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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness
CHAPTER III
HARBINGAR OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS:FROM READING ROOM PARTY TO MUSLIM CONFERENCE
By the beginning of the 1930's, as has been m entioned in the previous
chapter, the first batch of Kashmiri graduates from Aligarh and other centers
of learning had returned to their native state, and to Srinagar in particular,
where they rapidly assum ed a dom inant place in local political activity in
collaboration, and also in competition, w ith the old M uslim Leadership
which was headed by the two M irw aizs.1 Among the young graduates who
came back to the vale about this time, w ith high expectations, were Shaikh
M ohammad Abdullah, Mirza Afzal Beg, and G M Sadiq, to m ention a few
men who in their various ways would dominate the internal politics of the
state for m any decades. These young men m ost of w hom belonged to the
middle class, desired to enter governm ent service.2 But very soon they were
disappointed by the shortsighted and 'com m unal' Dogra state. "H ad those
at the helm of affairs been capable of a little foresight and imagination,"
exclaimed Bazaz, a contem porary writer, "they w ould have gladly and
readily provided good jobs for those young m en w ho were the first among
the Kashmir Muslims to receive higher education." 3 Unfortunate for the
Dogra State this was not done. It was after a very tough struggle that a few
of the young men succeed in securing some hum ble positions. Among the
"fortunate" few was one Shaikh M ohamm ad Abdullah, who though an M.
Sc. became a junior teacher in a Srinagar high school on Rs.60/- P. M.4 It is
1 Alistair Lamb, Kashm ir: A D isputed Legacy (Oxford University Press, Karachi.. 1993) pp.88-89
2 P. N. Bazaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashm ir , (reprinted by Gulshan Publishers of Exporters, Srinagar), p. 141
3 Ibid4 Ibid., p .142.
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very interesting to mention here that only a decade earlier, (1920) the
Deputy Commissioner of M irpur namely M akhan Singh was totally
illiterate.5
Dissatisfied w ith government and disappointm ent caused by
unem ploym ent, these educated young men, w ho now form ed a "m iddle
class intelligentsia w ith a middle class political out look",6 began to organize
themselves. Since the formation of political associations were banned ,7 they
started a Reading Room in the garb of which they w anted a platform to
bring all the educated youth together for devising w ays and means to fight
out injustice done to the Muslim community in general, and the educated
Muslim youth in particular. To quote S. M. Abdullah, "The establishment of
Reading Room was an excuse. The basic purpose was that under its garb we
could get together an opportunity of discussing different m atters that would
emerge. This did happen and we had discussions on the problems of
governm ent services and the conditions, prevailing in the country. We
would burst into tears while thinking over the conditions prevailing in
Kashmir" 8 Encouraged by the response of educated Muslims and the
interest show n by the uneducated; the Reading Room was given a regular
organizational shape. An election was held in which M ohamm ed Rajab and
Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah was elected President and Secretary
respectively. Mufti Jala-ud-Din, Hakim Ali, Peerzada Ahm ad Shah Fazili
and Hakim G hulam M urtaza were elected to the M anaging C om m ittee.9
The Reading Room Party, as it was called enjoyed the moral and
financial backing of the Kashmiri M uslim elite and its supporters include
Khwaja Said-ud-Din Shawl, Molvi Abdullah Vakil, Aga Sayyid Hussain
5 M oham m ad Yusuf Saraf, Kashm iris Fight fo r Freedom , Vol.I, p .298.6 Ghulam H ussan Khan, Freedom M ovem ent in Jnmmu & K ashm ir, (N ew Delhi, Light and
Life Publishers, 1980), p.122Bazaz, op. cit., p .142.S. M. Abdullah, A atish-i-Chinar, p.48.Ibid. see also M. Y. Saraf, Kashmir's F ight For Freedom , pp. 354-355.
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Jalali, Hafiz M ohamm ed Ismail, Molvi Zia-ud-Din, Khwaja Assadullah Vakil
to m ention only a few .10
After its successful establishment and receiving an enthusiastic
response form the Kashmiri Muslim youth, the members of the Reading
Room began establishing contact w ith the M uslim news papers at Lahore.
