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2/ PSSC Social Science Information

Editorial

Filipino Nationausm

Filipino nationalism is essentially a product of colonialism. It is both a transmissionfrom and a reaction to western imperialism as well.

With a cross in one hand and a sword in the other, our first colonial master, Spain,placed the Archipelago, with the exception of the Muslim South, under a single politicalauthority. This political unification of the people, although geographically and linguisticallyfragmented, was a great leap towards the growth of nationalism.

Another factor for its growth was, paradoxically enough, the exploitative and suppressiveacts of the colonial master. His high-handed ways would cause the native people to reactstrongly in the form of uprisings or revolts and engendered a feeling of shared suffering onthe part of the latter, a psychological development which had the effect of drawing themtogether. Naturally, it would only be a matter of time when the parochial and regionalisticattitudes of the natives would transform into a national sentiment.

The national awakening would be speeded up by the impact of European liberalism onthe country. This was made possible by the improved transport and communication systembetween the Philippines and the West. The rise of the Filipino middle class, many membersof which would find themselves in Europe and getting exposed to the pervading progressiveand even radical thoughts of the time, and the administration of the country by the liberalminded Governor General Carlos Maria de la Torre likewise did much for the awakening. Itwould also find a further catalyzer in the activity of writers who denounced the deplorableconditions and criticized the decadent and excessive authorities, thus undermining thepeople's faith in the colonial government. And when nationalism finally acquired a morecomplete shape, it would express itself by a cry for reforms. But reforms were not forthcoming. And as things turned from bad to worse with acts of government suppressionbecoming all the more ruthless, arbitrary and widespread, nationalism became militant andturned into an independence movement.

The revolution was launched. The unwanted colonial regime was overthrown. TheFilipinos began to set up the Philippine Republic. But Philippine independence was nippedin the bud. The United States of America had a burgeoning economy. It thus needed newmarkets and new areas for investment. And finding a convenient excuse in the rightly orwrongly held belief of "manifest destiny" to "take up the white man's burden," as RudyardKipling, the acknowledged poet of Western imperialism had versified, that country whichhad strongly repudiated colonialism in the Age of Reason, now, would find itself covetingthe Philippines.

In so doing, America would have to wage war against the Filipinos. The savagery of thatwar and the ruthless ways of the invader to subjugate the Filipinos, which are a matter ofrecord, could only strengthen all the more the latter's nationalistic spirit. In fact, althoughthey had lost the war and consequently had to submit grudgingly to the rule of the newcolonial master, their nationalistic fervor persisted even amidst the formidable efforts at

(See Editorial, page 27)

THE PIULIPPINE SOCIALSOENCE COUNCIL

Gopeming CouncilLeslie E. Bauzon, chairpersonCarmendta T. Aguilar, vice-chairpersonRuben F. Trinidad, secretary

MembersMa. Lourdes S. BautistaLedivina V. CarinoWilhelm Flieger, S.V.D.Ibarra M. Gonzalez, S.J.AlejandroN. HerrinAngela Ma. PanganCesar P. PobrePaterno R. SantosPatricia A. Sto. TomasAllen L. TanMercedes B. SuleikLerma de lima YambotAmaryllis T. Torres, ex-offidoDomingo C. Salita, ex-offido

Executipe BoardAmaryllis T. Torres, presidentGeneroso G. de Guzman, vice-presidentHector B. Morada, treasurerRuben F. Trinidad, secretary

MembersShirley C. AdvinculaMa. Concepcion P.. AlfilerDelia R. BarcelonaRamon B. CardenasRosario M. CortesFe T. OtanesSabino G. Padilla, Jr.Evelina A. PangalanganEmmaE. Poriol'eodoro R. SantosSocorroL. Reyes, ex-offidoLeslie E. Bauzon, ex-offido

Aprif> June 1992 /3

PSSC Soclal Science InformationApril·June 1992Vol. 20, No.2

ContentsEditorial

Filipino NationalismJ:X Cesar P. Pobre, Ph. D.

Main FeaturesCentennials of the Filipino

Struggle for IndependenceJ:X Romeo V. Cruz, Ph. D.

Spirituality and Revolution among FilipinosJ:X Pablo S. Trillana Ill, J.D.

12 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy: First and OnlyPresident of the First Republic and HisVision of the Good Society

J:X Rosario Mendoza Cortes, Ph. D.

Regulars

17 PSSC News22 New Publications Available at the CSS

Special Feature

23 Understanding the CASS: A Close Look atPSSC's Exchange Program

J:X Ma. Eloisa G. Parco

"This is the first of a two-part special issue on FilipinoNationalism prepared with the assistanceof the PhilippineHistorical Association (PHA). We would like to express ourgratitude to Dr. Rosario M. Cortes of the PHA for assistingusin solicitingthe articlesfor thir issue,

Cover Design: Mark M. Averilla Printed by: Lovell Enterprises, Ioe.

Camera·ready manlUCriptprepared by: PSSC Desktop Publisbi"8 Unit

ISBN 0115-1169 THE PSSC SOCIAL SCIENCEINFORMATfON

The PSSC SocialScience Information is publishedquarterly by the Secret/lriat of the Philippine SocialScience Councilwith Ruben F. Trinidad as ExecutiveDirector. It is produced by the Information /lnd SpecialServices.Division.

All correspondence should be addressed to TheEditor, PSSC Social Science Center, CommonwealthAvenue, Dillman, Quewn City.

Editorial: Lourdes S. Pocuribot, ElviraS. Angeles,MIlrkM. Averilla

Circulation: LydiaG. Wences/ao, EmilyG. TuzonThe views expressed here are by the /luthorand

do not necessarily reflect thoseof the Philippine SocialScience Council.

ALL RIGHTSRESERVED

ledge~n7us~~iJo:; ;:.pUblic/ltion, proper IlCIcnow-


Centennials of the Filipino Strugglefor Independence

RomeoV.Cmz,PIl.D.·

•

From 1887 to 1913,crisis after crisis punctuatedPhilippine history by stages linallyculminating in thebirth of the Filipino nation. Indeed there was a seriesof baptisms of fire, not just one baptism e1aimingin itswake sacrificial victims and covering a time span oftwenty-six years. This epoch of traumatic crises in ourhistory is traditionally divided into the PropagandaMovement (1880-1896), Revolution I (First Phase,1896-1897),RevolutionII(SecondPhase, 1898-1899),the Philippine-American War (1899-1902), and theContinuingUnorthodoxWarfare(1903-1913).

