Amanda Shaw

Gendered representations in Hawai‘i’s anti-GMO activism Article (Accepted version) (Refereed)

Original citation: Shaw, Amanda (2016) Gendered representations in Hawai‘i’s anti-GMO activism. Feminist Review, 114 (1). pp. 48-71. ISSN 0141-7789 DOI: 10.1057/s41305-016-0019-6 © 2016 The Feminist Review Collective This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/77878/ Available in LSE Research Online: May 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it.

1

GenderedRepresentationsinHawaiʻi’sAnti-GMOActivismAmandaFriendShawAbstractTheaimofthisarticleistoanalysesomeoftherepresentationsofintersectionalgenderthatmaterialiseinactivismagainstgeneticallymodifiedorganisms(GMOs).ItusesthecaseofHawaiʻiasakeynodeinglobaltransgenicseedproductionandhotspotforfood,landandfarmingcontroversies.Basedonethnographicworkconductedsince2012,thearticlesuggestssomeofthewaysthatgenderisrepresentedwithinmovementsagainstGMOsandoffersexamplesofhowthisemergesthroughactivistmediarepresentations.Isuggestsomeofthewaysthatintersectionalgendershapesthisfood-relatedmovementbyanalysingthemesofmotherhood,warriormasculinitiesandsexualisedfemininities,exploringtheimplicationstheseframingshaveforidentificationwithmovements.Iproposethattheserepresentationsofgenderinvokesomenormativeideasthatarenuancedinanintersectional,contextualisedframebutthatthesenonethelessconstrainmovementparticipationandsupportbydifferentsubjects.Thearticlesuggeststhattheserepresentationsmayworktogethertoprovideasenseofsocialcertaintyandfamiliaritythatworkstocounterbalanceandenableanti-GMOorganising'sthreatsto(agri)businessasusualinthesettlerstate.Keywordsanti-GMOactivism,geneticallymodifiedorganisms(GMOs),genderandsocialmovements,Hawaiʻi,aloha'āina,settlercolonialism

2

Theaimofthisarticleistoanalysesomeoftherepresentationsofintersectionalgenderthatmaterialiseinactivismagainstgeneticallymodifiedorganisms(GMOs).ItusesthecaseofHawaiʻiasakeynodeinglobaltransgenicseedproductionandahotspotforfood,landandfarmingcontroversies.Basedonethnographicworkconductedsince2012,thearticlesuggestssomeofthewaysthatgenderisrepresentedwithinmovementsagainstGMOsandoffersexamplesofhowthisemergesthroughactivistmediarepresentations.Isuggestsomeofthewaysthatintersectionalgendershapesthisfood-relatedmovementbyanalysingthemesofmotherhood,warriordomandsexualisedfemininities,exploringtheimplicationsthesegenderedframingshaveforsupporteridentificationwithmovements.Iproposethatthesegenderedrepresentationsinvokesomenormativeideasaboutgenderthatrequireanintersectional,contextualanalysistounderstandhowtheybothconstrainandenablemovementparticipation.Thearticlesuggeststhatthesesomewhatnormativerepresentationsofgendermayworktogethertoprovideasenseofsocialcertaintythatcounterbalancesthesocialthreatanti-GMOorganisingposesto(agri)business-as-usualinthesettlerstate.BackgroundHawaiʻihasbeenoccupiedbytheUSsinceacoupoverthrewtheestablishedHawaiianmonarchyin1893and,similartootherPacificterritories,hasneverbeendecolonised(Trask,1999;Kauanui,2008;Baldacchino,2010).NativeHawaiianorganisedresistancetotheoverthrowandtoUSoccupationislongstanding(Kameʻeleihiwa,1992;Silva2004),andnative-settlercoalitionscontinuetoresistenvironmentalandsocio-culturallydestructiveland-usepractices(Goodyear-Kaʻōpuaetal.,2014).Sincethelate2000s,foodandland-relatedmovementshavegatheredmomentumandvisibilityinHawaiʻi,includingactivismagainstGMO’s,asHawaiʻihasbecomeaglobalcentrefortransgenicseedproduction.1WhilesomeofthegenderpoliticsofNativeHawaiianresistanceshavebeenanalysed(Trask,1999;Tengan,2008;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2009;Hall,2009),sofarnothinghasbeenwrittenaboutthegenderedpoliticsofcontemporaryfood,landandenvironment-relatedactivismoranti-GMOactivism.Thisarticledeploysanintersectionalunderstandingofgenderinordertoanalysethewaysinwhichmultipleaxesofdifferenceinflectandareshapedbyoneanother(Crenshaw,1989;McCall,2005)withinpoliticalorganising(Chunetal.,2013)andspecificallywithinfoodmovements(Harper,2010).Gender,socialmovementsandrepresentationTheintersectionalpoliticsofHawai’i’santi-GMOorganisingandrepresentationsthereofareofinteresttoseveralareasoffeministandothercriticalscholarship.Inthefirstcase,thisincludeshowmultipleaxesofidentitiesmaterialiseandarerepresentedincollectiveaction,shapingpossibilitiesforalliance,coalitionandsocialchange.Inparticular,feministtheorisingofintersectionalitywithindifferentsocialmovementshasanalysedhowsocialmeaningsaremadeandidentificationsareconstructedwithinpoliticalorganising(Chunetal.,2013,p.937).Inthisway,socialmovementidentityframingscanmobilise,aswellasexclude,potentialmembersandsupporters(ibid.,p.937).Thisisbecauseconstructionsofidentitiescancomeattheexpenseofparticulargroups,ignoredifferenceswithingroupsand/orexcludepeoplewithmembershipinmorethanonecategoryofidentity(Crenshaw 1HawaiiCropImprovementAssociation(HCIA),http://www.hciaonline.com/[lastaccessed15March2015.

3

1991;Chunetal.,2013,p.937).Theseinsightsmainlystemfromconsiderationoffeministandanti-racistorganising—so-called‘identity-based’socialmovements—buthowtheseidentityprocessesworkinfoodandenvironmentaljusticeorganisingisemerging(Harper,2010;PorterandRedmond,2014).GenderresearchwithinthesocialmovementliteratureisalsoofinteresttotheintersectionalpoliticsofHawai’i’santi-GMOorganisingandrepresentations.Thisresearchcrossesdiversedisciplinaryterrain,issubdividedbypoliticalpositionings(e.g.Marxist,liberaletc.),alonggeographiclines(e.g.globalSouth,globalNorth)andaccordingtowhethermovementsarticulategender-relatedgoals(Conway,2013,p.6).GreenandenvironmentalmovementswithintheglobalNorthareoftentheorisedasexamplesofnewsocialmovements,2aswellasanalysedforhowtheyframesocialissuesand‘grievances’,andconstructidentitiesandbelongingwithinparticularplacesandspaces(Horn,2013,p.21).Newsocialmovementresearchhasemphasisedtheconstructionofidentitiesascomplexandcontingentprocessesofmeaning-makingandknowledgeproduction(Conway,2013,p.6)whereinmovementsreworkdiversemeanings,myths,codesandideologies,includinggenderedideologies(Williams,1995;Zemlinskaya,2010,pp.630-631).Thisresearchhasexploredhowgenderinfluencesmovements’appealstodifferentaudiences,theirprocessesofmobilisation,tacticsand‘framingprocesses’aswellasdivisionsoflabour,organisationaldynamicsand‘opportunitystructures’(Einwohneretal.,2000;Kuumba,2001;Zemlinskaya,2010,p.628).Thisresearchonthegenderdimensionsofsocialmovementprocessesisusefulinanalysingtheworkthatgenderedrepresentationsinanti-GMOactivismdotoshapesupporteridentificationandparticipationinmovements.Inadifferentway,feministresearchonmixed-gendermovementshelpstoanalysemovementsinwhichwomenpredominate,butwheregenderisnotanexplicitareaoffocus(Horn,2013,pp.45–46),asinthecaseofanti-GMOactivisminHawaiʻi.Thisresearchhasshownhowwomeninmixed-gendermovementsoftenparticipatestronglyinearlyorganisingbutarenotalwaysrecognisedasleadersoncemovementsprofessionalise,noriswomen’s‘grassroots’communityworkalwaysacknowledgedaspolitical(Zemlinskaya,2010,p.630).Evenwhilegendermaynotbeexplicitlyacknowledged,ithasbeenfoundthatmixed-gendermovementactorsnonetheless‘use’genderstrategicallytoclaimorcontestlegitimacywithinthepoliticalrealm—eitherforthemselvesorinwaysthataffectothers’legitimacyandpoliticalclaims(Einwohneretal.,2000,p.680).Indeed,inthisway,genderformspartofthelargersocialstoriesinvokedbysocialmovementsandhelpstodefinewhoisalegitimatepoliticalactor(ibid.,p.691).Einwohneretal.(ibid.,p.681;seealsoCaiazza,2002)positthatsocialmovementswhoseframingscoincidewithnormativeideasaboutgenderaremorelikelytoresonatewiththepublic,andthatingeneral,familiarsocialideasaremorelikelytoseemcompellingandunthreatening(Einwohneretal.,2000,p.691).Thismaybeseeninhowmanymovementsmobilisetropesofmotheringandcaring(Zemlinskaya,2010,p.633)aswellasmasculineframingsofsoldieringintheirwork(Noonan,1995;Zemlinskaya,2010,p.631).However,

2Researchonnewsocialmovementsconcernedthosemovementsthatemergedduringthe1960sand1970s,whichfocussedonpoliticsofrecognitioninrelationtonewformsofidentityandbelonging,incontrasttoothermovementsfocussedonstructuralinequalitiesandthepoliticsofredistribution,suchasthoseassociatedwithlabourandnationaliststruggles(Horn,2013,p.21).

4

thenotionofthe‘generalpublic’thatunderliestheseassumptionsissomewhathomogenisingandignoreshowdifferentaudiencesmakesenseofactivistmessages.Einwohneretal.(2000,p.693)furtherarguethatfemaleactivistsinparticulararecaughtinadoublebindinwhichtheyareexpectedtodemonstratenormatively‘feminine’characteristics,whilebeingdelegitimisedas‘irrational’and‘emotional’onthesamebasis.Yetagain,genderisnottheonlydynamicofdifferencethatshapespoliticallegitimacy:processesofracialisationandclassingalsooffertheirownconundrumsanddoublebindsfordifferentlypositionedsocialmovementsubjects.Theintersectionalpoliticsofreasonandlegitimacywithinsocialmovementsarethereforesometimescontradictoryandalwayscontextspecific.Forexample,attimesnormativegenderidealscanoperatetoadvancemixed-gendersocialmovementgoalsandinothermoments,spacesandstruggles,encumberthem(FerreeandMueller,2000;Zemlinskaya,2010).Thisisalsotrueforgreenandenvironmentalmovements.BellandBraun(2010;Alkon,2011)havearguedthatrepresentationsofworkingclassminermasculinitiesspecificallyconstrainedAppalachianmen’sparticipationincoalminingactivism,whileideasaboutfemininityandcaringfacilitatedwomen’srolesasmovementleaders.Theirworkdemonstratestheneedforrelationalaccountsofhowgender,race,classandotheraxesofdifferenceinfluencemixed-gendermovements,includingfoodmovements(BrownandFerguson,1995;DeLindandFerguson,1999).Animportantmethodforundertakingsuchaccountsincludesanalysinghowactiviststhemselvesrepresentidentitiesintheirwork,framing,highlightinganddownplayingdifferentmarkersofidentities(Hall,1997).Accordingly,researchonrepresentationhasbeenimportantforanalysinghowidentitiesare(re)presented,emphasisingtherelationshipsbetweenthepoliticsofthevisibleandthepowerofthenormative.Scholarsofrepresentationthereforeconnecttheproductionofsocialknowledgewithrelationsofpowerandcomplexrelationsbetweenabsenceandpresence(Foucault,1970citedinHall,1997,p.27;Chow,1993).Inrelationtogenderandgendernorms,representationscanbesaidtoencompass‘therealofsymbolicandculturalpracticethatproducesimages,ideasandfantasiesofgender’(Wearing,2014,p.143).Inotherwords,representationsfunctionassiteswheregenderedmeaningsarereflected,resistedandconstructed(ibid.)which,forsocialmovements,caninfluenceandappealtodifferentaudiences.Sincerepresentationsarebothpoliticalandnormative,helpingtoconstructdesirablenormsofgenderandpoliticsandalsoestablishingtheveryconditionsbywhich‘gender’and‘politics’becomeintelligibleinthefirstplace(Butler,1990,p.1;Whelehan,2014,p.240),theseconnectionsbetweenhowsocialmovementsbothciteandreworknormativegenderareimportanttounderstand.MethodsThetaskofanalysinggenderedsocialmovementrepresentationscanbenefitfrommultiplemethods.Socialmovementresearchtypicallymixesparticipatoryandethnographicwork,andtextualandmediaanalysis(e.g.Tyler,2013)butthereisasyet,norigourouslydefinedmethodologyforthestudyofgenderedvisualrepresentationsinsocialmovements(MattoniandTeune,2014,p.876).However,somefeministshavecombinedvisualmethodsintheirresearchonpublicprotests(Tyler,2013;Coe,2015)inordertounpackthe