They also established contact w ith Sir R. P. D utt who was editing a monthly
magazine in London nam ed " Indian State" which was exclusively devoted to
the betterm ent of the inhabitants of the princely state. As a result of this
contact, articles based on the data furnished by them began to appear in the
magazine bringing home to British public opinion the pathetic condition of
the state people. 11 Fortunately, some of the stalwarts of the socio-political
milieu of Indian M uslim culture became sym pathizers of the organization,12
which strengthened its ideological and organizational basis. The first major
concern of the members of the Reading Room Party was the unem ploym ent
and under-representation of M uslim com m unity in administration. It is
needles to m ention here that the num ber of M uslim educated youngsters
was increasing w ith every passing day, thanks to the efforts of different
social reformation organizations prom inent am ongst w hom was Anjuman-i-
Nusrat-ul-Islam13 and some Muslim individuals to persuade their fellow
community to acquire m odern education. (See my 1st Chapter). The young
men were convinced that the government w as not willing to trust the
Muslims by throwing open to them the doors of adm inistration.14 In the
meanwhile the state announced the form ation of the civil service
10 Abdul Rashid Tasir, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-Kashm ir, (Srinagar, M uhafiz Publishers) Vol. I, p.77.
11 A atish-i-Chinar op. cit. p.49, see also in Saraf, op. cit. pp.354-35512 These include, M oulana Azad, M oulana Azad Sbuhani, Khatib Jamia Masjid Calcutta
w ho w as considered a leading exponent of Jam al-ud-Din Afghani's Pan-Islamic M ovem ent etc. M. Y. Saraf, op. cit., pp. 354-355.Founded by M olvi Rasool Shall, Anjuman Played an extraordinary role in socioreligious and educational welfare of the Kashmiri M uslims.
14 A atish-i-Chinar, p. 47-48.
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Recruitment Board in A ugust 1930.15 By that time not only had the new
Kashmiri M uslim educated leadership taken over, bu t more importantly,
their dem ands had gone for beyond education into the realm of service
recruitment.16 According to the rules m ade under Recruitment Board, a
candidate was entitled to apply for a higher post only if he fulfilled certain
tough provisions like, a) good health certificate b) Deposit fifty rupees, c) no
body above tw enty years could apply d) m ust have a healthy family
background and e) had to qualify a tough competitive examination.17 Clearly
these rules and regulations were form ulated to prevent the newly educated
Muslim youth from occupying the higher authority in adm inistration.18
The Reading Room party subm itted m em orandum s to the Regency
Council headed by Mr. Wakefield19 and to the u tter surprise of the members
the governm ent invited the members of the party for a discussion. 20 After a
good deal of deliberation a deputation of two members was selected to meet
the ministers who consented to grant an interview. 21 Accordingly, two
selected members, Shaikh M ohamm ad Abdullah ad Mr. Abdul Aziz Fazili
went to attend Cabinet invitation, on October 16,1930. This was followed by
a heated discussion between the deputationists headed by Shaikh Abdullah
and a group of cabinet Ministers headed by Wakefield in which both the
sides tried to prove and disprove each others point of view.22 Shaikh
Abdullah exposed the irrationality of the rules and regulations m ade under
!5 Ibid16 Chitralekha Zutshi, Languages o f Belonging (Permanent Black, Delhi, 2003), p .208.17 See Bazaz. K ashm ir Ka Gandhi (Urdu) Srinagar, 1935, p. 17.18 It is pertinent to m ention that M uslim s students due to poverty and lack of exposure
were adm itted very late in the schools as com pared to non-M uslim s; G.H. Khan op .c it, p.123, see also A atish-I-C hinar pp. 47-48. For m ore about educational backwardness of M uslims, see Ishaq Khan, H istory o f Srinagar, 1978, Srinagar, pp. 170-174.
19 Choudhary G ulam Abbas, Kashmakash, autobiography, (Kashmir Studies Foundation, 2001), pp. 69-70
20 Aatish-i- Chinar, p. 51.21 P. N. Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom, p. 143.22 Aatish-i-Chinar, p. 52.
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the civil services Recruitment Board. 23 And according to a m odern
researcher on the subject, "the state could no longer use its old strategy of
pointing to the small num bers of educated M uslims to explain away their
lack of representation in government services, since; the Muslims petitioning
them were products of the state educational system." 24 Shaikh Abdullah
claimed that the government had instituted the board at this particular
juncture to create hurdles for Kashmiri M uslim young m en who were
qualified and willing to join the services.25 The representatives strongly
denied the argum ent forwarded by Mr. Wattal, a member of the cabinet that
the governm ent "have done more than enough for the Muslims. [That]
previously there was no M uslim in the office of the Accountant General".26
In reply Shaikh rem inded the minister that the candidate appointed in the
office was not a Kashmiri but a non-state subject and "the appointm ent was
made under some influence".27The m eeting ended w ith a failure and hence,
failed the governm ent to understand the pulse of the time in order to make
necessary overhauling of its adm inistrative machinery.28 Despite the
governm ent's refusal to change the recruitm ent rules, the belligerence of the
new leadership was evident from this representation.29 The disappointm ent
with the Cabinet governm ent did not, however, break the resolve of the
Shaikh A bdullah and his colleges. Instead it increased their mass familiarity.