If we, at the Philippine Historical Association(PHA), inaugurated on 31 July 1987 the centennialcelebration of our struggle for independence tocommemorate the happenings and heroic deeds ofhistorical actors in 1887,itwasbecauseofourgrowingconcern and alarm that our people and ourgovernment would allow the year to slip by withoutshowing any sign of awareness of its significance. Weshould have started the centennial celebration in 1980,the hundredth year of the start of the PropagandaMovement. The movement was set in motion by theactivities of at least four historical figures - PedroPaterno, Graciano Lopez-Jacna, Gregorio Sanciano,and Marcelo H. del Pilar. Their works and deedsbecame the patterns that dictated those of the laterand younger propagandists. Unfortunately, not asingle group or not even the government rememberedthe significance of that year as the centennial of thePropaganda Movement that started in 1880. Therewas another option as a historical landmark that couldserve the purpose. This was 1907, the hundredth yearof the transplantation for the first time of the ideologyand policy of nationalism on Philippine soil. Again theyear passed in silence. This was to be expected thistime because the country was still under Americancolonial rule and the continuing guerilla warfare hadkept the American proconsuls occupied. It wouldtruly be laughable for the Americans to agree to acentennial celebration ofa potentially dangerous andexplosive situation which would only revive thememory of a past that the Americans would want theFilipinos to forget.

Besides, we should be pragmatic and hope that inthe next century 2007 and 2080 will not pass withoutsomeone remembering that that would be thebicentennial or second hundredth year of Philippinenationalism and the Propaganda Movement,respectively.

The year 1987 is quite different. It is thecentennial of Rizal's Noli Me Tangere, of the MadridFilipino colony's newspaper Espana en Filipinosedited by Eduardo de Lete, of Pedro Paterno'spublication of La Antiqua Civilizacion Tagalog. ofMariano Ponce's departure for Spain to start work onthe propaganda movement, of the famous precedencecemetery cases in Binondo, Navotas, Malolos andother places that undermined the frailocracyin thecountry, and of Papa Isio's (Dionisio Sigobela)assumption of leadership over the Babailanes inNegros. These are enough justifications for makingthat year the start of the centennial celebrations. TheNoli alone was sufficient to declare that a centennialyear. The Noli was the Magna Carta of Filipinonationalism, calling on the people to recover theirself-confidence, appreciate their own worth as apeople with a glorious past, assert their equality withthe Spaniards, and more significantly, take pride inthe past heritage built by their ancestors. If weevaluate in terms of the evolution and development ofFilipino nationalism Paterno's La Antiqua Civilizacionand what he wanted to prove - that Christianity wasalready present in pre-colonial Tagalog civilization inthe form of Bathalism - then we have enoughgrounds to join the nation in declaring that year thecentennial of Noli and La Antiqua, both dealing withcultural nationalism and the cultivation ofascnse ofpride in the pre-colonial past of the Filipinos.

Every year from 1987 will be a centennial yearuntil 2013. But why 1913 or 2013 asa cut off year? Itcould have been earlier like the conventional year thatmarked the arbitrary termination of thePhilippine-American hostilities in 1902, making theyear 2002 the centenary worth celebrating. The year1902 was an arbitrary declaration made by the

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April • June 1992 IS

Americans to end the war which they called an heroes defending the Fort of Taraca, hotbed of theinsurrection, using of course their own criteria for the resistance, in May 1903.Between 1903and 1906,Datuselection of 1902:to terminate the war. Moreover, the Ali fought the Americans in the Cotabato and LanaoAmericans and their Filipino collaborators, in making areas until he was killed in October 22, 1906. Histhe selection, failed to consider the role played by resistance nevertheless was continued by Datulower class Filipinos, the so-called tulisanes, social Alamada until 1913. The Datu until the end, refusedbandits, ladrones, brigands, fanatics, etc. These to surrender to the Americans and only laid down his"unsavory elements", the counter-culture and arms before a Filipino official.Between 1901and 1913alienated, actually continued the war - to be exact, battles after battles were fought between the Filipinothe "little wars" - until they surrendered, were either Muslims and the Americans with their Filipinokilled, executed or captured. There was Julian auxiliaries, in Palawan, Mindanao, and Sulu. BeforeBaltasarofUrdaneta,PangasinanandAntonioValdez the year erded in 1913 .tv:0 famous battles wereof the same province with their followers called fought: the Battle of 'Iaglibi and the Battle of BudGuardia de Honor who were active not only in Bagsak,That year saw the end of military rule in thePangasinan but also in the provinces of Tarlac, La Muslim areas and the inauguration of civilUnion, Hocos Sur, Nueva Ecija and Zambalcs. The government. The ycar also saw peace and order inGuardias were finally suppressed in 1910.But others nearly all provinces in the Visayan islands and Luzon.were Dionisio' Sigobela, or Papa Isio, who led the All this then would justify the terminal year 1913whenBabailanes of Negros arid remained active in the tranquilityreigned all over the land. We should thenstruggle for independence until his surrender in 1907. honor its commemorative centennial in 2013 if only toThe Pulajanes of Samar-Leyte, led by Papa pablo, realize the fact that the counter-culture, social

.. "The radicals and patriots of yesterday became tomorrow'sreactionaries and traitors who gave the Americans encouragementand an excuse for imposing their rule over the Filipinos."

Papa Faustino, and Otoy, started out as a Dios-Diosmovement and soon adding independence to its goals,continued the fight for liberty until the leaders werecaptured or killed. In Central Luzon, an ex-guerilla,FelipeSaivador,led a group called Santa Iglesia andfought the Americans until he was captured andexecuted in 1911. It is true that these groups weremillenarians, social bandits, primitive rebels, religiousfanatics, and whatever the establishment called themduring the early decades of American rule. But itcannot be denied that thcy blended their religiousconvictions with the goal ofindcpcndcnceand thuscarried on the struggle long after the leaders of thefirst Philippine Republic had given up the ghost ofafight with the Americans. Furthermore, the MuslimFilipinos in the South also continued the war after theAmericans arbitrarily declared their victory in 1902against the First Philippine Republic.