5

discourses,symbolsandvisualcultureactivistsdeploy.Theyinterrogatenotonlyhowgenderisrepresented,buthowgenderinformswhatcomestoberecognisedas‘political’inthefirstplace(Coe,2015,p.891).Inanotherarea,visualethnographiestietogetheranalysisofvisualculturalproductionwithethnographicobservationandparticipation(Pink,2013).Thisarticledrawsonthesemethodsandisbasedonwiderethnographicfieldworksince2012ongender,labour,foodandfarminginHawaiʻi.Duringthistime,Iobservedsomeofthewaysthatgenderedsymbols,framesandideascirculateinGMOdebatesinHawaiʻi,andspecificallywithinanti-GMOactivisminpublicandonline.Thispaperfocusesonactivistrepresentationsduringthe2012-2013period,atatimewhenlocalanti-GMOactivismwasgainingmomentum(Gupta,2013).Duringthisperiod,Iobservedgenderedthemeswithinanti-GMOorganisingthathadbeenhighlightedbyresearchersonenvironmentalandfoodmovementselsewhere.Theseincludedtheuseofmaternalandwarriormetaphorsforactivists,aswellastheprominenceofcertainrepresentationsofyoungfemalesexualityinactivistworkandmaterials.Genderwasmostobviouslyathemeforgroupsthatusedspecificallygenderedlanguage(e.g.‘MomsonaMission’)butisalsoatworkmoresubtlyinactivistimagerythatfocusedonwomenandchildren.3Moreover,theinsistenceonscientificandlegalframesforenvironmentalpolitics(Seager,2003)andthegendereddisassociationbetweenreason/emotionalsoformpartofthewidercontextthatinformshowgendershapesGMOdebates.ThephotographicimagesanalysedinthisarticlewerechosenfromactivistYouTubevideosandslideshowsthatlargelydepictpublicprotesteventsandactivistsignage.TheseimageswerechosentospotlightsomeofthewaysthatmultiplemarkersofidentitiesaredeployedwithinHawai’ianti-GMOorganising,usingthevisualtoanchorthediscussionratherthantorepresentwhatarearangeofactivistgenderedexpressions.Inthissense,theapproachissimilartoTyler(2013)whodrawsonmixedmethodsinherresearchongenderedprotest.Inherwork,Tylerarguesforengagingwithprotestmaterialsinordertotroubleexistingunderstandingsofpolitics,withouttryingtofixthemeaningsofprotestactsorspeakforprotestorsthemselves(ibid.,p.213).Thepurposehereiscomparable:toanalysetheworkthatintersectionalgenderdoesinmixed-genderorganisinginwaysthatmaytroubleprevailingtheorisingongenderandfood-relatedsocialmovements.Theanalysisofimagesthushelpstoreflectonhowidentitiesarerepresentedwithinsocialmovementorganisingandhowthisshapes,constrainsandenablesdifferentsubjects’participation.Theimageswereselectedbasedonfieldworkobservations,andinthisway,partiallyreflectthebroaderresearchrelationships(Posocco2011)andmyaccesstoparticularsubsetsoforganising–accesswhichisofcoursedirectlyinfluencedbymyownlocationasalocallyraisedwhite(haole)4woman.Issuesofpersonallocationareparticularlyimportanttoconsiderwhenanalysingrepresentationsofrace,asCampthighlights,giventhatthedesireto‘see’racecananimateevencriticalresearchers’work(Campt2012).Campt(ibid.,pp.

3Forexample,thecoverimageofFacingHawaiʻi'sFuture:EssentialInformationaboutGMOs(Black,2012),aprominentactivisttext,whichpresentsapaintingincludingapregnantwoman.4GiventhatHawaiianisanofficiallanguageoftheStateofHawaiʻiandthusnota‘foreign’languageasitalicsaremeanttoconvey,TraskandTenganmaintainun-italiciseduseofHawaiianlanguageterms.Howeverinthispaper,circulatedinspacesoutsideHawaiʻi,Ihavechosentousetheconventionalitalicsfornon-Englishlanguageterms.

6

127–128)remindsthattransparentrelationshipsbetweenthevisualand‘racialtruths’cannotbeassumed,asimagesalwaysresultfromsociallyembeddedprocessesof‘conjuringandfixing’—inthiscase,fromfieldworkencounters(Posocco,2011).Theanalysisofferedhereisthusinformedbythesepositioningsandsocialrelationships,isnecessarilypartialandformsjustonepartofwhatmightbemoresystematicaccountsofhowgenderoperateswithinanti-GMOorganisingandwithinHawai’ifoodpoliticsmorebroadly.Hawaiʻi’santi-GMOorganisingincontextHawaiʻi’santi-GMOorganisingtakesplacewithinthecontextofglobaldebatesconcerningthesafety,ethicsandeconomyoftransgeniccropsandisrelatedtowiderargumentsabouttheeffectsofinput-intensiveagriculture,corporateconcentrationandgenepatenting,amongotherissues(KleinmanandKloppenburg,1991;Lapegna,2014;SchurmanandMunro,2010;Wieldetal.,2010).Proponentsoftransgenictechnologieshighlighttheyieldsoftransgeniccrops,arguingthattheyrequirefewerpesticides(James,2014;FederationofAmericanScientists,2011a)andthatnewplanttraitswillhelpsustaingrowingpopulations,dealwithclimatechangeandreducecostsforfarmers(Qaimetal.,2013;James,2014).OtherresearchcitesconcernsaboutGMOs’effectsonhumanandenvironmentalhealth,uncertaintiesassociatedwithgeneticdrift,andexposuretothepesticidestransgeniccropshavebeenengineeredtowithstand.Somesocialscholarshavearguedthatpatentsassociatedwithtransgenictechnologiesrepresentaformofbiocolonialismonindigenousplantsandpeople(Goldberg-HillerandSilva,2015)andthatpesticideshavedifferentiatedgendered,classedandracialisedhealtheffects,disproportionatelyaffectingthosewholive,workandplaynearestexposuresites(Acero,2012).Differingopinionsontransgenictechnologiesemanatenotonlyfromtheacademybutalsofromscientific,policyandregulatoryentitiestaskedwiththesafetyofthefoodsupply.TheUShasdeclaredGMOssafe,andabouthalfofUSfarmlandisusedtocultivatetransgeniccrops,includingcorn(Fernandez-Cornejoetal.,2014,p.9).Transnationally,transgenictechnologiesarepromotedthroughUS-backedfoodaidandphilanthropicsupport(KleinmanandKloppenburg,1991),whileahandfuloftransnationalcorporationsdominatetheglobalmarketforseedsandagrochemicals.Today,nearlyallgeneticallymodifiedseedsspendsometimeduringtheirdevelopmentintheHawaiianislands(HCIA)andoverthelastseveralyears,theUS-occupiedarchipelagohasbecomeakeycentreintheglobaltransgenicseedsupplychain.Presentsincethe1960s,seedcompaniesuseHawaiʻi’syear-roundgrowingseasontoshortenseedbreedingtimes.EarlyseedcompanieshavesincebeenacquiredbyagrochemicalgiantsDowAgroScience,Monsanto,PioneerHi-BredInternational,SyngentaandBASF,whonowconductasignificantamountofopen-airresearchinHawaiʻi—more,infact,thananywhereelseintheUS(Callis,2013).Exportedtransgenicandhybrid5seedcornisnowthestate’shighestmonetaryvalueagriculturalcommodityandprimaryagriculturalexport,senttobreedersintheUSandbeyondforcultivation. 5Hybridseedisthatproducedthroughtraditionalbreedingtechniquesofcrossingspeciestoachievedesiredtraits.Thiscomparestotransgenicorgeneticallymodifiedcrops,whichhaveplantoranimalgeneticmaterialmanuallyinsertedintoplantDNA.

7

Seedcompaniesoftenutilisethelandandinfrastructureofformersugarandpineappleplantations,owningandleasingabout10percentoftotalHawaiʻiagriculturallandfromarangeoflandownersincludingtheState,Armyandothers(Brower,2013a,2013b).Thecompaniesemployaround1,800peopleonthefourislandswheretheyoperate,hiringfieldworkersfromruralareas,manyofwhomarefirstorsecondgenerationFilipino/a,NativeHawaiianormixed-racedLocalandmigrantsfromthePacificandLatinAmerica(Hofschneider,2014).Researchisgrowingonthesocialdimensionsofanti-GMOactivisminthearchipelago(Black,2012;Brower,2013a,2016a,2016b;Gupta,2013,2014)butnothinghasbeenwrittenyetaboutthegenderdimensionsofseed/agrochemicalcompaniesorlocalGMOdebates.

Hawaiʻi’santi-GMOandpesticideactivismHawaiʻi’santi-GMOactivismoverlapsinsomewayswithNativeHawaiiansovereigntyorganising,withconservation,foodandenvironmentaljusticework,aswellaswithotherconsumerandsubculturalmovements(Brower,2013b;Gupta,2013,2014).Sinceatleastthemid-2000s,Hawaiʻiactivistshavecontestedtheseedcompanypresenceandtheecological,cultural,economicandpublichealthimpactsofgenepatenting,geneticmodificationandpesticideuse.Specifically,thehumanandecologicalhealtheffectsofpesticideshavebecomeaprominentissuemobilisingsupporterswhootherwisemightnotbemotivatedbyconcernaboutGMOs(Brower,2015).AndyetthepreciserelationshipsbetweenGMOsandpesticideuseremainhighlydisputedandlacklong-term,independentresearch.Fortheirpart,activistshavearguedthatpesticideusebyseedcompaniesinHawaiʻiisthelikelycauseofillnessesaffectingsurroundingareas,includingatleastonecancercluster(AanavPioneerHi-BredInternational,Inc.,2013)andseveralreportedcasesofacutepesticidepoisoninginschools(CenterforFoodSafety,2015).Theyarguethatthehealtheffectsremainunconfirmedinpartbecauseseedcompaniesarenotrequiredtodisclosespecificinformationaboutpesticideapplication.ActivistscontendthatHawaiʻi’scaseisuniquebecausetransgenicfieldresearchsprayspesticidesmorefrequentlyasplantsaretestedforresistance,andthatasweedresistancegrows,companiesareturningtoolder,moredeleteriousagrochemicals(CenterforFoodSafety,2015).Fortheirpart,seedcompaniesarguethatactivistsdonothavesufficientscientificevidencetojustifytheirclaimsandthat,infact,fewerpesticidesoverallareusedtogrowtransgeniccropsthaninconventionalagriculturebecauseplantsthemselvesmanufacturegenesthatresistpestsorweedkillerssprayedonthem.6TheindustryhaslongassertedthatmostpesticidesusedonGMcrops,suchasRoundUp(glyphosate),aresafe,evenwhenusedinlargequantities(Williamsetal.,2000;Monsanto,2002–2012),andciteUSfederallawasestablishingthebaselineofpublichealthregulationforbothpesticidesandGMOs.Forbothsides,thesedebatesareongoing,asindependentresearchontherelationshipsbetweenpesticidesandGMOsremainslacking,althoughonestudyonpesticidesontheislandofKaua’ihasrecentlybeendrafted(Adler,2016). 6HawaiiCropImprovementAssociation(HCIA),http://www.hciaonline.com/[lastaccessed15March2015.