In the w ords of P. N. Bazaz "This discouragem ent could have been sufficient
to break bone of M uslim young m en and nip the m ovem ent in the bud as it
had done on m any previous occasions in case of Pundit young m en but the
times had changed. The Muslim Young m en m ight lack the courage to take
23 Ibid, also see G. H. Khan, op. cit. pp.123-124.24 Zutish, op.cit. p. 208.25 P. N. Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, (Srinagar: Kashmir Publishing Co., 1941), pp. 100-101.26 H afiz M oham m ad Ismail, Personal Diary, Oct. 6, 1930 item 5 v id e G. H. Khan, op. cit.
p. 124.2? Ibid28 For m ore details see P. N. Bazaz, Struggle fo r Freedom ; pp. 142-143.29 Zutshi, op. cit. p. 212.
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up the struggle but forces working in the country w ould not lead them
sleep." 30 As the subsequent events proved, Shaikh Abdullah m ade a good
use of the socio-political forces of the time.
Now the Reading Room Party under the leadership of Shaikh
Abdullah and w ith the help of Punjab M uslim intelligentsia and Press
started a cam paign against the polices of the Maharaja and for the
furtherance of the national consciousness am ong Kashmiris in general and
Kashmiri M uslims in particular. 31 It highlighted the discriminatory attitude
of the state tow ards the M uslim Community particularly in its recruitm ent
policy. This press campaign through Lahore M uslims Press not only
enhanced the prestige of its leaders it also accelerated the pace of
consciousness am ong the, Kashmiri Muslims.32 However, "the surcharged
atmospheres prevailing in the valley," to quote Bazaz "unbalanced the
Pundit Community. They became suspicious, terror stricken and
dem oralized........ They now began to look up on the M aharaja as their
protector and refuge; they became the defenders of the pow er and thus came
into clash w ith the dynamic times."33 A stand which they (Pundits) would
continue in the future politics of Kashmir a lso .34
The leaders of the Reading Room Party organized secret meetings in
different corners of the city to shape the public opinion against Dogra Raj
and to cultivate a spirit of sacrifice w ithout which freedom w ould be a
distant dream. 35 Shaikh Abdullah, w ith his oratory played a leading role in
these meetings. In one of his speeches Abdullah, in an attem pt to appeal to
the emotions of his audience said, "I say that the only alternative to get rid of
30 P. N. Bazaz, op. cit. p. 143.31 Saraf, op. cit., vol. I, p. 355, also see A atish-i-Chinar pp. 55-59.32 Ibid33 Bazaz, op. cit. p. 144.34 Ibid35 M. Y. Ganai, Kashmir's Struggle fo r Independence, 1931-1939, (Srinagar: Mohsin
Publications, 2003), p. 107.
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this deplorable situation is that Muslims shall have to rem ain ready for any
kind of sacrifice. As long as the fear of jail, torture and persecution will
cultivate cowardliness among the people, there is no hope for the redressal
of the problems of Kashmiri Muslims. I also say that for a test I will offer
myself in the first instance and God willing, I shall be ready to face any kind
of sacrifice." 36
At this stage Shaikh Abdullah and his organization was backed by
different Punjabi M uslim organizations, w hich were m aking enormous
propaganda against the feudal State and the miserable conditions of
Kashmir Muslims. Significant am ong these organizations were A ll India
Kashmir Committee, which had been vocal in Kashmir M uslim affairs since
the beginning of the century. Other organizations supporting the Kashmiri
cause were the A njum an-i-H im ayat-i-Islam L Lahore, and the A njum an-i-
Kashmiri M usalm an , both of which were patronized by the M oham m ad Iqbal
who was by now firm believer in Pan-Islamism.
To the good fortune of Reading Room Party and the National
movement in Kashmir some sensational developm ents took place one after
another helping its leaders to mobilize masses openly which had been
waiting since its inception. It was reported am ong other happenings, that
Hindus had demolished a Mosque in Riasi in Jamm u Province w ith the
approval of the M aharaja's government.37 that at another place in Jammu
Muslims had been prevented from saying their p rayers,38 that the Imam of a
masque in Jamm u had been stopped by the authorities from giving his
sermon (khutba) before Friday Prayers.39 W hatever m ay be the interpretation
of all these incidents the essential point common to all these stories is that
the M uslim worship has been disrupted and the Holy Q uran insulted. These
36 A atish-i- Chinar, op. cit. p. 62.37 Abbas, Kashm akash, op. cit. pp. 63-67.38 Ibid
Ibid
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incidents provoked a strong resentm ent of M uslim com m unity in Jammu.