In the south, the Philippines had many heroeswho conducted a guerilla war, perhaps independentlyof the first Republic, but nevertheless a "war" thatbothered the Americans no end and kept them busy.Datu Thngul from Binidaya attacked the Americansnear Camp Vicars in June 1902 and John Pershinghimself was forced to attack and kill the Muslim

bandits, and the Muslims had their share in theliberation of our country.

For us to be concerned about the centennial ofthe Revolutionary years from 1896 to 1898 and theyears of warfare, whether conventional or unorthodox,from 1899 to 1913 would be quite natural and in thenature of things a national reflex. Toillustrate, in 1896,for instance, there were at least three principaldevelopments that should be honored either locallyornationally: the cry of Pugad Lawin on August 23,thefirst bloody encounter at Pinaglabanan, San Juan onAugust 30, and the martyrdom of Jose Rizal onDecember 30. The next year 1897let us not forget themartyrdom of Numeriano Adriano and DomingoFranco, both active leaders of the LigaFilipinO; theTejeros Convention that established the "FirstRepublic" with Aguinaldo as president, theestablishment of the Republic at Blac-na-bato, and theTruce of Biac-na-bato, among many that should behonored with centennial eelebrationsbytheyear 1991.We could go on with the enumeration of episodes,developments and characters covering the wholearchipelago during the decades of the Revolution andwarfare but our examples are enough to demonstratethe significance of the period. But why the episode


traditionaUyrcferred to as the Propaganda Movement(1880-1896) fora beginning decade of centennialcelebrations? So many arguments could be usedagainst celebrating the hundred years of themovement. For one, an examination of the leaders'demands and goals would show that these were pastoriented, attempting to revive earlier romanticizedimages of policies enunciated by Spain likeassimilation, justice, fair play, racial equality, and thelike. This would make the Propagandists conservativesif not reactionaries.

For another, if we assume the revolution to beinevitable in the sense that it could take place earlier,the right time for it would have been immediately afterthe 1872 martyrdom of the three priests - Gomburza.Given the validity of these premises, the PropagandaMovement criminally delayed the revolution thatshould have taken place earlier. Due to the fact thatthe Propaganda Movement had taken place at thetimeitdidthecostsprovedtobequitedebilitalingtothe nation physically and emotionally - besideslosing potential leaders ofa future Republic like Rizal,del Pilar, Jaena, and others. Because things happenedthewaytheydid,theirpotentialsremainedunrealizedand unfulfillcdMorcovcr, the revolution proved to beuntimely,takingplace at the time of the intensifyingimperialistic impulse that made it possible for ahunting American Eagle to land and sink her talonson a waiting victim. Besides, those propagandaleaders who survived the Spanish squeeze and therevolution proved to be the very traitors whoundermined the Philippine Republic established atMalolos, Bulacan, The radicals and patriots ofyesterday became tomorrow's reactionaries andtraitors who gave the Americans encouragement andan excuse for imposing their rule over the Filipinos.

Despite all this the Propaganda Movement wasnot that bad if assessed vis-a-vis the development ofFilipino nationalism and nationhood. The leaders

made the people conscious of a Filipino nationseparate from the Spanish nation, with its owntradition and a past of virtue and nobility. It would notbe unreasonable to conclude that the directconsequence of the Propaganda Movement was therevolution. Given the advantage of hindsight, we mayeven say that the goals and desires of the Propagandaleaders were revivals of past ideals and thereforeconservative and even reactionary. But thesereactionary ideals and goals should be evaluated andranged against what the friar regime stood for. Towardthe middle of the 19th century, Spain had officiallymade the church a department of the state in thePhilippines. These very goals which we criticized asreactionary were subversive and radical from thestandpoint of the friars and frailocracy, to quoteMarcelo H. del Pilar. The demand for knowledge,justice and equality, and the goal of citizenship underthe imperial republican regime would constitute thegravest threat, to friar rule. Hence, the persecutionand prosecution, later exile and execution, resorted toby the friars-rulers who obliged the PropagandaMovement with causes and martyrs. Whether bydesign or divine intervention, the propaganda leadersbecame martyrs to a cause - assimilation - thatshould not have been belligerent, radical, andrevolutionary. The friar rule therefore gave us theoccasion and the martyrs to commemorate and honorin a centennial celebration starting 1987. ~

'Romeo V. CntZ, PIl.D. in history; was a formerrepresentative of tile discipline of history to the PSSCExecutive Board. He is also a past president of thePHA, a [ormer Dean of U.P: Clark Air Base, and aretired professor of history at the University of thePhilippines. He delivered this paper during thelaunching of tile "Centennial of tile Decades of FilipinoStruggiefor Independence" by tile PHA at tile NationalLibraryonJuly3/,/987.

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•April - June 1992 /7

Spirituality and Revolutionamong Filipinos

PabloS.TrillallaIll,l.D.*

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Introduction

There are two "revoluti~ns", so conventionalhistory tells us, that Filipinos today can look back to:the Philippine Revolution of 1896which ultimately ledto the end of Spanish colonial rule, and the EDSARevolution of February 1986 which resulted in thedownfall ofa 20 year authoritarian rule. In all honesty,however, we must ask whether a revolution has evertaken place in the Philippines - or more precisely,among Filipinos? To answer that question, we mustfirst be clear on what is meant by "revolution".

The Philippine revolution of 1896 is commonlyregarded as an armed uprising against Spain by apeople newly awakened to nationhood. The EDSARevolution, on the other hand, is acclaimed as a raredemonstration of "people power" to effect therelatively peaceful overthrow of an unpopular regime.To discern their common thread, it is necessary toexamine more deeply these two glorious events ofPhilippine history, as this could lead us to the essenceof "revolution" in the Philippine context.

Tostartwith,it is safe to assume that both eventswere spurred by a basic and massive desire forchange. But what sort of change? Were theK.atipunerosmere]y after the termination of Spanishcolonial rule and the creation of an independentstate? Did Filipinos from all walks of life come to thedefense of a faction of military defectors just soMarcos would be ousted?