8

FocussingontherelationshipsbetweenGMOsandpesticidescanbeunderstoodasastrategyaimedatconvincingapublicinacontextwhereGMOshavebeendeclaredsafeandlong-termscientificstudiesarelacking.IncontrasttoresearchonGMOs,thereisrelativelymorescientificandpopularconsensusconcerningthenegativehealtheffectsofpesticides,includingrecentconcernaboutglyphosateinparticular.7Localactivismgenerallyhighlightspesticidedrift—whenpesticidesmoveawayfromsitesofapplicationthroughwind,dirtandgroundwater—ratherthanfocussingondirectexposureaswouldbefacedbyapplicatorsandseedcompanyworkers.8Assuch,activismtendstocentraliseconsumer,resource-userandpublichealthperspectives,ratherthanworkerones.GiventhecentralityofthepesticideissueintheHawaiʻicase,localanti-GMOactivismmustalsobeunderstoodinrelationtothelongerhistoryofenvironmentalandsocialstrugglesagainstchemicaluseintheislands.Hawaiʻialreadysuffersasignificanttoxicloadduetomilitarytestingintheenvironmentandplantationagriculture’suseofagrichemicals.Asresearchhasshown,theeffectsofpesticidesaresociallydifferentiated,affectingpoorerpeopleofcolourdisproportionately,withgendereddifferentiatedeffectsonreproductivesystems(Birke,2000;Seager,2003;AyueroandSwistun,2009;Iovino,2013).Indeed,Hawaiʻialreadyreportshigherthanaveragebreastcancerrates(Allenetal.,1997,p.679)andactivistsareconcernedaboutwhattheyseeascontinuedthreatsto‘āina(land),communitiesandfuturegenerations.Whilethereissignificantfeministscholarshipongender,biotechnologyandendocrine-disrupting9chemicals,relativelylittlehasbeenwrittenspecificallyaboutgenderandagribiotechnologies(DiChiro,2004;BryantandPini,2006)oranti-GMOactivism(BloomfieldandDoolin,2012),letalonefromanintersectionalperspective.However,feministtheorisingonfoodandenvironmentaljusticecanhelptoexplorehowgenderandotheraxesofdifferencearedeployed,constructedandchallengedwithinanti-GMOorganising,evenasfurtherresearchisneeded.

AGenderandfoodjusticeapproachtoanalysingHawaiʻi’santi-GMOactivismMovementsfor‘foodjustice’intheUShaveemergedattheintersticesofenvironmental,farmworkers’,indigenous,feministandcivilrightsandothertransnationalmovements(AlkonandAgyeman,2011;Lukens,2013,p.74).Foodjusticescholarsemphasisethewaysinwhichsocialinequalitiesshapefoodandfarming(GottliebandJoshi,2010;Harper,2010;Agarwal,2014;RedmondandPorter,2014;),technologiesandscience(Haraway,1989,2008;Acero,2012),andanalysethegender,raceandclassdimensionsofenvironmentaljusticeactivism(Seager,1994,2003;DiChiro,1998;Stein,2004;BellandBraun,2010;Perkins,2012)andfoodandfarmingmovements(Guthman2008a,2008b,2011;Slocum,2006;Alkon,2011;Kimura,2011;SachsandAlston,2014). 7SeeGuytonet.al.,2015.8However,onerecentcaseofworkerhospitalisationhasgarneredsignificantattention;seeHofschneider,2016.9Pesticideexposureimpactsdifferentlygenderedbodiesathomeviapesticidedriftsfromsurroundingfields,throughworkinagricultureorcaringforotherswhofallillorwhobringexposurewiththemthroughtheirclothes.Pesticidesactasendocrinedisruptors,irritantsandcarcinogensandarelinkedtocancerandreproductivehealthproblems.

9

Hawaiʻi’santi-GMOactivismintersectswiththesenationalandtransnationalmovementsforfoodandenvironmentaljustice,aswellaswithlocalisedstrugglesforNativeHawaiiansovereignty,theenvironmentandspecificconflictsoverresource,landuseanddevelopment(Brower,2013a,2013b,2016b;Gupta,2013,2014;Goodyear-Kaopua,2014).Anti-GMOactivismencompassesmixed-genderandmulti-ethnicalliancesofhaoleandAsiansettlers,NativeHawaiians,andUScontinentalandtransnationalactors.Differentactivistsandgroupsutilisedistinctivestrategiesandtactics,seekingandobtainingdifferentdegreesofmediaattentionandpublicvisibility(Black,2012).InHawaiʻi,anti-GMOactivismisoftenassociatedwithupper-middleclass,recenthaolemigrantsfromtheUSmainland(so-called‘transplants’)andwithvarioussubculturalsubjects(e.g.hippies,surfers,environmentalistsetc.)(Entine,2013a,2013b).Withinthelocalisedanti-GMOmovement,thereissignificantrecognitionbyactiviststhatalargeshareofearlycommunityorganisingwasundertakenbyolderhaoletransplantwomen,andsomeNativeHawaiianandAsianAmericanwomenorganisers.Atthesametime,especiallyintheperiodfrom2012to2013,youngerlocalhaoleandmulti-ethnicactivists,manyofwhomwerewomen,beganplayingincreasinglyvisiblerolesinmovementorganising,evenwhilemovements’mostvisiblespokespeoplewereoftenprofessionalhaolemaleexperts,lawyersandpoliticians,andNativeHawaiianmaleactivists.Suchdivisionsoflabourarebroadlyschematicoftheperiodfrom2012to2013amongstacertaincadreofactivistsandgroups,thoughthesehaveundergonesignificantshiftsandchangesinensuringyears,includingprofessionalisation.However,inordertounderstandgenderedrepresentationsinanti-GMOactivism,itisusefultofocusontheperiodfrom2012to2013periodandtoexplorehowthisorganisingislinkedwithHawaiʻi’shistoryoffoodandfarmingpolitics.Colonialism,agricultureandgenderinHawaiʻiNativeHawaiianagriculturalsystemsinvolvecomplexsocio-ecologicalandspiritualrelationships(Kameʻeleihiwa,1992),andHawaiianconceptionsofgenderlinktogetherspiritualmeanings,kinshiprelations,divisionsoflabourandpoliticalleadershipinwaysthatdiffermarkedlyfrom(post)colonialgendernorms(Linnekin,1990;Kameʻeleihiwa,1992;Merry,2000;Tengan,2008).Withmissionary,USandEuropeaneconomicandpoliticalideologicalinfluenceduringtheeighteenthcentury,socialandgenderrelationsunderwentsignificantandviolentchange.Duringthistime,thedeathsofmanyNativeHawaiiansprofoundlyshapedhowexistingpoliticalleaderssoughttonegotiategrowingmissionaryandcolonisinginfluences,includingforeignpressurestoprivatisepropertyinthe1860s(Kame‘eleihiwa,1992).PrivatepropertyenabledthedevelopmentofUSandEuropeansugarplantationswhoseraciallysegregatedlabourwassuppliedbymostlymalemigrantsfromparticularpartsofJapan,China,Portugal,PuertoRico,Korea,Spain,thePhilippinesandbeyond(Takaki,1984;FujikaneandOkamura,2008).Inthisway,changestofoodandagricultureworkedassignificantcolonialtechnologies(Kameʻeleihiwa,1999;Lukens,2013),remakingsocialandecologicalrelationships(Trask,1999;Pōmaika’iMcGregor,2007;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011)andevenshapingtheaestheticsoftasteitself(Hobart,forthcoming).ThesechangesfurtherentrenchedChristianandUS

10

socialideals,includinggendereddivisionsofthepublic/privatesphereandaheteropatriarchalnuclearfamilymodel.WhilethecolonialgazehistoricallyfeminisedtheislandsandNativeHawaiianpeople(Kameʻeleihiwa,1992;Hau‘ofa,1993;Teaiwa,1999;Trask,1999;Wood,1999),changesinthe1790sfiguredNativeHawaiiansandAsianmigrantsthroughshiftinggenderedopticsofdeviance,threatanddomestification.Inthenineteenth-centuryfeminisedandexoticisedimagesofwelcoming‘hulagirls’(Trask,1993;Jolly,2008;Hall,2009)wereusedtopromotebothmilitaryandtourismeconomies(i.e.‘militourism’)(Teaiwa,1994;FergusonandTurnbull,1999),whileideasofmultiracialharmonyweredrawnonbywhiteandAsiansettlerelitestopromoteUSstatehoodandentrenchtheirpoliticalpower(FujikaneandOkamura,2008).Theseviolenceswere,andare,powerfullyandwidelyresistedbyNativeHawaiianorganisersandallies(Trask1991,1999;Silva,2004;Pōmaika’iMcGregor,2007),includingthroughrevalorisingHawaiiansocio-ecologicalwaysofknowing(Goldberg-HillerandSilva,2011)withinland-basedmovements(Pōmaika’iMcGregor,2007;Tengan,2008;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2009).SomegroupsexplicitlydrawonNativeconceptionsofgender,sexualityandfamilywithinthisculturalandland-basedrevitalisationwork(Tengan,2008;Wong-Kalu,2013).AlohaʻāinaisanimportantconceptinNativeHawaiianorganising(Kameʻeleihiwa,1992;Silva,2004;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011;Gupta,2014,p.6;Baker,2015;Meyer,2015)andinanti-GMOactivism(Altemus-Williams,2013;Gupta,2014).Itroughlytranslatestoʻlove(aloha)fortheland(‘āina)’—wherelandisdefinedas‘thatwhichfeeds’(Andrade,2008).Scholarshaveconceptualisedalohaʻāinaasa‘spacetolinkissuesofsocial,cultural,andecologicaljustice(Beamer,2013)’(Gupta,2014,p.5)throughmutualobligationsofserving,honouringandlovingancestors(Kame‘eleihiwa1992,p.25;alsocitedinOhnuma,2008,p.379).However,thereissomeconcernthattheconceptofalohaisalsoeasilycooptedbysettlersandusedtoconsolidate‘Local’identitiesandthe(neo)liberalmulticulturalsettlerstate(Trask,1991b;Ohnuma,2008).Inthisway,itisimportanttodifferentiatebetweenNativeHawaiian,settlerand‘Local’identitiesandtounderstandtheworkthatindigenous-centredconcepts,suchasalohaʻāina,performwithinanti-GMOorganising.‘Local’(capitalised)inthiscasereferstoshiftingconfigurationsofracialisedsignifierstowhichethnicity,classandlanguagecontribute,butwhichcannotbereducedtothesecategories(FujikaneandOkamura,2008).‘Local’isvariouslydefinedasparticipationinculturalconventions(e.g.removingshoesbeforeenteringahouse);demonstrationofawarenessofdifferentculturalpractisesofHawaiʻi’sethnicgroups;speakingHawaiianEnglishCreole(HECorPidgin);simplybeingofmixedethnicity;orreferringtooneoranumberoftheseandotherfactors(FujikaneandOkamura,2008).ScholarshaveanalysedhowLocalidentitiesemergedinrelationtobothNativeHawaiiansovereigntymovementsandmainlandhaoleimmigrationinthe1960sand1970sandhavebeenusedtoproduceaviewofHawaiʻiastheidealmulticulturalstate(Ohnuma,2008,p.375).Incontrast,NativeHawaiianidentitieshavebeenparticularlyaffectedbyUSconceptionsofraceandnarrativesofdisappearingnatives(Ledward,2007),enforcedthroughideasofbloodquantum(Kauanui,2007,2008)thatalsodeterminematerial(e.g.