Protest rallies were organized under the guidance of Young M en's Muslim
Association, Jam m u.40 In Srinagar immediate reaction was sparked off after
a bunch of the posters, send by Young M en's M uslim Association, which the
Reading Room party got pasted through their w orkers,41 in different corners
of the city. There were fiery denunciations from m osque pulpits, processions
and public meetings.42 These incidents provided enough opportunity to the
M uslim leaders to mobilize the oppressed masses.43O n June 8,1931 a protest
dem onstration was organized at Jam ia M asjidM It was at this time that
Shaikh Abdullah, who was afterwards to become an undisputed leader of
the people, was introduced to the audience by Molvi M oham m ad Yusuf
Shah, recently succeeded to the position after his uncle's death in early
1931 45 Abdullah appeared at this time to have been an extremely devout,
and highly orthodox (Hanifite) Muslim and, as such to have w on the
affection and approbation of Mirwaiz M oham m ad Yusuf Shah. 46 Both,
Mirwaiz, w ith his religious prestige and Abdullah w ith his charismatic
personality and organizing ability, m ade a formidable team. 47 Shaikh
Abdullah m ade his m aiden speech to a gathering of seven thousand people,
48 after he was introduced by Mirwaiz as "M y leader."49 He explained to
them the greatness, eminence and superiority of the Holy Quran. 50 He most
effectively wove the Islamic concepts of a just society and individual rights
into his organizations agenda, which appealed to Kashmiri Muslims
40 The K ashm iri M usalm an, Lahore, (Weekly), May 10, 1931. See also Abbas, Kashmakash, op. cit.
41 A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 67-68, and Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, p, 122.42 Alistair Lamb, K ashm ir: A D isputed Legacy, op. cit. p. 89.43 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit., p. 68.44 G. H. Khan, op. cit. p. 127,45 Ibid see also A atish-i-C hinar op. cit.46 Lamb, op. cit., p. 9147 Ibid48 Hafiz M oham m ed Ismail, op. cit, June 9,1931 item 1,49 A atish-i-Chinar, p. 71.50 Hafiz M oham m ad Ismail, op. cit
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precisely because social and political rights had been denied them based on
their religion, a religion that emphasized justice and social equality. 51 After
the meeting, a procession led by Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah and Molvi
Abdul Rahim was taken out which passed through the streets of the city. 52
Now with every passing day Abdullah's fame was touching the skies.
The growing popularity of Abdullah and the simmering discontent of
the Muslim masses on the one hand and the anguish of non-M uslim official
dom on the other53 forced the government to issue a notice prohibiting the
holding of public meetings w ithin the premises of the Jam ia M asjid w ithout
the prior perm ission of authorities. 54 Emboldened by the mass support the
leaders continued to hold public meetings in w hich they advised people to
prepare themselves for sacrifices for the redressal of their grievances when
the governm ent failed to persuade their leaders, it let loose its reign of
persecution. One of its victims was Shaikh Abdullah who was dismissed
from governm ent services.55 The dismissal further increased the popularity
of the Abdullah as it was projected as a sought of sacrifice for the honor and
dignity of Kashmiri Muslims. 56 Now encouraged by the enorm ous mass
support57 and fully backed by the Mirwaiz M oham m ad Yusuf, who
extended the Jamia Masjid as the organizational centre for his political
activities,58 Shaikh Abdullah organized public meetings in different parts of
Srinagar city which used to be attended by thousands of people.59 These
meetings were surely spreading political consciousness am ong the masses.
51 Zutshi, op. cit. p. 228.52 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit.53 N on-M uslim Kashmir's w ho had so far dom inated the governm ent s e rv ic e s w e r e
feeling threatened by the M uslim dem ands for rationalization of these services.54 Hafiz M oham m ad Ismail, op. cit., And A atish-i-Chinar, p .71.55 Inqilab, Lahore, July 4,1931 and A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 75-78.56 Saraf, op. cit vol. I, pp. 367-368.57 It is evident fro the large scale participation of the m asses in the Public m eetings.58 Sadat, Rozana Diary, p. 694-5.59 A atish-i-Chinar, p.79.