On both occasions, individual participants in themass movement for change had a wide range ofmotives - some pure, others selfish, still othersill-defined. What mattered, ultimately, was therecognition of their bonds, the realization of theircollective strength, and the triumph of their spirit. Bybanding together and expressing their common will,they initiated the process of change.

As made manifest by subsequent events at theturn of the century and during the past six years, theprocess of change did not reach - or does not seem

headed towards - full fruition. The First PhilippineRepublic was short-lived as anew colonial poweremerged to subjugate the Filipinos. On the otherhand, the Aquino Administration finds itselfoverwhelmed by "traditional" problems. - aggravatedby rising popular expectations and by destabilizationefforts of rival political, ideological and militaryforces.

Why did neither "Revolution" gather enoughmomentum to effect substantial and lasting change inPhilippine society? The answer seems to lie in thefocus of the desired change. In both instances,political emancipation, ultimately became the focalobjective. It was as if, by establishing a PhilippineRepublic and by installing a new President, the rest ofthe necessary changes would neatly fall into place•.This frame of mind, experience tells us, has only breddisillusionment.

Deeper reflection would make us conclude thatpolitical freedom, by itself, cannot lead to substantialchange. This is because politics involves, primarily,structures and power relationships. But beneath the"superstructure" are people - individual humanbeings. Hno transformation occurs on the personallevel, all change on the structural level could besuperficial.

This brings us to the crux of revolutionary change.A popular mass movement cannot be rightfullycalleda revolution unless each participant professes acommitment to internal change. This perspective isconsistent with the traditional Filipino view that .perception of a need for social tranformation stemsfrorn a desire, to restore the balance between internalvalues and the external order.

Roots of Filipino spirituality

Before the advent of colonial rule, the "Filipinos"(i.e. the native inhabitants of the archipelago)manifested an inherent spirituality which transcendedtribal differences in religious and cultural expression.This spirituality stemmed from their. concept of


themselves as part of nature, of divine creation. Theancient Filipinos like most of their Asian brothers,believed that the spiritual and the material wereinseparable. This worldview bred a social order basedon what they perceived to be oneness and harmonyamong all living things.

Pre-colonial Filipinos, in seeking to preserveharmunlous interaction with each other and with therest of nature, lived within deeply-rooted ethicalnorms. They stressed purity of the inner self (kalinisanngloob) in the belief that, as long as everyone wasmotivated by unselfish interest, the external order(family, community, society, nature) would not bedisturbed. Responsibility, social concern, and respectfor nature were bedrocks of conscience in thisGod-oriented culture.

Spirilualityand the Katipunan

After the Spaniards stumbled into these islands,they began a conscious program 10 colonize thenatives. As they spread among the people, they founda native spirituality which theyprocecded to denigrateas pagan and superstitious. They did not glean whatwas good in the native spiritual traditions and,therefore, they did not see fit to build upon them.Neither did they respect said traditions as othercolonizers would, for instance, do in India andVietnam. Failing to nurture the strength of a pure andsimple faith, they placed emphasis on form and ritual.Intent on using the church to subjugate the Filipinos,they cultivated instead a form of dependence on thefriar-dominated church to achieve "salvation".

On the surface, it seemed as if most Filipinosduring the Spanish colonial period were content inpassively accepting the friar-articulated teachings ofthe church. In reality, a great number among themasses clung to their basic spirituality and culled fromthe Christian faith certain elements that wereconsistent with their beliefs.

According to Prof. Reynaldo Ileto, the pasyOIlbecame the central idiom through which poorFilipinos expressed their view of the situation ofPhilippine society. Just as Jesus Christsuffered,died,and rose again to lift mankind from the mire of sin, sotoo, must they make sacrifices to arrestsociety'smoraJdecay and restore "Paradise" (i,e., the lost balance ofspiritual and material forces).

Unknown to many, the Katipunan became agenuine mass movement because it embodied thespiritual aspiration of peasants and plebeians.Traditional history has tended to view the evolution ofthe Katipunan in terms of Western libertarian ideals.The longing for "freedom" and "independence" ispredominantly interpreted at face value. Untilrecently, little effort has been done to delve into thedeeper meanings that ordinary folk attached to suchterms (particularly in the original vernacular) asenunciated by leaders like Andres Bonifacio.

Kalayaan, for instance, (according to I1eto) didnot connote "freedom" and "independence" untilthere arose the clamor to separate from Spain justprior to the 1896 Revolution. Originally, the termcontained the concept of "becoming one" andstimulated a yearning for contentment. Root wordslaya andlayaw conjured images of childhood in thecare of the loving parent. In this context, Spain waspictured as an uncaring stepmother who had to berejected in favor of a new mother nation "InangPitipinas", which would genuinely look after thewelfare of her people.

The mass base of the Katipunan, therefore,looked upon revolution as a redemptive process. TheSpaniards had lost the moral right to govern, but itwas not enough for Filipinos to take up arms, andforce the colonizers out of power. The clarion call ofthe Katipunandemanded that its adherents, preciselybecause they sought to redeem the country, shouldmarch in perfect cadence to Rizal's prescriptive

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"Deeper reflection would make us conclude that political freedom,by itself, cannot lead to substantial change. This is because politicsinvolves, primarily, structures and power relationships. But beneaththe "superstructure" are people - individual human beings. If notransformation occurs on the personal level, all change on thestructural level could be superficial."

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lament about redemption: "Redencionsupone virtud;vinudsaoificio.y sacrifictoamor".

Participants in the revolution, therefore, h~d. toattain a Levelof consciousness where each was willingto enduresacrifice,toworkhard,even to shed his ownblood to initiate, first, change within himsclfand,then,in the external order. Hence, the bond among therevolutionaries was not just physical and ideological.The Katipunan,at its inception, was truly a spiritualforce seeking to redeem the MotherJand.

This spiritual dimension of the struggle surfacesclearly in the writings of Bonifacio and Jacinto and theinitiation rites assiduously espoused by the former.Both wisted on kalinisan ng kalooban or innertransformation as the essential foundation of thestruggle to redeem the Motherland.

