelected

v2elsrgel

Regionalofficesrelativepower

v2elrgpwr

Regionalgovernmentexists

v2elreggov

CoreCivilSociety

Index v2xcs_ccsi

CSOentryandexit v2cseeorgs CSOrepression v2csreprss CSOparticipatory

environmentv2csprtcpt

Party

Institutionalizationindex

v2xps_party

Partyorganizations v2psorgs PartyBranches v2psprbrch Partylinkages v2psprlnks Distinctpartyplatforms v2psplats Legislativeparty

cohesionv2pscohesv

Femalerightsindex v2x_gender

CSOwomensparticipation

v2csgender

Percent(%)FemaleJournalists

v2mefemjrn

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Freedomofdomesticmovementforwomen

v2cldmovew

Freedomofdiscussionforwomen

v2cldiscw

Freedomfromforcedlaborforwomen

v2clslavef

Propertyrightsforwomen

v2clprptyw

Accesstojusticeforwomen

v2clacjstw

Powerdistributedbygender

v2pepwrgen

ElectoralRegime

Index v2x_elecreg

Legislativeorconstituentassemblyelection

v2xel_elecparl

v2eltype v2eltype_0 v2eltype v2eltype_1 v2eltype v2eltype_4 v2eltype v2eltype_5 Legislature

closeddownoraborted

v2xlg_leginter

Legislaturebicameral v2lgbicam Presidential

election v2xel_elecpres

v2eltype v2eltype_6 v2eltype v2eltype_7 Chiefexecutive

nolongerelected v2x_hosinter

HOS=HOG? v2exhoshog HOGappointmentin

practicev2expathhg

HOSappointmentinpractice

v2expathhs