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One such public meeting was called in the khanqah-i-Mohalla on 21
June 193160 to ratify the selection of Kashmir M uslim representatives61 who
were expected to subm it the grievances and dem ands62 of the community to
the Maharaja at the suggestion of G. E. C. Wakefield, Political Minister "This
gathering", in the w ords of the Shaikh, "should be considered the formal
inauguration of the freedom m ovement of Kashmir." 63 It was at this
historical gathering that a body of the M uslim representatives was ratified.64
The m eeting was significant for so m any things. First, the collective
leadership w as born w ith two main figures, that is Shaikh M ohamm ad
Abdullah and Molvi Yusuf Shah, a combination of divergently outlooks, old
and new; of religious conservatism and of religious liberalism, medieval
obscurantism and of growing m odernism .65 Secondly, the representative
body was a reflection of unity of different sects of M uslim Community7 all
laying stress on unity and solidarity among the M uslims.66 It was for the first
time that people were enjoying the taste of electing their representatives to
voice their legitimate grievances. And lastly, it was at this meeting that
Kashmir history had to take a new turn.
In his speech, Shaikh Abdullah, asked all M uslims to join together
and dem and their rights. He also appealed to the Pundits to join hands w ith
Muslims for redress of grievances as well as for independence. At the
60 Bazaz, Struggle fo r Freedom, P. 14561 As the list o f representation w as already formulated on June 20, 1931 at the office of
Anjum m i-i-N usrat-ul-Islam , Hafiz M oham mad Ismail June, 20, item I62 The draft of dem ands w as prepared by Reading Room Party w ith the help of Punjabi
A hm adiyas w hich sh ow s the influence of the later on the Kashmir m ovem ent at theinitial stage. A atish-i-Chinar, p. 142.
63 Ibid. p .82.64 The m em bers include Khwaja Said-ud-Din Shawl, M irwaiz M oham m ad Y ousuf Shah,
M irwaiz Atiqullah Hamadani, Aga Sayyed H ussain Jalali, Khawaja Ghulam Ahm ed Ashaie, Sheikh M oham m ed Abdullah and Shahab-ud-Din, clearly indicating that the new leadership was born from the cross sections of the M uslim Com m unity, (M. Y. Saraf, Vol. I p .373).
65 G. H. Khan, op. cit., p. 130.66 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit. p. 83.
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conclusion of the meeting, a well built Pathan, about 36-40 years old, Abdul
Qadeer67, a butler of a European official, rose up and delivered an emotional
and inspiring speech against the government.68 At the end of speech the
fiery speaker pointed towards the Sherghri Palace of the Maharaja and
shouted: "dem olish this edifice of injustice, cruelty and subjugation".69 He
was prom ptly arrested. This provided a fresh focus for public dem onstration
and protest. 70 H uge crowds massed at his trial, till it had to be shifted to the
Srinagar central Jail. On 13 July, 1931, a large crowed gathered at the gates of
Jail on the day of the hearing w hen the sessions judge and other officials
arrived, the mob became uncontrollable and some of the Muslims forced
their way into the outer com pound of the jail. The police stepped them, the
crowed replied w ith stones, and authorities reciprocated w ith bullets. The
Magistrate on duty ordered to open fire, which resulted into the cold
blooded massacre of twenty-one Muslims, and scores of dem onstrators
received bullet in juries.71
The incidents of 13July caused a great uproar in the whole valley
including Jammu. It shocked the very foundations of the Dogra Raj. One of
the unfortunate fall-outs of the incident was the occurrence of minor
communal riots, which created the tem porary gulf between the H indus and
the Muslims. 72
Chitrilehha Zutshi, one of the m odern researchers on the subject,
while em phasizing the multicasuality of the incident had advised for not
67 According to Fida M oham m ed Hussnain, A bdul Qadeer w as a d isciple of JammaludinAfgani, a form ost M uslim philosopher of the tw entieth century, w ho had also visitedKashmir before his departhre to Russia. See fida H ussnain, "Abdul Q adeer Khan Ghazi, hero o f 1931 uprising", in G reater Kashm ir, July 13, 2007.