In Kalayaan,the official organ of the Katipunanwhose only issue came out in January 1896, bothBonifacio and Jacinto were exacting in their call for "adyingtoastate of darkness". Here "darkness" meantignorance because of "bad inclinations" that blindedthe people from seeing that the appealing exteriors ofSpanish rule were allpandaraya.In their manifestoesin Kalayaan, the two heroes were compelling thepeople to confront and recognize this trickery as theveil that dimmed their vision of their enslaved state.

Bonifacio and Jacinto were, therefore, insistentthat anyone, who wished to join the Katipunan,shouldfirst die to a past of bad habits, experience his inncrtransformation through sacrilice and endurance as inthe pasyon and, thereby, prove his damayand patoto~

to the sacred ideals of redeeming Inang Bayan,Thiswas the true way, the only way,· the landas saKalayaan.

This preoccupation with inner transformation asthe condition of revolution was the underpinning ofthe Katipunan initiation rites as envisioned. byBonifacio. To him, the Katipunan was a societydedicated not simply to political self-rule but to a rulefounded on brotherly love. Central to the idiom of theinitiation rites was the death to a past life of blindness.Each neophyte must affirm his wish to die to pastrelationships -'- to previous attachments and badinclinations. He was required to prove this willingnessthrough tests of hardship in order to achieve inte~nal

purification. Only then were the gates of the societyopened (Pagbubukasng Karurukan) to receive theneophyte, who was made to sign his membership oathin blood.

April • June 1992 /9

Towards the end of the initiation, the Katipunan'leader would exbort the new recruit in the plaintiveand supplicating language of a woman in chains whosought compassion and damay from her sons. Thefinal words of this lament brought back the theJ!1eofinner tranformation, of humility, unity, love, andsa~~~ .

Talastasin naman ninyopili kongkababayannaang nilalandasng Katipunan ito ay isang daan s~

pagkakaisa, pagtitinginanat pagdadamayanna dimagmamaliumagpahangan /ibing.At sa Katipunanito talastasinninyo na iniuauaksiangmasasamangasal; masasamdng'/oob at lalu pa at higuit angkapalaluan palibhasa ay angtinutungoay ang~anguagasatda/isaynaka/inisanmagpahangankailan.Kababaan /oob at pamumuhunanan ng ingat nabuhay at madlang kaya upang ipag/anggol ang~:;:~~a ng tumatangis noting Re/ihiyon at sari/ing;

At the end ofthe initiation ceremony, Agonci11ostates, the Katipunan brothers would be sheddingtears. The message of compassion for the motherlandwas understood and the tears were expressions ofdeepening experience of a change in theloob.

It is to be noted that from the time the Katipunanwas founded in 1892 until January of 1896, itsmembership numbered only about 300. After itsofficial organ, Kalayaan was circulated and passedfrom hand to hand, the number npidly grew so thatfrom mid-March 1896 to the time of the August 1896outbreak of the revolution (a matter of about fivemonths), the Katipuneros numbered about 30,000.

The spread and popularity of the secret society,which suprised even Bonifacio, would unfortunatelycontain certain seeds that did not portend well for thesuccessful achievement of its redemptive goalBonifacio's insistence on the initiation rites as themeans to draw the.neophytes to experience-thechange in their /oob and, therefore, to determine thepurity of their motives and steadfast resolve, metresistance. Citing E. Arsenio Manuel (Dictionary ofPhilippine Biography), Ileto reported that RamOD

Basa, for example, either withdrew or was expell~

from membership because he wanted to do away Withthe tedious process of initiation. Emilio Aguinaldohimself as well as others, according to I1eto (citingE.Aguinaldo's Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan), practicallydiscarded the initiation rites while retaining theKatipunan rhetoric to rouse the people and sustaintheir resolveto fight.


In fact, Ileto clearly suggests that Bonifacio'sultimate downfall, even when one admits that he was apoor military strategist, was traceable to hispreoccupation with moral transformation and theinitiation rites which he never wanted to give up,contrary to what others perceived as the practicalimperatives of massive recruitment to support therevolution. Had Bonifacio's moral agenda been giventhe historical opportunity to take its course, it is notunthinkable that Bonifacio's call for "in ncrtransformation"and"brotherlylovc"would have led,inevitably and ultimately, to a direct confrontationwiththeeconomicandpoliticalinlcrcslsofthcnativcprincipalia.

But while it lasted, Bonifacio's call for change inthe loob and brotherly love, within the context of adeep and caring bond between mother and child (theoriginalfolkconceptofKalayaall)wasnotlostonthcmasses. Among the memories of many Katipunanveterans was the yearning for the condition ofKalayaan achieved in the early stages of the struggle.Santiago Alvarez came close to recalling thiscondition when he described life in thc liberatedCavite town of San Francisco de Malabon in the latterdays of September 1896:

The people were truly happy, free to enjoy life inall sorts of ways. Food was plentiful; all things werecheap; there were no perversities, no robberies, nothefts, no pickpockets. Everyone had love for hisfellowmen and in every place the Katipunan's teachingof brotherly love held sway. Frightfulthrealsofdcath,like the whistling cannonballs, were viewed calmly aseveryone simply ducked to avoid thcm. And with hopein the grace of God, the children, cldcrx.womcu andmen had no fear of death ...no news of the enemy'sadvance was ever cause for fear. .. The cannon burstswerenolongerfearedandevencametobc regardedas fireworks in a celebration...The women's storeswere open all day and night: singing, dancing, feastingbeneath the trees, gambling, and cock lightingeverywhere, served to make them forget theimpending sacrifice of their lives and blood. But at thefirst sign of fighting, all men and women wouldstraighten up and grab their weapons of war.

Losing the spiritual thread

Eventually, however, leadership of the Kotipunanand political ascendancy in the events that followedfell into the hands of the faction that did not fullygrasp nor share the spiritual dimension of the struggle.At this point, the desire for political independencebecame preeminent - making it easy for the

···8§!;'·

Americans to win over the revolutionary leadershipwith visions of a "democratic" way of life.

Under the P merican colonial rule, Philippinesociety became even more materialist in orientation.Fiipinos drifted further away from the spiritual valueswhich had for so long sustained their ancestors. In1946, the Philippines finally achieved its leaders'post-colonial obsession: political independence, Butthis was proven to mean verylitt!e in terms ofbenelitsto the majority of Filipinos. In the first place, aspointed out by nationalists, the economy remaineddcpendentontheUnitedStates.Morefundamcntally,the orientation of development was based onaggregate economic growth with little regard forspiritualupliftmentandforresponsiblestewardshipofresources.