11

land)entitlements.10Incontrast,local-bornhaoledevelopedtheterm‘kamaʻāina(oneborninaplace)todistinguishthemselvesfromnewerwhitesettlers(Wood,1999),(thosenowknownas‘transplants’).ThisbriefglossontherelationalandshiftingcategoriesofidentityinHawaiʻispeakstosomeofthewiderprocessesofcolonisation,UShegemonyandmigrationthatshapecurrentsocialandpoliticalrelations.Thiscontextiskeytounderstandinghowanti-GMOorganisingengageswith,citesandreworksintersectingidentitiesintheiractivistrepresentations.Aloha‘āinawarriorsTheYouTubefilmbythe‘HemoWaiBros’entitled‘ʻĀinaWarriors’featurestwoactivistsexplainingtheeffectsGMOfieldshaveontheislandofMolokaiaswellasfootageofpublicprotests,hearingsandpesticidesprayersinfields.Towardthebeginningofthefilm,animageappearsfeaturingtheprotagonists,activistbrothersHanohanoand‘UaRitte(sonsofNativeHawaiiansovereigntyandenvironmentalactivistWalterRitte)alongwithprofessionalsurferandmartialartsfighterturnedKauaimayoralcandidate,DustinBarca.Thethreemenappearwiththeirarmscrossed,lookingbackatthecamera,whilebehindthemabannerproclaims‘Whatwelove,wewillprotect.'Alongthebottomofthescreenthetext“‘ĀinaWarriors”underlinestheimage(HemoWai,00:22).IdentificationwiththeideaofalohaʻāinawarriorsisstronglyconnectedwithNativeHawaiiananti-colonialmovements(Tengan2003,2008;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011;Baker,2015)andnowusedwidelywithinHawaiʻi’santi-GMOactivism(Gupta,2014).Theimagethemesofloveandprotectionforlandandfuturegenerationsbringtogetherconceptsofmilitarisedresistance,sacrednessandHawaiianwaysofknowing(Tengan,2003,2008;Kauanui,2008;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011).Aloha‘āinaentailsdefenceandrestorationofhistoriclivelihoods,sacredspaces,culturalpractisesandhistoricpathwaysforprovisioningfoodandmanagingresources(Pōmaika’iMcGregor,2007;Andrade,2008;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2009,2011,2014;Isaki,2011).ThewarriordimensiontoalohaʻāinaorganisingcanbetheorisedinrelationtoPacificscholarshiponmasculinitiesandgender(Tengan2003,2008;Jolly,2008;Walker2008;Teves,2012,p.132)andspecificallyinrelationtoEuropeanviewsonPolynesians.Jolly(2008,p.7)arguesthatinthePacific,EuropeansviewedMaoriasparadigmaticwarriorsandmasculinisedMaoripeople.TenganhasarguedthatsomeNativeHawaiianmen’sgroupsdrawonMaorimasculinitiestocontestEuropeanfeminisationofHawaiʻiandHawaiiansthroughmartialartsandculturalpractice(Tengan2003,2008;Teves,2012,p.132).Atthesametime,contemporaryrepresentationsoftenconstructNativeHawaiianmenasprofessionalathletesandmilitarywarriors(Teves,2012,p.94),aseither‘patriotic’militarymenoras‘resistantwarriors’(Jolly,2008,p.8)andoften,ascriminals(Goldberg-Hiller,2014).Processesoffeminisationandresistantwarriordomarethereforerelational,trans-Pacificandshapedbycolonialinstitutionsofthemilitary,sportandeducation(Jolly,2008,p.7).Moreover,notonlyaretheresymbolic,genderedassociationsatstakeintheframingofalohaʻāinawarriors,butgendercanalsoentailmaterialconstraintonmovementparticipation.Forexample,somemeninTengan’s(2008,p.60)studylinkedtherelativeand 10Suchasaccesstoland—i.e.Hawaiianhomelands—whichreliesona50percentnativeHawaiian‘bloodquantum.’

12

perceivedlackofmaleparticipationinNativeHawaiiansovereigntymovementsasdirectlyrelatedtotheirfocusonfulfillingcolonialnotionsofthemalebreadwinnerandemphasisonobtainingpaidwork.Inanotherarea,BraunandBell(2010)arguedthatAppalachianmen’shistoricworkincoalindustriestiedtheiridentitiestonotionsoftoughnessandstoicismthatmadeitdifficultforthemtoparticipateinanti-coalactivism.Inthisway,racialisedandclassedideasaboutmasculinitycanshapeandlimitmovementparticipationandidentificationinrelationtoenvironmentalstruggles(Kuumba,2001;BellaandBraun,2010).Inthiscase,alohaʻāinawarriorframesappearmasculinisedandarealsoboundupwithgenderedthemesofprotection,defenceandthreatmobilisedwithinanti-GMOorganising.Thisproductionofthreatwithinsocialmovementorganisinghasbeenfoundtoperformspecificgenderedwork,oftenframingland,womenandchildrenasobjectsofsafeguard(AyueroandSwistun,2009;Foster,2011,p.143).Inthisway,masculineidentitiesaredifferentiallyconstructedas,Young(2003)describes,‘dominative’versus‘protective’masculinities.Engagingintheproductionofprotectivealohaʻāinawarrioridentities,therefore,mightworktoconstruct‘virtuousmasculinity[which]dependsonitsconstitutiverelationtothepresumptionofevilothers’(ibid.,p.15)—inthiscase,theseed/agrochemicalcompanies.InthecaseoftheHemoWaiBros.filmandinanti-GMOactivismmorebroadly,theideaofthreateningseedcompanyoutsidersisinvokedandreworkedagainsttheseprotectivealoha‘āinawarriorframings.Critically,thisframingofthreatmustbeunderstoodthroughhistoriesofdestructionofNativeHawaiianbodies,livelihoodsandfoodwaysbysettler-statesupportedcorporateagriculture.11Seedcompaniesareseenwithinthishistoryasthreateningresourcesandpracticessuchasfishing,huntingandforagingbecauseoftheeffectsofpesticides,monocroppingandgeneticdrift.Inthiscase,NativeHawaiian-centredwarrioridentitiescometobeconstructed,inpart,againstseedcompanymanagers,whoareoftenwhitemaletransplants,aswellasagainsthaoleandAsiansettlergovernmentmanagersandeconomicelitesthatsupporttheseedcompanypresence.Alohaʻāinawarriormasculinitieswithinanti-GMOorganisinglinkwiththelongerhistoriesofresistancetocolonialisminwaysthatconnectsurfingsubcultures,alohaʻāinawarrioridentitiesandecologicalknowledge.Forexample,NativeHawaiianecologicalandoceanicknowledgeshavebeenattheforefrontofeffortstochallengeenvironmentallydestructivepracticesandinsomeways,coloniallogicsaswell(Tengan2003;Walker2008).Comer(2010,p.61)arguesthatsurfingsubcultureswereinstrumentalin‘politicizedcriticallocalisms’resistingdevelopmentinHawaiʻi,whileWalker(2008)seesNativeHawaiianoceanicprowessasanimportantspaceofanti-colonialresistanceandautonomy.12

11SeetheHemoWaiBros.‘MakingMonstas’,video,https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8oeQMrKrgq8[lastaccessed3March2015].12However,thesescholarsalsoacknowledgethatNativeHawaiianecologicalwaysofknowinghavealsobeenfetishised,militarised(Tengan,2008a)andcommercialised(Chagnon,2015).InhisanalysisofsitesofmemoryworkinrelationtoaHawaiianUSmilitaryexpedition,Tengan(2008a)analyseshowNativeHawaiianmen’sOceanicprowesshasbeeninstrumentalised,militarisedandpositionedasasiteofwhitelibidinalinvestment.Thesetendtobeassociatedwithmenandmasculinities;however,oceanicandecologicalknowledgesarenotexclusivelymaledomains.

13

WhilethesehistoriesmayfacilitateNativeHawaiianmen’sinvolvementinanti-GMOactivism,theymayalsoworktoconstraintheparticipationofothermenbasedonotherlocallyspecificmasculinities.Particularly,thelinkagesbetweenAsiansettlermasculinities,plantationcultureandtheuncritical(re)productionofLocalness(Isaki,2011)mayworktodisenablecertainLocalmultiracialandAsiansettlermen’sparticipationwithandsupportforanti-GMOactivism.Thismaybebecauseofmaterialpositionsingovernmentandagribusiness,butitmayalsobebecauseofassociationsbetweenAsiansettlermasculinitiesandagriculturalworklinkedwiththehistoryofplantation-basedmigrationandtheongoingnostalgicproductionofplantationculture(FujikaneandOkamura,2008).Additionally,conceptsofalohaāinaandwarriormasculinitiesmaybeespeciallyamenabletocapturebywhitesettlers:whenanyonecanjointhecallofaloha‘āina,localhaolemayalsofindspacetoconsolidateinsideridentitiesagainstparadigmaticallythreateningwhiteothersandinstitutions(e.g.Monsanto)inwhatWood(1999)calls‘kama‘āinaanti-conquest’.Wood(ibid.,pp.40–41)describeskama‘āinaanti-conquestnarrativesasthosethatseektopreservelocalhaoleinnocencebyfiguringnewerwhiteothersasthreateningandcolonising,maintaininglocalhaolehegemony.Moreover,anti-GMOactivism’soverallfiguringofthreatbyoutsiderscanalsoworktogetherwithxenophobiclocalismsthatinvisibilisethestrugglesofthepredominantlymigrantandruralLocal,mixed-genderlabourforceworkinginagrochemical/seedcompanies.Suchinvisibilisationissignificant,giventhatitistheseworkerswhoarearguablymostdirectlyaffectedbytheissuesanti-GMOactivismpoliticises(suchaspesticides)andwhowouldbemosteconomicallyaffectedbyanyindustryclosures.Atthesametimethataloha‘āinawarriordommayshapemovementidentificationandanti-GMOactivismmayotherisethosewithstakesinGMOdebates,analysingmasculinitiesaloneisnotenoughtoaccountfortheoverallgendereddynamicsoftheserepresentations.Kauanui(2008,p.285)cautionsthatwarriormasculinitiesmayreinforcestereotypesaboutNativeHawaiianmaleviolenceandpotentiallyalsoexacerbatematerialexperiencesofgender-basedviolenceinNativeHawaiiancommunities.Infact,giventhatinNativeHawaiianepistemologies‘bothwarandpeace—fightingtodefendandnurturinggrowth—havemaleandfemalemanifestations’(Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011,p.155),thereisreasonnottoassociatewarriordomexclusivelywithmenormasculinities.Thepoweroffemalealohaʻāinawarriorsandmanawahine13withinotherrelatedpoliticalstruggles(Trask1999;Tengan2008)offersamplereasonforconsideringalohaʻāinawarriorrepresentationsbeyondexclusivelymasculineassociations.Whileanintersectionalgenderanalysisofalohaʻāinahasyettobeundertaken,wehavebeguntoseesomeofthewaysinwhichgenderedrepresentationsshapepotentialsformovementidentification,receptionandsupport.Ihavearguedforreadingrepresentationsofalohaʻāinawarrioractivismrelationallyaspartofeffortsto(re)workprotectivemasculinities(Tengan,2008;Walker,2008)buthavealsocautioned,withothers,thatthewarriorframingmayalsobeamenabletoneocolonialcaptureinwaysthatriskgenderedstereotyping(Kauanui,2008;Teves,2012).Moreover,Westernassociationsbetween 13Forexample,therecentsuccessfulprotectionofMaunaKea:seeKeKaupuHehiAle,‘Wearenotwarriors.Weareagroveoftrees.’,https://hehiale.wordpress.com/2015/07/06/we-are-not-warriors-we-are-a-grove-of-trees/[lastaccessed];MaunaAWākea,https://maunaawakea.com/[lastaccessed].