68 Ibid. pp.84-87 and Bazaz, op. cit. p.145-146.69 Fida Hassnain, op. cit.70 Lamb, K ashm ir, op. cit., p. 89.71 Bazaz, op. cit. p .146, and see also Taseer, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-K ashm ir, Vol. I, p. 96-97,
Fida H assnain, op. cit., and G. H. Khan op. cit. p. 133.72 Ibid
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looking the occurrence in vacuum. To her the incident was an outcome of
the socio-economic and socio-political crisis in Kashmir.73
Another em inent writer M. J. Akbar while highlighting the
importance of the 13 July incident in Kashmir History w rote "It was a day of
many firsts: the first popular street challenge to the M aharaja's despotism;
the first mass com m unal violence; the first instance of police firing on an
unarmed crowd." 74
P. N. K. Bamzai puts it, "It is from that date that the people took upon
themselves the task of securing for themselves the right of democratic self
rule" 75 P. N. Bazaz, a contem porary freedom fighter and an eminent
historian writes, "Historically and politically 13th July 1931 was the most
important day in the annals of contem porary Kashmir. From this day the
struggle for independence and freedom in the m ost m odern sense started
openly" 76 Shaikh Abdullah equaled the day w ith the ' Jalumnwala Bagh
M assacre' and its importance in Indian National Movement. 77 There maybe
divergence of opinion regarding the interpretation of events and causation
of the revolt of 1931, w hat can not be doubted, of course, is that 1931
explicitly changed the course of Kashmiri politics.
Abdullah was able to assume the mantle of sole representative of the
Kashmiri Muslims soon after the events of 1931 precisely because he had the
moral support of the Mirwaiz Kashmir and the structural support of the All
Indian Kashmir Committee.78 Prominent Punjabi leaders had dem onstrated
interest in the grievances of their co-religionists in Kashmir as early as 1892.
The All Indian Kashmir Committee formed after the 13 July incident under
73 Zutshi, pp. 210-226.74 M. J. Akbar, Kashm ir; Behind The Vale, (N ew Delhi: Roli Books, 2002), P.70.75 P. N. K. Bamzai, Cultural and Political H istory o f Kashm ir, Vol. 3, p .732.76 Bazaz, op. cit p. 147.77 A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 88-96.78 Zutish, op. cit p. 228.
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the president-ship of Bashir-ud-din M ohamm ad Ahmad, the Khalifa of the
Ahmediya com m unity and patronized by the Kashmiri born poet and
philosopher, Sir M oham m ad Iqbal,79 called for an enquiry by the
government of India into the incidents of 13 July, announced the observance
of 14 A ugust as 'Kashm ir Day80 and w ent so far as to suggest a review by the
British parliam ent of the 1846 Amritser Treaty. 81 U nder such prom pting
Shaikh Abdullah refused to meet w ith the Maharaja on 6 A ugust 1931, until
the observance of 'Kashm ir Day' on 14th of A ugust.82
At the same time, Kashmir began to emerge as the centre of politics of
yet another Punjab based group known as the Majles-i-Ahrar-i-Islam. Led
among others by Syed Atta-ullah Shah Bukhari, the Ahrars were composed
of Anti-British urban Muslims and reform ist members of the Ulema with
links to the Indian National Congress.83 While Jam m u's M uslim cultivators
had welcomed the Ahrar jathas, the Ahmadiyas and Shaikh Abdullah were
locked into their ow n m utually supportive alliance.
In response to the call given by the Kashmir Committee, Kashmir Day
was celebrated both w ithin and outside the valley on 14the August, 193184
public meetings, processions, and peaceful dem onstrations were the main
features of the celebration in m ain M uslim centers of British India like
Punjab Ferozpor, Delhi, Surat, Gorakhpur, Bombay, Calcutta, and Shim la.85
Resolutions were passed in these meetings in which an enquiry was
dem anded to look into the grievances of M uslim Com m unity in the Jammu
79 Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, pp. 141-142.so Ibid81 Tribune, 29 July 1931, P. 8.82 R / l /1 /2 0 6 4 , CRR (Political Department), From the Resident in Kashmir, dated 17
A ugust 1931, Indian Office Library.83 For a fuller d iscussion of the Politics of the A hm adiyas, Ahrars and Iqbal, see Aaysha
Jalal, S elf and Sovereignty. London and N ew York: Rutledge, 2000.84 Saraf, op. cit. Vol. I, pp. 457-461.85 For a detailed description about Kashmir Day, see, G. H. Khan. Freedom M ovem ent in
Kashm ir, PP. 140-148
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and Kashmir State. 86 The one remarkable effect of the Kashmir Day
celebrations was that the events in Kashmir were projected for and wide on
the entire national politics in India.