The Filipino soul floundered in the materialistenvironment. Economic development was pursued foritsownsakewithlittleregardforcffeetsonindividu:l1lives (except in terms mainly of "trickle-down"benefits) and on the ecology. This made manifest aregression ofspirillwlily- i.c., the Filipinos' formersense of oneness with each other, the universe, and theCreator.

Hence, while individual Filipinos attained varyingdcgrccs of vsucccss", the Filipinos as a people driftedinto a spiral of poverty. Clearly, social ends hadbecome subordinate to private interests, What werebeing developed were, in the words of Mr. SixtoRoxas, "materials of society" and not society itself.Thc only signs of national progress wcre urban andexport-oriented industries that stood awkwardly in thelargely traditional and feudal landscape. It bccamcpainfully ironic that by the beginning of the 1990sanation so rich in natural resources and human talenthad distinguished itself as the basket case of tbcworld's most dynamic growth region.

In the search for solutions to the nation'ssocio-economic problems, the norm had been to looktoward Westcrn formulas - represented on twoextremes by the free enterprise and communistsystems. This mindset, prevalent among the nation'sleaders until recently, betrays a subconsciousmaterialist - largely politico-economic - bias.Determining the proper perspective or ideology fordevelopment has been simplified into an exercise infending off extreme tendencies of the "Left" and the"Right" and linding balance in the "Center". Value inthe spiritual aspect is recognized largely in terms of"guidance" and divine assistance - not as the veryanchor of existence.

•

•

•

EDSA:Glimpse into renewed spirituality

This mindset is unfortunate, particularly at thistime in the light of the experience at EDSA in 1986.That event witnessed a resurfacing of the Filipino soul- quite: aptly on an avenue with a name denoting"epiphany of saints" - ata moment of trial for thenation. Many Filipinos from all walks of life, awarethat they could become martyrs for nationaldeliverance, gathered at EDSA to pray and to relivetheir lost sense of community. Millions of theircountrymen in homes across the landjoincd them inspirit. In unison, Filipinos expressed their rejection ofan immoral regime and thereby - at least for amoment - restored the oneness of their innermostvalues and their worldly actions.

What happened at EDSA was a reenactment ofthe redemptive process. It fullilled a prophetic visionbest expressed by Rizal in the words of PadreFlorentino in EI Filibusterismo:

We must secure (liberty) by making ourselvesworthy of it, by exalting the intelligence and dignity ofthe individual. by loving justice, rig/It and greatness,even tillthe extent of dying for them - and when apeople reaches that height, God will provide aweapon, the idols will be shattered, the tyranny willcntmble /ike a house of cards and liberty will shineout/ike the first dawn.

The challenge before the Filipinos today is tocontinue the unfinished revolutions of 1896 and 1986- to work at restoring the balance and unity ofspiritual and material concerns within themselves.Only by discarding self-interest in Iavor of' a renewedsense of community can Filipinos hope to achievemeaningful and sustainable development. If thatinternal and external transformation takes place, the

April - June 1992 /11

Philippines would have fulfilled its envisioned role asthe beacon that would light the path for other nations.

February 1986 saw the Filipinos begin to assumethe role inspiring millions with their commitment topeace and brotherhood. The succeeding struggles forthe peaceful initiation of change in South Korea,Pakistan, Burma, and in the East and Central Europecannot avoid being traced back to and measuredagainst what the Filipinos achieved in EDSA,whatever else might be said of events thereafter. Themisfortune, however, is that many Filipinos opted toleave the burden of pursuing the Revolution toCorazon C. Aquino and her much-handicappedgovernment. With most Filipinos detached from, orunable to find their rightful place, in the process ofnational transformation, it was not surprising that theRevolution quickly lost its momentum. Six short yearsafter, the same old social evils- thievery, corruption,immorality, exploitation, power grabbing, etc. rebounded to plague the government andthe nation,

To recapture the gains of 1896 and 1986,individual Filipinos have to renew their stake in theRcvollition.Theymuststirbaektolifetheeonscieneeof endurance and hard work (sufrirytrabajar) that wasnurtured in the Katipunan and resurfacedinEDSA.In sum, they must bring the process of change to thelevel of personal sacrifice and,throughtheireolleetiveeffort, achieve national redemption and, ultimately,progress. [I

·Atty. Pablo S. Trillana holds an M.A. in law fromthe University of Berkeley, California and a doctoratedegree from the School of Law of the University ofMichigan. He was a 'delegate ill the 1971ConstitutionalConvention.


Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy:First and Only President of the First Republic

and His Vision of the Good Society

RosarioMendoza Cortes,Ph. D.·

..

On the 22nd of March 1897,Emilio Aguinaldo YFamy, was elected the President of the first-Revolutlonary Government ever formed in the historyof our country. The Assembly convened at Tcjeros, abarrio of San Francisco de Malabon, now namedGeneral Trias. It was originally called to discuss thestrengthening of the defense of the Magdiwangterritory. Many Magdala towns, which had shieldedthe former, had fallen to counterattacking Spanishforces. The majority of the assembly, however, wantedto first settle the issue of what form of government therebels would have. Andres Bonifacio, then presidingover the meeting, contended that a Katipunangovernment already existed but the Magdala membersinsisted on establishing an unequivocal republicangovernment. Bonifacio acceded to the wishes of themajority. In the election of officers to constitute thenew government, Emilio F. Aguinaldo was electedpresident over Andres Bonifacio, founder of theKatipunan. Aguinaldo, himself, was not present. Hewas at Pasong Santol, near Dasmarifias, where thebattle for Imus had been raging since 28 February1897.1

The Tejeros Convention was a turning point in thehistory of the Philippine Revolution. It decided onceand for all the question of leadership. The election ofAguinaldo over Bonifacio appears to havedemonstrated the reality that the Revolution hadoutgrown the Katipunan, that the leadership of theKatipunanwas no longer suflicient to respond to newchallenges posed by a changing environment.