14

masculinityandwarriordommayalsoworktodownplaythecontributionsofNativeHawaiianandmultiracialwomenactivistsatthesametimethattheframingofthreateningoutsiderscanreinforceuncriticalunderstandingsofworkingclassandmigrantotherswhoworkinseed/agrochemicalcompanies.MomsonmissionsMolokaiM.O.M.(MomAgainstMonsanto)onaMissionandthestatewideMomHuiarebuttwoexamplesofgroupsthatdrawontropesofmotherhoodintheirframingofanti-GMOactivism.AppealstomotheringandparentingrolesarecommonplaceinHawaiʻi’santi-GMOprotests,activistvideosandpublictestimony.Closelylinkedwiththefocusonmotheringandparenting,isanemphasisonkeiki(children)andfuturegenerations.14OnesuchimageappearsatthebeginningofavideoslideshowpostedbyactivistandfounderofMolokaiM.O.M.onaMission,MercyRitte(Ritte2012,00:14).Thevideoisaslideshowofresidents’protestsignsandproposalsforchange,stronglyfeaturingwomen,childrenandeldersaswellasfootageofGMOfields.Thesecondimageintheslideshowdepictstwowomenonaroadsidewithasignproclaiming,‘WHATWELOVE,WEWILLPROTECT’asonewomanindicatestheother’srounded,presumablypregnantbelly(Ritte,2012).Critiquingcertainecofeministconceptionsthatuncriticallyfeminisetheenvironment(‘motherearth’),somescholarshaveanalysedtheroleofmotherhoodidentitiesinenvironmentaljusticeactivism,oftenreferredtoas‘maternalist’or‘motherist’tropes(Kuumba,2001,p.92;BellandBraun,2010).Somearguethatwomen’srolesascarersforchildrenandthehealthofothersmeanthattheyareoftenamongstthefirsttonoticeandrespondtoenvironmentalissues(Seager,2003),andthatwomenofcolourarealsoleaderswithinenvironmentaljusticeorganisinginpartbecausepoorcommunitiesofcolouraredisproportionatelyburdenedbytoxicityandpollution(i.e.‘environmentalracism’)(Stein,2004;RedmondandPorter,2014).Inparticular,scholarsanalysetheuseofmotherhoodthemesinenvironmentaljusticeandanti-GMOactivismasanexplicitlegitimisingtacticandmovementmotivationstrategyintendedtoemotivelyappealtoandreachpotentialaudiences(BrownandFerguson,1995;BellandBraun,2010)anddownplaythepoliticalandthreateningnatureofmovements(Bouvard,2002).Commonwithinthisscholarshipistheemphasisonwomen’srelativeapoliticismpriortoseeingtheirchildren,familyandcommunitiesaffectedbyenvironmentalissues(Perkins,2012)eventhoughotherresearchshowsthatcaringdutiesarenotalwaystheprimarywaysinwhichwomendescribetheirpoliticisationandactivism(Prindeville,2004;Perkins,2012).Indeed,otherscholarscautionagainstoverdrawingtheselinksinwaysthatresponsibilisewomenforenvironmental,foodandcaringworkinstepwithneoliberalideologies(Agarwal,2010)andraced,classeddiscoursesofpropermotherhood(Kimura,2011;Skeggs,2013).Moreover,theoristsinotherareashavecritiquedthetyingoffemininitytoreproductivecapacityinenvironmentaldiscourses(Mortimer-SandilandsandErickson,2010;Foster,2011;Gandy,2012),showinghowemphasisonreproductivitycanreinforcenormativeportrayalsofgenderandsexuality,ideasofnaturalnessanddiscoursesofnation(Butler,1990;Edelman,2004). 14Thisisthecasewiththe‘ProtectOurKeiki’Coalition;seeProtectOurKeiki,http://www.protectourkeiki.org[lastaccessed3March2015].

15

Withthesecaveatsinmind,motherismwithinHawaiʻi’santi-GMOorganisingalsorequiresacontextualisedreadingofhowmotheringtropesmayshapedifferentsubjects’andwomen’sidentification,participationandsupportformovements.StrolovitchandTownsend-Bell(2013,p.376)contendthatappealsto‘motherhoodcanofferacommonidentitythatcutsacrossclass,raceandotheridentitydifferences’.Andyet,indigenousfeministandqueertheoristshavedemonstratedthewaysinwhichracialandcoloniallogicsassignhierarchicalanddistinctsocialvaluetosettler,migrantandnativemotherhoodandreproduction(Brown2003;Driskall2011).Inthisway,theMomHui’suseofmotherismcanbethoughtinrelationtoresistancetodisappearancenarrativesaswellastocoloniallogicsthatholdnativewomentowesternstandardsofindividualisedmotherhoodwhilestigmatisingindigenouschildcaringpathways(Brown,2003;Stoler,2006;McClintock,2013[1995]).BrowncontendsthatthedenialofNativeHawaiianparents’symbolicandmaterialabilitytocaretakesplacethroughthetargetingofHawaiiansexual,socialandchildcarerelations.Thisworkstounderminehistoricpracticesofʻohanaandhanai—diffusionofchildcareandadoption—andalso‘reframesmotherhoodasamoralidentityunderwrittenbylaw’(Brown,2003,p.84).Brown(ibid.,p.85)arguesthatcoloniallogicsfiguredcertainNativeHawaiianandsomeAsianmigrantfemininities,idealsofmotherhoodandfamilyformsassuspect,deviantanddysfunctional.Theselogicsenforcedexpectationsthatmothersmaintainfamily‘respectability’,takeonmoralresponsibilityforfamilies(ibid.,p.115)andfacilitateupwardmobilityandintegrationintothesettlerstate(ibid.,p.254).Inthisway,motheristtropeswithinanti-GMOactivismmayreinforceheteronormativecoloniallogicsofsettlerreproductionandmulticulturalism(Isaki,2011)justastheymayalsobereadtocontestthecriminalisationofNativeHawaiianpathwaysofcareandresistthediscipliningof‘deviant’mothers.Inthisway,motheristtropesmayworktocontestforcesofdisappearancebyemphasisingmaterialandculturalreproductionandsurvival(Smith,2006;Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,2011).Atthesametimethatrepresentationsofmotherismwithinanti-GMOorganisingcanbereadintension,motheristtropesmaybeemployedstrategicallytodownplaytheoverttensionsofGMOdebatesandtoappealtoacross-ethnicframeofidentification(Perkins,2012,p.86)thatharmoniseswithnormativegenderexpectations(Einwohneretal.,2000).However,indigenousandqueertheoristshavealsocritiquedmotherismforitsassociationwiththeheterosexualfamily,highlightinginsteadindigenouskinshiprelationsandconceptionsofgenderandsexualities(Driskill,2011;Morgensen,2011).AsIsaki(2011,p.97)writes,heterosexualfamilyformsarenotproblematicinthemselves,butratherbecomesowhen‘heterosexualidentitiesaregatheredtowardbeingthepropersubjectofthe[Hawaiʻi]settlerstate…’.Inthiscase,motheristtropeswithinactivismarenotinthemselvesproblematicbutmaybecomesowhenparticularrepresentationsofmotherhoodcometostandasemblematicrepresentationsofproperfemininitiesandasparadigmaticofrespectableandnon-threateningpoliticalsubjects.Inthisway,emphasisonmotheringwithinanti-GMOactivismlinkswithcomplexanddifferentialvisionsof‘generationality,reproduction,intimacy,coupling,andkinship’andsexualitiesthatdonotnecessarilychallengecoloniallogics(ibid.,p.97).Yetmotherismmaybeemployedtobridgedifferences,downplaypoliticalthreatandevenspecificallyhighlight

16

thegendered,racialisedandclasseddimensionsofenvironmentalstruggles.Ironically,withinthecontextofHawaiʻi,focussingonmothersandgrandmothersasnon-threateningpoliticalsubjectsgoesagainstthehistoryofwomenwhoaremothersandgrandmothersandhavebeenattheforefrontofpoliticalresistancetocolonialism(Trask1999;Silva2004)andspearheadedenvironmentaljusticemovements(e.g.theEldersofWaiʻanaeProtectKahoʻolaweOhana[PKO]).BabesAgainstBiotechAnothersetofgenderedrepresentationsinHawaiʻi’srecentanti-GMOactivismcanbeanalysedthroughtheworkofBabesAgainstBiotech(BAB),anactivistandpoliticalwatchdoggroup.OneimageinparticularappearstowardstheendofaBAB-memberslideshowfeaturingdifferentmomentsofpoliticalactivism,interspersedwithphotosfromBAB’sswimsuitcalendars,ifeaturingtonedandtannedyoungwomen15featuringtonedandtannedyoungwomen16posingagainstHawai’ilandscapesaswellasotherimages(Cosmos2013).Itshowsanactivistatsunset,standinginaswimsuitontherocksneartheocean,handraisedinafistinthe‘power’symbol(Cosmos2013:8:54).ThisBABimagecanbeunderstoodinrelationtoanalysesofpostfeministpopularculture,sexualisationandyouthfulfemininities.Gillarguesthatthesexualisationofcontemporarycultureandpreoccupationwiththebody,especiallytheyoungfemalebody(Gill,2007;alsocitedinWhelehan,2014,p.242)arehallmarksofpostfeminism,whosecurrentnormativestandardemphasisesaslimandgym-toned,whitefemalebody(Grosz,1994).Lipsos(2013)analyseschangingidealsoffemininitiesandracialisationthroughrepresentationsofwomenincalendarimages,linkingthecirculationofpin-upcalendarswithinmilitaryspacesandthesexualisedandsensationalisedportrayaloffemalebodiesinwartime(Teaiwa,1994).Calendarimagesoftenemphasisefemininities‘asfunbutwithfightingspirit’(Lipsos,2013,p.135),whichmightbefittingtodescribetheaboveimageofthebeachgoingactivist.Normativeidealsoffemininity,race,sexuality,class,appearanceandagearealsoepitomisedintheEuropeanfetishisticappropriationofthebikini17asa‘neocolonialtouristtechnology’(Teaiwa,1994,p.95–96).Teaiwa(ibid.,p.93)positsthatthebikinicodesbothPacificislandwomenandPacificislandsthemselvesaspassiveandexoticinthecolonialgaze,andyetexposedfleshhasalsolongbeenasiteforcolonialviolence(seealsoSmith2006;Stoler2006;McClintock2013[1995]).Thepoliticsofclothingandexposingthefleshthusentangle(post)colonialprocessesofsexualisationandgendering,coveringovertheactualexperiencesofPacificislandwomenandtheviolencewrittenintothehistoryofthebikini.ThisBABimagemaybeseentocitesomeofthesethemesofsexualisationofthePacificbutalsomayentailhistoriesofimagesspecifictoHawaiʻi.Trask(1991)andothersarguethat

15BrosAgainstBiotechcalendarsbeganin2014.16TheBabesAgainstBiotechcalendartextdescribesthephotographedindividualsasjewelleryandclothingentrepreneurs,organicfarmersandgardeners,dancers,models,aradioDJandothersconcernedaboutGMOsforbothhealthandeconomicreasons;seeBabesAgainstBiotech,http://www.babesagainstbiotech.org/#!2013-calendar-bab/cx3t[lastaccessed2March2015].17‘Bikini’isMarshallesefor‘beach’(Teaiwa,1994,p.98).