Despite the ban on political movements, the Day was celebrated in
the entire State m uch beyond expectations. O n that 'D ay' the entire Muslim
world in Kashmir observed a full day hartal. A m am m oth public meeting,
attended by fifty thousand people, was held at the Jamia Masjid.87 Among
others Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah delivered a fiery speech in which he
highlighted the plight of Muslim Com m unity in Kashmir. Also, the
Maharaja was w arned of the consequences of the repressive policy of his
Government against the M uslim s.88
Alarmed by the growing mass popularity of Abdullah89 and
threatened by the mass resentment, Maharaja sought the support first of Sir
Taj Bahdur Sapru and Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad and then a prom inent
Punjabi M uslim and friend of Prime-Minister Hari Krishan Koul, Syed Sir
Mehr N awab Ali Shah. 90 And it was w ith the efforts of the latter that an
accord was signed between the governm ent and the M uslim representatives.
91 This tem porary truce, incidentally the first of the m any infam ous accords
which Shaikh Abdullah concluded at different stages of his long political
career, caused great resentment in the M uslim m inds against their
representatives.92 They were perceived as traitors and the truce was
considered as the w orst type of middle-class bargaining at the cost of
m artyr's blood and the people's sacrifices. This popular resentm ent was
86 Ibid.87 Taseer, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-Kashm ir, Vol. I, pp.142-143.88 Ibid.89 It w as evident by the huge mass attendance to listen him.90 Saraf, op. cit., vol. I, p. 398.91 A atish-i-C hinar, pp. 104-105.« Ibid.
4 7
H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness
expressed at a public meeting held at the Jamia Masjid on 28 August, 193193
as the representatives announced the terms of the truce to the audience. The
masses dubbed the representatives that they were "selfish and cared more
for their ow n prestige and power then the interests of the poor people."94 It
is im portant to m ention here that status quests and pro-establishm ent
elements too played an im portant role by disinform ation m ovem ent in
creating a trem endous resentm ent am ong the people.95 Shaikh Abdullah and
Molvi M oham m ed Yusuf Shah swore on the Q uran that they w ould never
betray the nation. In order to appease the public opinion Shaikh delivered a
fiery and emotional speech. He pleaded that he held the nation dearer than
his w on life. He said; "the Government asked for tw o m onths to consider
our demands. If during this period the governm ent practiced deception, we
shall not sit quit nor shall we let the governm ent feel comfortable. You will
see it very soon that our sacrifice for the nation will puzzle the government
of Kashmir, the governm ent of India and the entire w orld."96
In the meanwhile fresh trouble arose "the governm ent was rather
slack in im plem enting the terms of the tem porary truce and undue delay in
taking action in accordance w ith them ."97 This provided an opportunity to
Shaikh to log horns w ith the state and regain the popular trust. Thus he
made bold statements, warning the Governm ent to abide by the terms of the
truce. At the same time he cautioned the Kashmiri pundits about the danger
93 According to the terms of the truce the M uslim representatives undertook to com pletely stop the political agitation; w ould rem ain loyal to the Maharaja; that they w ould not be affected by the outside influence. The representatives expressed their gratitude to the prim e minister for his m agnanim ity w hich he had exhibited in arriving at the understanding. They also p ledged to observe the law s in force in the state. M iddleton Report on an Inquiry into D isturbances in K ashm ir (Jammu, Ranbir G overnm ent Press, 1931), p. vii.
94 Bazaz, Inside K ashm ir, op. cit., p. 144.95 Aatish-i-Chinar, op. cit., p. 108.96 The A lfazal, (Qadian), Decem ber 8,1931, p. 4.97 Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi, p. 145.
48
H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness
for their unnecessary indulgence in anti-M uslim propaganda. 98 The
government took a very serious note of these w arnings and used them as a
pretext to arrest the leaders.
On the 21 September Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah was arrested
along w ith Mr. Jala-ud-din (lecturer of Arabic in S. P. College) while they
were m aking collections in the city for the annual Ja lsa , of Islamia High
School 99 " The arrest of Shaikh Abdullah, this time," recalls Bazaz, "was
entirely different from his earlier arrest because while at that time he was
simply M aster Abdullah, he had by now became Sher-i-Kashmir w ith the
result that as soon as the news of his arrest became known, Muslims
immediately suspended their business and huge crowds from all over the
city began converging towards Jamia Masjid." 100
Shaikh A bdullah's reputation, spreading steadily since the events of
July 1931, registered a leap every time he was arrested by the Kashmir
durbar since jail going had become badge of honor am ong nationalists
throughout the Indian subcontinent. According to his followers, the Shaikh,
who had by now been elevated to the status of Sheri Kashmir (Lion of
Kashmir), had stepped forward in 1931 to receive the cauldron of oil that
was prepared by the oppressors for his community, since, "he depended on
God alone for support." 101 The earlier part of the same pam phlet declared
that the exalted A bdullah arrived on the scene to "lift the burden of
oppression off the shoulders of Muslims." 102The poetry composed in the
early 1930's presented Abdullah as their savior, a p rophet sent by God to
98 Hafiz M. Islamil, op. cit, Sept. 3 1931, item 5.99 Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, op. cit., P. 146.100 Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi, P. 74.101 M ousiki Kashm iri K a D assva Hissa (Lahore: Inqilab, Steam Press, 1933) p .2, Political
Department 3 8 3 /P o l 10/1932, Jammu State Archives. (JSA).102 M ousiki Kashm iri Ka Nava Hissa, P.4, Political Departm ent 3 8 3 /P o l 10/1932, Jammu
State Archives.