Andres Bonifacio had fulfilled his historic rolejust as Jose Rizal and the propagandists hadperformed theirs. Rizal and Del Pilar had awakenedthe national consciousness and planted the seeds ofnationalism and revolution. Bonifacio nurtured theseed by organizing the secret society, theKamahalmahala't, Kaga/anggo/ang na Katipunan ngmga Anak ng Boyan (Most Exalted and Most

Respected Society of the Sons of the People). He isdeservedly called the Father of the Revolution. It was

~e~~~~c~;i~;~n~:~~~nide~n~t~~;t~s:.1ave his own

In the estimate of 0.0. Corpuz, the Katipunanfunctioned well as a secret society, but it was notorganized asa fighting force, and the initial actions inthe Revolution produced heroic acts rather thanmilitary victory. This was clearly shown in what shouldhave been the taking of Manila by the Katipunan atmidnight of Saturday, 29 August 1896.3

After the failure of the planned Katipunan attaek,29-30 August, Bonifacio withdrew to the hills ofMontalban. He would reappear in Cavite inDecember 1896.

The revolution prospered instead in Cavitewherethere was strong Katipunan leadership and where therebels could fight from fixed positions orentrenchments. Emilio Aguinaldo, the real leader ofthe MagdalaCouncil developed command and tacticalleadership and Cavitesoon became the eenter of theRevolution. Cavite had two Katipunan factions, theMagdiwang and the Magdala Councils, whichcompeted for leadership. Aguinaldo, the leader of theMagdalaCouncil proved himself a military leader andstrategist with a series of brilliant victories over theSpanish forces in Cavite, where the Spanishgovernment was forced to send its best generals.

The revolution had broken out into the open. Itwas no longer aseeret fight against Spanish misruleand abuse. It had now erupted into an overt anddesperate struggle for liberty and freedom and hadattracted widespread support from many who werenot at all connected with the Katipunan.But it washampered by conflicts in leadership. Was it to gainsupport from the presence of the Katipunan Supremothat Artemio Riearte and Mariano Alvarez (an uncleof Bonifacio's wife), both Magdiwang leaders, invited

Andres Bonifacio to visit his brothers in the liberatedprovince of Cavite? In the light of what happenedlater on, it has been suggested that Bonifacio shouldhave not come to Cavite. But he did so in December1896 accompanied by his wife, two brothers and sometwenty men. And the rest, as the c1ichegocs, is history.

The Tejeros Assembly was a response to thegrowing clamor for a unified revolutionarygovernment to resolve the growing conflict betweenthe Magdiwang and Magdalo leaders. The Magdalarebels complained that the Magdiwang people refusedto extend their help in fighting off thecounterattacking Spanish forces and ill feelings wererapidly developing between the two factions. Nowmany Magdalo towns had fallen and the Magdiwangtowns were themselves endangered. Theresolucionarios convened in Tejeros, withinMagdiwangterritory. The election of Aguinaldo overBonifacio as the first President of the revolutionarygovernment was an acknowledgement of Aguinaldo'sabilities-as a revolutionary leader on the battlefield.

The changed environment now clearly demanded aman who could command and lead them in battle.BecauseofAguinaldo'ssucccssonlhebattlefield,hispopularity began to overshadow that of theKatipunan's founder. Bonifacio's failure to recognizethis historical development ultimately led to hisdisappearance from the scene.

From that time on, from the Tejeros convention of22 March 1897 to the end of the First Republic withthe capture of Aguinaldo at Palanan, on 23 March1901, exactly four years later, Emilio F. Aguinaldoheld the reins of leadership in that heroic age of ourhistory.

Who was Emilio F. Aguinaldo and how had hecome to snatch the torch of leadership from the fallenBonifacio?

Emilio F. Aguinaldo was born on 22 March 1869in Kawit (then known as Cavite Viejo) 10 CarlosAguinaldo and Trinidad Famy, a family of thcprincipalia class. He was sent to San Juan de LetranCollege but in the third year of the segundoensenanza,he had to return home when a cholera epidemic hitManila and all the schools were closed. He failed toreturn to school even after the epidemic was broughtunder control. 4


In 1886, at the age of seventeen, his mothersucceeded in having him appointed cabeza debarangay to save him from being drafted into thecolonial army although he was eigthyears shorl of therequired age 0[25. Aguinaldo served as cabeza foreight years, until the end of 1894 when he was electedas capitanmunicipalof Kawit, Six years younger thanBonifacio, Aguinaldo was as energetic as theSupremo. He became an apprentice mason with thelodge "Pilar" in Imus on the day he took his oath ascapitan, January 1, 1895.

One day in March 1895, shortly before his 26thbirthday, he crossed the bay into Manila,accompanied by Santiago V. Alvarez. At 7 p.m.,blindfolded, he was brought in a ealesa to Binondoand underwent the Masonic style initiation rites of theKatipunan. He chose the name of Magdalo, after thepatron saint of his town, Mary Magdalene. After therites were over his blindfold was removed, and he metAndres Bonifacio, in whose house the ceremonieswereheld.5 .

In Cavite, Aguinaldo was a great recruiter. terhis own initiation, he made successive trips to Manila,each time bringing with him "many prominentpersons" of Kawit for initiation. He was nowmunicipal captain, Freemason, and Katipuneroall atthe same time, and he laments in his memoirs that notall patriots could join Freemasonry because "theycould not meet the requirements".

This was due, he says, to the fact that those whobecame Freemasons were men "who had the means".But he was happy with the Katipunan."I tried to urgeall those who could not join Masonry to join theKatipunan:" In the Katipunanall men were equal.

Bonifacio was pleased with Aguinaldo's goodwork, and accepted an invitation to go to Kawit inApril 1896 to preside during the founding of the KawitCouncil, called Magdala, after Aguinaldo's nom de.gtlerre. There was rivalry among the councils and theirleaders had to demonstrate and maintain their statusby having as many associates and personal followerswith them. Like his peers, Aguinaldo thereforerecruit<;d not only his fellow principalia members, butsoon his tenants and other townsfolk as well. TheKatipunantook in both the provincial principaliaandthe peasantry into its membership rolls.