17

imagesofwelcoming‘hulagirls’lumptogetherNativeHawaiianandmixed-racewomen,andhelpsconstructahypervisibleversionofsexualisedHawaiianfemininity(Hall,2009).Trask(1991)arguesthatthesekindsoffeminisedrepresentationsworktowelcomethecolonialarrivalandjustifyongoingoccupationundertheguiseof‘aloha’).Inrelationtoanti-GMOactivism,theimageinthebikinicalendarcanbereadthroughitsinvocationofthissexualised,militouristicPacificdifferencethatalsoinvokescontemporaryidealsofleisurethattan(contingently)white,classedbodies(Ahmed,1998).Atthesametime,tanningandtoningrepresentmorethanjustbodilystylesthatevidencetheclassedprivilegesofleisure,sinceliveslivedoutdoorsandintheoceanareimportantpartsoflifeinHawaiʻiandthePacific.TheBABimagemightbelinkedspecificallyto‘bravefemininities’associatedwithsurfingsubcultures(Comer,2010)—the‘fungirlwithafightingspirit’inmulti-ethnicsurfergirlframe(ibid,2010).Whilethecalendarimagesmayreinforcecertainidealsofable-bodiedfemininities,itisimportantnottodownplayyoungwomen’spoliticalagencybasedontheserepresentations.Infact,readingtheseimagesonlythroughthelensofpostfeminismandcolonialitymightalsobypasshistoriesofstrategicsexualisationoffemalebodiesandnudityinactivism(Sperling,2013;Eileraas,2014).Politicisednudityandexposurecanworktodisrupttheseparationofpublicandprivatespheres(Eileraas,2014,p.41),whichinturnmayreshapesomeoftherulesofpoliticallegitimacy(Butler,2011).BABrepresentationscanbealsoanalysedinrelationtothetacticsusedbyotheranti-GMOmovementsthatinvolvepublicexposureofthefemalebody(BloomfieldandDoolin,2012).AsoneNewZealandanti-GMOactivistremarked,nudeexposurewasatactictheyutilisedoutofdesperation,whenothermethodsofraisingawarenessappearedineffective(BloomfieldandDoolin,2012,p.513).Indeed,oneBABmemberacknowledgestheexplicitattention-gettingstrategyofthecalendarsandthatpartofthegroup’saimwastousefemalesexualitytocontraveneexpectationsofwhatmightbedescribedaspoliticalsubjecthood,proprietyandlegitimacy,theorisedelsewherebyscholarsasthenormativefoundationsofpolitics(Warner,2002,p.89).BABrepresentationsmustthereforebereadwithinthecontextofaUSregulatoryregimeinwhich‘rational’questioningofbiotechnologiesremainsdifficult(KleinmanandKloppenburg,1991)andpromptsappealstothebodily‘outrageous’(BloomfieldandDoolin,2012,p.513;Tyler,2013).Andyetquestionsremainaboutthewaysinwhichwomenbecomeassociatedwiththebodyandthewaysinwhichnormativedepictionsofsexualisedfemininitiescanreinforceaheteronormativegaze.Moreover,therelativelackofbody,ageandethnicdiversityinBABcalendarsalsoseemstolimitpossibilitiesforprovokingtheoutrageous,sparkingpublicoutrageorinducingshameinpoliticalopponents(Tyler,2013)—someofthekeyaimsofotherkindsofnudeprotest.Inthissense,BABrepresentationsmayconstrainparticipationby,andevenalienate,potentialparticipantsorsupporterswithdifferentembodied,class,culturalandsubculturalpositionings.Thismaylimitnotonlytheirabilitytoattractbodilyandidentity-diversecalendarparticipantsbutalsomovementparticipantsmorebroadly.Atthesametime,BABrepresentationsoffemininitiestakeplacewithinthecontextofthegroup’sastutepoliticalwork,andmembersthemselveshavereflectedonhowtheirrepresentationalpracticesaffecttheirwork.

18

ConclusionInthisarticle,Ihavesuggestedsomeofthecomplexitiesofcertaingenderedrepresentationsinanti-GMOorganisingasamovementwithoutexplicitgenderaims,butwherein,nonetheless,intersectionalgenderdoesimportantwork.Iwouldarguethat,incombination,theseimagesworktoconstructrelativelynormativerepresentationsofgenderthatarenonethelesspossibletoreadagainstmultiplehistories.Iwouldfurthersuggestthattheserelativelynormativerepresentationsofgenderprovideaframeofsocialcontinuityandfamiliaritytoanti-GMOorganisingandthatthishelpstodownplaythethreatthatanti-GMOorganisingposestoestablishedpoliticalandsocialrelations.Inthisway,tropesofmothering,warriordomandsexualisedfemininitiesworktoanchortheotherwisedestabilisingchallengethatanti-GMOorganisingposesto(agri)businessasusualinthesettlerstate.Thisanalysisisbutafirstcontributiontotheorisingrepresentationalpracticesandgendereddimensionsofanti-GMOorganisingandfurtherinquiryisneededtounpackthewaysinwhichlessvisibleandnaturalisedframingsofidentitiesarepresentwithinGMOdebates.Forexample,howmightclassed,racialisedrepresentationsofexpertsandprofessionals(Kimmel,1993;Frankenburg,2001;Skeggs,2013)withinHawaiʻi’sGMOdebateshelpconsolidatewhiteandAsiansettlermasculinities?Moreover,howmightgenderedtheassociationsofreasonandemotionplayoutinrelationtoexpertiseandactivism,positioningmalesubjectsasproperlypoliticalandscienceastheonlylegitimateframe(Seager,2003)forfoodandenvironmentaldebates?Towhatextentdocolonial,feminisedmisreadingsof‘aloha’aswelcomeandpassivity(Trask,1999;Ohnuma,2007)meanthataloha‘āinamovementsmustalsocontendwithhowgendermaysoftenandfacilitatesomepoliticaldemandsanddelegitimiseandblockotheraims?Thesearebutafewoftheongoingquestionsraisedbyintersectionalaccountsofanti-GMOorganising.Theforegoingdiscussionhasaimedtounderscoretheimportanceofcontextualised,intersectionalaccountsofthisorganisingand,byextension,ofotherfood-relatedsocialmovements.Ihavetriedtoshowhowintersectionalfeministtheorisingiscriticaltounderstandingsocialmovementmeaning-makingprocessesandthatengagementsbetweenfeministandfoodtheorisingcanhelptounpickhowfoodmovementscite,reworkandresistgenderednorms.Inthisway,furtherresearchanalysinggenderintersectionallywithinanti-GMOorganisingmayyieldimportantinsightsabouttherelationshipsbetweennormativity,subversionandsocialchangerelevanttoradicallytransformingfoodsystems,thesettlerstateandperhapsevengenderitself.

19

ReferencesAanavPioneerHi-BredInternational,Inc.,2013.965F.Supp.2d1157.Adler.P.,2016.DraftPesticideUseByLargeAgribusinessesOnKaua’i:FindingsandRecommendationsofTheJointFactFindingStudyGroup.Lihue:TheJointFactFindingStudyGroup.Availableat:http://www.accord3.com/docs/GM-Pesticides/draft-report/JFF%20Full%20Report%20-%20DRAFT.pdf.[lastaccessed23March2016].Acero,L.,2012.Biocapital,biopoliticsandbiosocialities:reframinghealth,livelihoodsandenvironmentswithnewgeneticsandbiotechnology.InW.Harcourt,ed.WomenReclaimingSustainableLivelihoods:SpacesLost,SpacesGained.Basingstoke:PalgraveMacmillan,pp.221–237.Agarwal,B.,2010,GenderandGreenGovernance:ThePoliticalEconomyofWomen'sPresenceWithinandBeyondCommunity.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.Agarwal,B.,2014,Foodsovereignty,foodsecurityanddemocraticchoice:criticalcontradictions,difficultconciliations.JournalofPeasantStudies,41(6),pp.1247-1268.Ahmed,S.,1998,Animatedborders:skin,colourandtanning.InM.ShildrickandJ.Price,eds.VitalSigns:FeministReconfigurationsoftheBio/logicalBody.Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,pp.45-65.Alkon,A.H.andAgyeman,J.,2011.CultivatingFoodJustice:Race,Class,andSustainability.Cambridge:TheMITPress.Alkon,A.H.,2011.Reflexivityandenvironmentaljusticescholarship:aroleforfeministmethodologies.OrganizationEnvironment,24(2),pp.130–149.Allen,R.H.,Gottlieb,M.,Clute,E.,Pongsiri,M.J.,Sherman,J.andObrams,G.I.,1997.BreastcancerandpesticidesinHawaii:theneedforfurtherstudy.EnvironmentalHealthPerspectives,105(3),pp.679–683.Altemus-Williams,I.,2013.Thestruggletoreclaimparadise.WagingNonviolence,10April.Availableat:http://wagingnonviolence.org/feature/the-struggle-to-reclaim-paradise/[lastaccessed2March2015].Andrade,C.,2008.Hāena.InC.HowesandJ.K.K.Osorio,eds.TheValueofHawaiʻi:KnowingthePast,ShapingtheFuture.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiʻi,pp.217–228.Auyero,J.andSwistun,D.A.,2009.Flammable:EnvironmentalSufferinginanArgentineShantytown.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.Baker,M.T.,2015.Raisedfists,handsinearth,boundinchains:themultiplearmsofaloha‘āina.ConferencepaperpresentedatNativeAmericanandIndigenousStudiesMeeting,4–6June.Washington,DC.

20

Baldacchino,G.,2010.Upsidedowndecolonizationinsubnationalislandjurisdictions:questioningthe'post’inpostcolonialism.SpaceandCulture,13(2),pp.188–202.Beamer,K.,2013.Tutu'salohaainagrace.InA.YamashiroandN.Goodyear-Kaʻōpua,eds.TheValueofHawaiʻi2:AncestralRoots,OceanicVisions.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiʻiPress.Bell,S.E.andBraun,Y.A.,2010.Coal,identity,andthegenderingofenvironmentaljusticeactivismincentralAppalachia.GenderSociety,24(6),pp.794-813.Bellows,A.C.,Alcaraz,V.G.,andHallman,W.K.,2010,Genderandfood,astudyofattitudesintheUSAtowardsorganic,local,USgrown,andGM-freefoods.Appetite,55(3),pp.540-550.Birke,L.,2000.Sittingonthefence:biology,feminismandgender-bendingenvironments.Women'sStudiesInternationalForum,23(5),pp.587-599.Black,C.M.,ed.,2012.FacingHawaiʻi'sFuture:EssentialInformationaboutGMOs.Honolulu:HawaiiSEED.Availableat:http://hawaiiseed.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/full_book.pdf[lastaccessed22September2016].Bloomfield,B.P.andDoolin,B.,2012.Symboliccommunicationinpublicprotestovergeneticmodification:visualrhetoric,symbolicexcess,andsocialmores.ScienceCommunication,35(4),pp.502–527.Bouvard,M.G.,2002.RevolutionizingMotherhood:TheMothersofthePlazadeMayo.Oxford:RowmanLittlefieldPublishers,Inc..Brower,A.,2013a.Hawaii'slocalstruggleintheglobalmovementforfoodjustice.CommonDreams,23July.Availableat:byhttps://www.commondreams.org/view/2013/07/23-3[lastaccessed22September2016].Brower,A.,2013b.Tofeedandprotecttheworld,reinincorporateage.HuffingtonPost,2December.Availableat:http://www.huffingtonpost.com/andrea-brower/in-celebration-of-world-f_b_4347635.html?utm_hp_ref=hawaiiir=Hawaii[lastaccessed22September2016].Brower,A.,2015.Personalcommunication.Brower,A.,2016a.FromtheSugarOligarchytotheAgrochemicalOligopoly:SituatingMonsantoandGang’sOccupationofHawai‘i.Food,Culture&Society,19(3),pp.587-614.Brower,A.,2016.bHawai‘i:“GMOGroundZero”.CapitalismNatureSocialism,27(1),pp.68-86.