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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness
intervene on their behalf.103 A Kashmiri m asnavi published in 1932 entitled
Noah's A rk or True Voice, hailed the voice of tru th and justice that had
descended on Kashmir through Abdullah.104 In a remarkable turn-about
trends, by September 1931, Abdullah's popularity had grow n to such
proportions that the British were worried about the effect events in Kashmir
might have on the communal situation in India, especially in Punjab. 105
Consequently, they p u t pressure on the durbar to form a body that would
look into and rem edy the more obvious M uslims grievances.106 Thus, it was
on 20 Octoberl931, that Maharaja announced the appointm ent of a
commission of enquiry headed by Bertrand J. Glancy, a senior m ember of
the Indian political service.
Shaikh Abdullah appeared to be eveiyw here and speaking for every
class of Kashmiri Muslims in the m onths w hen the Commission was
gathering evidence. Besides many things, two im portant recommendations
made were to allow the formation of political parties and the publication of
newspapers in the state. 107 Maharaja accepted both of these
recommendations on March 12, 1932.This annulm ent had two fold
importances in that it recognized the legitimacy of the dem and for basic
political and civil liberties which the people deserved, and it implied the first
major victory reaped by the Muslim subjects as a result of their revolution.
108
103 Babu Fakirllah Khan Sahab, Safinaye Nooh, a lm aroof Sach A aw az (Amritsar: A hm adiyya Press, 1932) Pol. Dep. 384 / Pol.10/1932 JSA, and for the role o f m yth in the creation of Kashmiri leadership see, Saraf, Vol. I, p ./391-392 and Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi.
104 Babu Fakirullah Khan Sahib, Safinaye Noah, a lm aroof Sach A aw az, Amritser Ahm adiya Press, Jammu State Archives, political Department 3 8 4 /p o l/1 0 /1 9 3 2 .
105 Mridu Rai, Hindu Rulers M uslim Subjects, N ew Delhi: Permanent Black 2003), p .270.loo Ibid.107 B. J. Glancy, Report o f the Commission appointed under the order o f His H ighness, the
M aharaja a Bahadur dated 12th November, 1931 to Enquire in to the Grievances and Com plaints (Jammu: Rambir Govt. Press, 1933)
108 G. FI. Khan, op. cit, P. 167.
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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness
Carrying forward his political advantage, and capitalizing the
recommendations of the Glancy Commission (freedom of association)
Abdullah set about giving his following and their dem ands an
organizational shape. Accordingly, consultations were m ade w ith Jammu
leaders109 and the leaders of the Kashmir committee w ho assured full co
operation in this reg ard .110 To give a practical shape to the idea a committee
was set up which drafted a constitution of the proposed organization and
decided to nam e it as All Jammu and Kashmir M uslim Conference.111 The
Inaugural session of the Conference was held on 14,15 and 16 October 1932
at the historic Pathar M asjid Srinagar under the presidentship of Shaikh
M ohammad Abdullah.112 And hence forth, the organization became the sole
representative of the oppressed Kashmiris, under the leadership Shaikh
Abdullah, until it was converted into National Conference in 1939 to
broaden its mass base, but unfortunately, the event caused the ideological
polarization in the freedom m ovement of Kashmir. The contribution of the
Muslim Conference in bringing about political m odernization will be
discussed in the following chapter.
109 Chudhry Gulam Abbas, K ashiw kash, p. 118.110 The All India Kashmir Com m ittee dispatched M oulana Abdullah Rahim Dard, M olvi
Ismail Ghaznavi, Sayyed Habib Shah, Editor Daily Siyasat and Mir Zahur Ahm ad to Srinagar to assist Sheikh in making necessary arrangements. Financial assistance was also m ade available along w ith a car to facilitate the m om ent of workers. See M. Y. Saraf Kashmir's Fight for Freedom Vol. I, P. 482.
111 Taseer, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 246. .112 Alfazl, Q adian Oct. 25,1932.
51