21

Brown,M.,2003.MotherhoodontheMargins:RehabilitationandSubjectivityamongFemaleParoleesinHawaii.PhD.Honolulu:DepartmentofSociology,UniversityofHawaiiatManoa.Brown,P.andFerguson,F.I.T.,1995.“Makingabigstink”:women'swork,women'srelationships,andtoxicwasteactivism.GenderSociety,9(2),pp.145-172.Bryant,L.andPini,B.,2006.Towardsanunderstandingofgenderandcapitalinconstitutingbiotechnologiesinagriculture.SociologiaRuralis,46(4),pp.261-279.Butler,J.,1990.GenderTrouble:FeminismandtheSubversionofIdentity.NewYork:Routledge.Caiazza,A.,2002.MothersandSoldiers:Gender,Citizenship,andCivilSocietyinContemporaryRussia.London:Routledge.

Campt,T.,2012.ImageMatters:Archive,Photography,andtheAfricanDiasporainEurope.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Callis,T.,2013.GMO:$243millionseedindustrylargestinstate'sagesector.WestHawaiʻiToday,9June.Availableat:http://westhawaiitoday.com/sections/news/local-news/gmo243-million-seed-industry-largest-state%E2%80%99s-ag-sector.html[lastaccessed15February2014].CenterforFoodSafety(CFS),2015.PesticidesinParadise:Hawaiʻi’sHealthEnvironmentatRisk.Washington,DC:CenterforFoodSafety.Chagnon,N.,2015.Personalcommunication.Chow,R.1993.WritingDiaspora:TacticsofInterventioninContemporaryCulturalStudies.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress.Chun,J.J.,Lipsitz,G.andShin,Y.,2013.Intersectionalityasasocialmovementstrategy:Asianimmigrantwomenadvocates.Signs,38(4),pp.917-940.Coe,A.B.,2015.“Iamnotjustafeministeighthoursaday”youthgenderjusticeactivisminEcuadorandPeru.Gender&Society,29(6),pp.888–913.Comer,K.,2010.SurferGirlsintheNewWorldOrder.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Conway,J.M.,2013.PraxisandPolitics:KnowledgeProductioninSocialMovements.NewYork:Routledge.Crenshaw,K.,1989.Demarginalizingtheintersectionofraceandsex:ablackfeministcritiqueofantidiscriminationdoctrine,feministtheoryandantiracistpolitics.UniversityofChicagoLegalForum,1989(1),pp.139–167.

22

Crenshaw,K.,1991.Mappingthemargins:intersectionality,identitypolitics,andviolenceagainstwomenofcolor.StanfordLawReview,43(6),pp.1241-1299.DeLind,L.,andFerguson,A.,1999.Isthisawomen'smovement?Therelationshipofgendertocommunity-supportedagricultureinMichigan.HumanOrganization,58(2),pp.190-200.DellaPorta,D.,ed.2014.MethodologicalPracticesinSocialMovementResearch.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.Deutsch,T.,2011,Memoriesofmothersinthekitchenlocalfoods,history,andwomen'swork.RadicalHistoryReview,2011(110),pp.167–177.diChiro,G.,1998.Environmentaljusticefromthegrassroots:reflectionsonhistory,gender,andexpertise.InD.J.Faber.,ed.TheStruggleforEcologicalDemocracy:EnvironmentalJusticeMovementsintheUnitedStates.NewYork:GuilfordPress,pp.104-136.diChiro,G.,2004.Producing“RoundupReady®”communities?InR.Stein,ed.NewPerspectivesonEnvironmentalJustice:Gender,Sexuality,andActivism.NewBrunswick:RutgersUniversityPress,pp.139–160.Driskill,Q.L.ed.,2011.QueerIndigenousstudies:Criticalinterventionsintheory,politics,andliterature.UniversityofArizonaPress.Edelman,L.2004.NoFuture:QueerTheoryandtheDeathDrive.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Eileraas,K.,2014.Sex(t)ingrevolution,femen-izingthepublicsquare:AliaaMagdaElmahdy,nudeprotest,andtransnationalfeministbodypolitics.Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety,40(1),pp.40–52.Einwohner,R.L.,1999.Gender,class,andsocialmovementoutcomes:identityandeffectivenessintwoanimalrightscampaigns.Gender&Society,13(1),pp.56–76.Einwohner,R.,Hollander,J.A.andOlsen,T.2000.Engenderingsocialmovements:culturalimagesandmovementdynamics.GenderandSociety,14(5),pp.679–699.Entine,J,2013a.Hawaiʻianti-GMOactivistsrelyonmainlandmillionairesfor‘grassroots’campaign.Forbes,2March.Availableat:http://www.forbes.com/sites/jonentine/2013/10/02/hawaii-anti-gmo-activists-rely-on-mainland-millionaires-for-grassroots-campaign/[lastaccessed2March2015].Entine,J.,2013b.HawaiiGMOinvestigation:followtheanti-cropbiotechmoneytrail.Forbes,2October.Availableat:http://www.forbes.com/sites/jonentine/2013/09/04/hawaii-gmo-investigation-follow-the-anti-crop-biotech-money-trail/[lastaccessed2March2015].FederationofAmericanScientists(FAS),2011a.Introduction:agriculturalbiotechnology.FederationofAmericanScientist.Availableat:

23

http://fas.org/biosecurity/education/dualuse-agriculture/2.-agricultural-biotechnology/index.html[lastaccessed22September2016].FederationofAmericanScientists(FAS),2011b.U.S.regulationofgeneticallymodifiedcrops.Availableat:http://fas.org/biosecurity/education/dualuse-agriculture/2.-agricultural-biotechnology/us-regulation-of-genetically-engineered-crops.html[lastaccessed22September2016].Ferree,M.M.andMerrill,D.A.,2000.Hotmovements,coldcognition:thinkingaboutsocialmovementsingenderedframes.ContemporarySociology,29(3),pp.454–62.Ferguson,K.E.andTurnbull,P.,1999.Oh,Say,CanYouSee?TheSemioticsoftheMilitaryinHawaiʻi.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.Fernandez-Cornejo,J.,Wechsler,S.,Livingston,M.andMitchell,L.,2014.GeneticallyengineeredcropsintheUnitedStates.Washington,DC:UnitedStatesDepartmentofAgriculture.Foster,E.A.,2011.Sustainabledevelopment:problematisingnormativeconstructionsofgenderwithinglobalenvironmentalgovernmentality.Globalizations,8(2),pp.135-149.Foucault,M.,2002[1970].TheOrderofThings:AnArchaeologyoftheHumanSciences.London:TaylorandFrancis.Frankenberg,R.,2001,Themirageofanunmarkedwhiteness.In.B.Rasmussen,ed.TheMakingandUnmakingofWhiteness.Durham:DukeUniversityPress,pp.72-96.Fujikane,C.andOkamura,J.Y.,eds.2008,AsianSettlerColonialism:FromLocalGovernancetotheHabitsofEverydayLifeinHawaiʻi.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress.Gandy,M.,2012.Queerecology:nature,sexuality,andheterotopicalliances.EnvironmentandPlanningD:SocietyandSpace,30(4),pp.727–747.Gill,R.C.,2007.Criticalrespect:thedifficultiesanddilemmasofagencyand‘choice’forfeminism.EuropeanJournalofWomen'sStudies,14(1),pp.69–80.Goldberg-Hiller,J.,2014.Prisonandplace:carceralreformandindigenousdispossessioninHawaiʻi’.PresentationmadeatCriticalDispossession,20October.London.Goldberg-Hiller,J.andSilva,N.K.,2011,Sharksandpigs:animatingHawaiiansovereigntyagainsttheanthropologicalmachine.SouthAtlanticQuarterly,110(2),pp.429–446.Goldberg-Hiller,J.,andSilva,N.K.,2015.Thebotanyofemergence:KanakaontologyandbiocolonialisminHawaiʻi.JournaloftheNativeAmericanandIndigenousStudiesAssociation,2(2),pp1–26.Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,N.,2009.TheSeedsWePlanted:PortraitsofaNativeHawaiianCharter

24

School.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.Goodyear-Ka’ōpua,N.,2011.KuleanaLahui:collectiveresponsibilityforHawaiiannationhoodinactivists’praxis.Affinities:AJournalofRadicalTheory,Culture,andAction,5(1),pp130–163.Goodyear-Ka’opua,N.,Hussey,I.andWright,E.K.eds.,2014.ANationRising:HawaiianMovementsforLife,Land,andSovereignty.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Gottlieb,R.andJoshi,A.2010.FoodJustice.Cambridge:MITPress.Guyton,K.Z,Loomis,D.,Grosse,Y.,ElGhissassi,F.,Benbrahim-Tallaa,L.,Guha,N.,Scoccianti,C.,Mattock,H.andStraif,K.,2015.Carcinogenicityoftetrachlorvinphos,parathion,malathion,diazinon,andglyphosate.TheLancent:Oncology,15(5),pp.490–491.Grosz,E.A.,1994.VolatileBodies:TowardaCorporealFeminism.Indianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress.Groves,J.M.,2001.Animalrightsandthepoliticsofemotion:folkconstructionsofemotionintheanimalrightsmovement.InJ.Goodwin,J.M.Jasper,andF.Polletta,eds.,PassionatePolitics:EmotionsandSocialMovements.Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,pp.212-232.

Gupta,C.,2013.Alohaainaasanexpressionoffoodsovereignty:acasestudyofthechallengestofoodself-relianceonMolokai,Hawaii.ConferencepaperpresentedatFoodSovereignty:ACriticalDialogue,InternationalConference14–15September.YaleUniversity,NewHaven.Gupta,C.,2014.Sustainability,self-relianceandalohaaina:thecaseofMolokai,Hawaiʻi.InternationalJournalofSustainableDevelopmentandWorldEcology,21(5),pp.389-397.Guthman,J.,2008a,NeoliberalismandthemakingoffoodpoliticsinCalifornia.Geoforum,39(3),pp.1171–1183.Guthman,J.,2008b.Bringinggoodfoodtoothers:investigatingthesubjectsofalternativefoodpractice.CulturalGeographies,15(4),pp.431–447.Guthman,J.,2011.WeighingIn:Obesity,FoodJustice,andtheLimitsofCapitalism.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Hall,L.K.,2009.Navigatingourown‘seaofislands’:remappingatheoreticalSsaceforHawaiianwomenandindigenousfeminism.WicazoSaReview,24(2),pp.15–38.Hall,S.,ed.,1997.Representation:CulturalRepresentationsandSignifyingPractices,.London;Sage.

25

Haraway,D.J.,1989.PrimateVisions:Gender,Race,andNatureintheWorldofModernScience.NewYork:Routledge.Haraway,D.J.,2008.WhenSpeciesMeet.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.Harper,A.,ed.2010.SistahVegan:BlackFemaleVegansSpeakonFood,Identity,Health,andSociety.NewYork:LanternBooks.Hau’ofa,E.,1993.‘OurSeaofIslands’in,Waddell,E.,Naidu,V.andHau'ofa,E,ANewOceania:RediscoveringOurSeaofIslands.Suva,Fiji:SchoolofSocialandEconomicDevelopment,TheUniversityoftheSouthPacificinassociationwithBeakeHouse.Helman,S.,1999.Fromsoldieringandmotherhoodtocitizenship:astudyoffourIsraelipeaceprotestmovements.SocialPolitics:InternationalStudiesinGender,StateandSociety,6(3),pp.292–313.Hobart,H.,forthcoming.TropicalNecessities:Ice,Territory,andTasteinColonialHawaiʻi.NewYork:NYUDepartmentofNutritionandFoodStudies.Hofschneider,A.,2014.Molokaihasthemosttolose,butleastsayinGMOdebate.CivilBeat,14July.Availableat:http://www.civilbeat.com/2014/07/molokai-has-the-most-to-lose-but-least-say-in-gmo-debate/[lastaccessed2March2015].Hofschneider,A.,2016.SyngentaworkersseekmedicalaidafterpesticideuseonKauai.CivilBeat,22January.Availableat:http://www.civilbeat.org/2016/01/syngenta-workers-seek-medical-aid-after-pesticide-use-on-kauai/[lastaccessed2March2015].Horn,J.,2013.Genderandsocialmovements:overviewreport.BRIDGE,September.Availableat:http://docs.bridge.ids.ac.uk/vfile/upload/4/document/1401/FULL%20REPORT.pdf[lastaccessed30December2015].Iovino,S.,2013.Toxicepiphanies:dioxin,power,andgenderedbodiesinLauraConti’snarrativesonSeveso.InG.Gaard,S.C.EstokandS.Oppermann,eds.InternationalPerspectivesinFeministEcocriticism,pp.37–55.Isaki,B.,2010.Tensingtemporalities:theorizingAsiansettlercolonialisminadecolonizingHawaii.InWesternPoliticalScienceAssociation2010AnnualMeetingPaper.Isaki,B.2011.HB645,settlersexuality,andthepoliticsoflocalAsiandomesticityinHawaiʻi.SettlerColonialStudies,1(2),pp.82-102.James,C.,2014.Brief49:GlobalStatusofCommercializedBiotech/GMCrops:2014.Ithaca:InternationalServicefortheAcquisitionofAgri-biotechApplications(ISAAA).Kameʻeleihiwa,L.1992.NativeLandandForeignDesires.Honolulu:BishopMuseumPress.

26

Kauanui,J.K.,2007.BloodandreproductionoftheraceinthenameofHo'ouluLāhui—aHawaiianfeministcritique.PacificStudies,30(1/2),pp.110–116.Kauanui,J.K.,2008.NativeHawaiiandecolonizationandthepoliticsofgender.AmericanQuarterly,60(2),pp.281–287.Kimmel,M.,1993.Invisiblemasculinity.Society,30(6),pp.28–35.Kimura,A.,2011.Foodeducationasfoodliteracy:privatizedandgenderedfoodknowledgeincontemporaryJapan.AgricultureandHumanValues.28(4),pp.465–482.Kleinman,D.andKloppenburg,J.,1991,Aimingforthediscursivehighground:Monsantoandthebiotechnologycontroversy.SociologicalForum,6(3),pp.427–447.Kuumba,B.,2001,GenderandSocialMovements.WalnutCreek:AltaMiraPress.Lapegna,P.,2014.GlobalethnographyandgeneticallymodifiedcropsinArgentina:onadoptions,resistances,andadaptations.JournalofContemporaryEthnography,43(2),pp.202–227.Ledward,B.C.,2007.OnbeingHawaiianenough:contestingAmericanracializationwithnativehybridity.Hūlili:MultidisciplinaryResearchonHawaiianWell-Being,4(1),pp.107–143.Linnekin,J.,1990.SacredQueensandWomenofConsequence:Rank,Gender,andColonialismintheHawaiianIslands.AnnArbor:UniversityofMichiganPress.Lipsos,E.,2013.AnatomyofaPin-Up:AGenealogyofSexualizedFemininitySincetheIndustrialAge.PhD.Exeter:DepartmentofEnglish,UniversityofExeter.Lukens,A.,2013.TheorizingFoodJustice:CriticalPositionalityandThePoliticalEconomyofCommunityFoodSystems.PhD.Honolulu:DepartmentofPoliticalScience,UniversityOfHawaiʻiatManoa.Mattoni,M.A.,2012.MediaPracticesandProtestPolitics:HowPrecariousWorkersMobilise.Farnham:AshgatePublishing,Ltd..Mattoni,A.andTeune,S.,2014.Visionsofprotest:amedia-historicperspectiveonimagesinsocialmovements.SociologyCompass,86,pp.876–887.McCall,L.,2005.Thecomplexityofintersectionality.Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety,30(3),pp.1771–1800.McClintock,A.,2013[1995].ImperialLeather:Race,Gender,andSexualityintheColonialContest.NewYork:Routledge.

27

Merry,S.E.,2000.ColonizingHawaiʻi:TheCulturalPowerofLaw.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress.Meyer,M.A.,2015.ManulaniAluliMeyer:KapuAlohaforMaunakea,adisciplineofcompassion.UHHiloStories,13April.Availableat:http://hilo.hawaii.edu/news/stories/2015/04/13/kapu-aloha/[lastaccessed13April2015].Momsen,J.H.,2007.Genderandagrobiodiversity:introductiontothespecialissue.SingaporeJournalofTropicalGeography,28(1),pp.1–6.Monsanto,2002–2012.IsGlyphosateSafe?Monsanto,n.d..Availableat:http://www.monsanto.com/glyphosate/pages/is-glyphosate-safe.aspx[lastaccessed15December2015].Mortimer-Sandilands,C.andErickson,B.,2010.QueerEcologies:Sex,Nature,Politics,Desire.Indianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress.Motta,S.andNilsen,N.,2011.SocialMovementsintheGlobalSouth:Dispossession,DevelopmentandResistance,Basingstoke:PalgraveMacmillan.Ohnuma,K.,2008.“AlohaSpirit”andtheculturalpoliticsofsentimentasnationalbelonging.TheContemporaryPacific,20(2),pp.365–394.Perkins,T.,2012.Women’spathwaysintoactivism:rethinkingthewomen’senvironmentaljusticenarrativeinCalifornia’sSanJoaquinValley.OrganizationEnvironment,25(1),pp.76–94.Pink,S.,2013.DoingVisualEthnography.London:SagePublicationsLtd..Pomaika'iMcGregor,D.2007,NaKua’aina:LivingHawaiianCulture.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress.Posocco,S.,2011.Ethnographyandincommensurabilityintheaftermathofinsurgency.CulturalDynamics,23(1),pp.57–71.Prindeville,D.,2004.Theroleofgender,race/ethnicity,andclassinactivists’perceptionsofenvironmentaljustice.InR.Stein,ed.NewPerspectivesonEnvironmentalJustice:Gender,Sexuality,andActivism.NewBrunswick:RutgersUniversityPress,pp.93–108.Qaim,M.,Krattiger,AF.,andVonBraun,J.,eds.,2013.AgriculturalBiotechnologyinDevelopingCountries:TowardsOptimizingtheBenefitsforthePoor.Dordrecht:SpringerScienceandBusinessMedia,B.V..Sachs,C.andAlston,M.,2014,Globalshifts,sedimentations,andimaginaries:anintroductiontothespecialissueonwomenandagriculture.Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety,35(2),pp.277-287.

28

Schurman,R.andMunro,W.,2010,FightingfortheFutureofFood:ActivistsVersusAgribusinessintheStruggleOverBiotechnology.Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress.SeagerJ.,1994,EarthFollies:ComingtoFeministTermsWiththeGlobalEnvironmentalCrisis.NewYork:Routledge.Seager,J.,2003.RachelCarsondiedofbreastcancer:thecomingofageoffeministenvironmentalism.Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety,28(3),pp.945–972.Silva,N.,2004,AlohaBetrayed:NativeHawaiianResistancetoAmericanColonialism.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Skeggs,B.,2013.Class,Self,Culture.Abingdon:Routledge.Slocum,R.,2006,‘Whiteness,spaceandalternativefoodpractice’,Geoforum,38(2007),pp.520–533.Smith,A.,2006.Heteropatriarchyandthethreepillarsofwhitesupremacy:rethinkingwomenofcolororganizing.InINCITE!Women,GenderNon-Conforming,andTranspeopleofColor,ed.ColorofViolence:TheINCITE!Anthology.Cambridge:SouthEndPress,pp.66–73.Sperling,V.,2012.PoliticsasSex:GenderandPoliticalYouthActivisminPutin'sRussia.PresentationmadeatAPSA2012AnnualMeeting,30August–2September.NewOrleans.Stein,R.,ed.,2004.NewPerspectivesonEnvironmentalJustice:Gender,Sexuality,andActivism.NewBrunswick:RutgersUniversityPress.Stoler,L.,2006.HauntedbyEmpire:GeographiesofIntimacyinNorthAmericanHistory.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Strolovitch,D.andTownsend-Bell,E.,2013.Gender,sexandcivilsociety.InG.WaylenandK.Celis,eds.TheOxfordHandbookofGenderandPolitics.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.pp.367–389.Takaki,R.,1984.PauHana:PlantationLifeandLaborinHawaii.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress.Teaiwa,T.,1994.Bikinisandothers/pacificn/oceans.TheContemporaryPacific,6(1),pp.87–109.Teaiwa,T.,1999.ReadingGauguin’sNoaNoawithHau’ofa’sNederends:militourism,feminismandthe‘Polynesian’body.UTSReview,5(1),pp.53–69.Tengan,T.2003,Kekulanahemahu:rememberingasenseofplace’,TheContemporaryPacific,15(1),pp.231–233.

29

Tengan,T.,2008a.NativeMenRemade:GenderandNationinContemporaryHawaiʻi.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Tengan,T.,2008b.Re-memberingPanalā’au:masculinities,nation,andempireinHawaiʻiandthePacific.TheContemporaryPacific,20(2),pp.27–53.Teves,S.2012,We’reAllHawaiiansNow:KanakaMaoliPerformanceandthePoliticsofAloha.PhD.AnnArbor:DepartmentofAmericanCulture,HoraceH.RackhamSchoolofGraduateStudies,UniversityofMichigan.Trask,H.,1991a.Lovelyhulahands:corporatetourismandtheprostitutionofHawaiianculture.Contours(Bangkok),5(1),pp.8–14.Trask,H.,1991b,Buildingbetweennativesandnon-natives.StanfordLawReview,43(6),pp.1197–1213.Tyler,I.,2013.Nakedprotest:thematernalpoliticsofcitizenshipandrevolt.CitizenshipStudies,17(2),pp.211-226.Walker,I.,2008.HuiNalu,beachboys,andthesurfingboarder-landsofHawaiʻi,TheContemporaryPacific,20(1),pp.89–113.Warner,M.,2002,Publicsandcounterpublics.PublicCulture,14(1),pp.49–90.Wearing,S.,2014.IntroductiontoPart2:Literary,VisualandCuluralRepresentation.InM.Evans,C.Hemmings,M.Henry,H.Johnstone,S.Madhok,A.PlomienandS.Wearing,eds.TheSAGEHandbookofFeministTheory.London:SagePublicationsLtd.,pp.143–148.Whelehan,I.,2014.Representingwomeninpopularculture.InM.Evans,C.Hemmings,M.Henry,H.Johnstone,S.Madhok,A.PlomienandS.Wearing,eds.TheSAGEHandbookofFeministTheory.London:SagePublicationsLtd.,pp.232-249.Wield,D.,Chataway,J.andBolo,M.,2010.Issuesinthepoliticaleconomyofagriculturalbiotechnology.JournalofAgrarianChange,10(3),pp.342–366.Williams,G.M.,Kroes,R.,andMunro,I.C.,2000.SafetyevaluationandriskassessmentoftheherbicideRoundupanditsactiveingredient,glyphosate,forhumans.RegulatoryToxicologyandPharmacology,31(2),pp.117–165.

Williams,R.H.,1995.Constructingthepublicgood:Socialmovementsandculturalresources.SocialProblems,42(1),pp.124–144.Wood,H.,1999.DisplacingNatives:TheRhetoricalProductionofHawaiʻi.Lanham:RowmanLittlefieldPublishers,Inc..

30

Wong-Kalu,H.,2013.HawaiianvaluesdifferFromWesterntraditions.HonouluStar-Advertiser,30October.Availableat:http://kumuhina.tumblr.com/post/65536472499/hawaiian-values-differ-from-western-traditions.[lastaccessed22September2016].Young,I.,2003.Feministreactionstothecontemporarysecurityregime,Hypatia,18(1),pp.223–231.Yulia,Z.,2010.Socialmovementsthroughthegenderlens.SociologyCompass,4(8),pp.628-641.