According to Corpuz, when the Katipunan grewand began to spread into Nueva Ecija andPampangaand later on to other non-Tagalog provinces, it lost itsoriginal urban and plebeian, as well as its Tagalogcharacter. In the process, it bceamc something moredeveloped. It became the first active embodiment ofthe Christian Filipino nation, composed of Filipinosfrom the various social c1asses,gcographical regions,andethnolinguisticgroupingsassociatcdinoneunion.In the words of Corpuz, it thus outgrew Bonifacio'sSangkatagalugan. Although the Tagalog provinceswould always be the cradle of the revolution, therebellion that the Katipunan would bcginwollldtrlllybe the first Filipino rebellion.

In other words, the rebellion ofthcK(JlijJlIllan hadfaded away as a "class struggle", it had become thestruggle of the nation, the revolution of the Filipinos."

Aguinaldo's vision of an independent society

There is no doubt that Jose Rizal and ApolinarioMabini were intellectuals who portraycd in theirwritings what they envisioned the Philippines and itspeople should be. They left us a body oflitcraturefrom which we can draw their visionofagood society.

Emilio Aguinaldo, on the other hand, comesdowntousasaman of action - avictoriousgcneraiagainst the Spanish army, an indomitable fighter forfreedom against American imperial power. But thereis no doubt that he was a leader recognized by his

~~~::~~e:~~t~~~~~:~\~~l::II~~~::~~r~~~~)a;,~~:,~~~:~the MalolosCongress ofhistime,hcwas nC\'crthelessthe leader chosen to head the First Rcpllblic.llc musttherefore have inspired in the 111en of that age,respect, admiration, and loyalty. In short, they musthave drawn inspiration not alone from his deeds onthe battlefield but also from his counsel and words ofwisdom.

Long before Bonifacio arrived in Cavitc,Aguinaldo had defeated the best of the Spanishgenerals - Ernesto de Aguirre a~d Ramon B1~neo.

bringing his feats to the aucnuon of the Spanishgovernment and the Europeans. Writing from Londonon July 1, 1898 to Jose Ma. Basa, Antonio Ma.Regidorsaid,"It is evident that no one but Aguinaldocan or should be our leader; he has a reputation andaname in Europe." 7

Buoyed by his success in clearing partsofCavitefrom Spanish control, Aguinaldo rallied hiscountrymen on the 31st of October lR96,tolheeauseof freedom as follows:

bAiiS,···

To the Filipino people, Liberty, Equality, andFraternity:

"ThePhilippincs presents today a spectaclewithout precedent in their history, the victoriousattainment of their liberty and theirindependence ...a heroism which wilJplace them onthe same level as civilized nations.

"We know that real progress in a people isbased upon liberty and independence. Thisinspires the most noble and sublime emotionsihcfcelingthatthecitizenshouldnotyicldtothcfear that our interests or our families may suffer,nor should we tremble at shedding blood to brcukthe chains of slavery which we have dragged lor3UlJyearsof tyranny and abuse.

'~\ proof of the truth of this, that therevolution is founded on justice and right, is shownby all civilized nations, for none of them willpcrmil.theslightestcncroachmcntuponthemeresthand's breadth of their domain without pouringout the last drop of blood in defense of theintcgrity of thc n.uion.

"People of the Philippines, the hour has come10 sh.:d our blood to defend our right to liberty,LeI hand ourselves about the flag of the

motto is Liberty, Equality, and

In that first call to his countrymen, Aguinaldothus. cuvivioncd a society free and independent offoreign chains, a society permeated by the Iccl.ngs ofequality and held together by the bonds ofbrotherhood. To that ene!, he ralliee! his countrvmenwithout counting the cost. .

These feelings of Aguinaldo again foundexpression when, forced to retreat to the fastnesses ofBiac-na-baio, due to the numerical superiority ofSpanish arms, he again exhorted hiscountryrnen inJuly 1897to be of courage and honor. He appealed:

"On the inauguration of the second epoch ofourstrllggle, from these mountains, ever faithful toour libertyand independenee, we raise our voicesto all those in whose breasts beat noble hearts; toall those who have courage and honor, dignity andpatriotism ...

"Mindful of the common good, we aspire tothe glory of obtaining liberty, independence andhonor for the country, We aspire to have acommon law, created for all citizens, which willserve them as a guarantee and assurance of

•

respect, without exception. We aspire to have agovernment which will represent all the activeforces of the country, in which will take part themost capable, the most worthy in virtues andtalents,witboutregardtotheirbirth,theirwealthor the race to which they belong. We desire that nofriar set bis foot on any part of the Archipelago.And that no convent or monastery or' center ofcorruption, or partisans of that theocracy whichhas made this land another inquisitorial Spain,shall remain. In our ranks, order shall always berespected.

"Under our flag, justice will always govern.

"Worthy sons of that liberty, which has been soiniquitously snatched away from us, we shall showthe world that we are worthy of having our owngovernment- our own country as we have ourown language.

"We fling back into their teeth the name whichour enemies give us. Weare the faithful sons, wewho scorning life and money, and comfort, wewho, scorning all kinds of hardships give our bloodfor the good of our country, for the welfare of ourfellow citizens and the redemption of our children.

"Viva the free Philippines.v''

Aguinaldo gave us a vision of a free Philippinesunder a rule of law, a society that would guarantee itscitizens equality under the law, a government run bythemostcapable,themostvirtuousandtalented,without regardtobirth,wealth, or race. It would alsobe a society freed from the shackles of a theocracy, asociety where justice will always reign.

There is a message for us today that comes out ofthepas,I.WbilewealreadyhaveaaConstitutionthatguarantees us those freedoms and civil liberties thatAguinaldo envisioned, our society is now beset byforces that would overturn the rule of law while otherswould restore theocratic influence.

Aguinaldo'sobsessionwiththeidealofarreeandindependent Philippines is demonstrated over andover again. While he agreed to the Pact ofBiac-na-bato and went into self-exile, he did so tofight another day. And trueenough,he did not use themoney paid him for self-aggrandizement. He used ittobuy arms to renew the revolution. And when hereturned, in May 1898, he launched a lightningcampaign anti quickly captured one Spanish garrisonalter another. So successful was his campaign that onJunc.'i,heplannedthcproclamationofindependenceto take place on the 12th of June. He directed

April - June 1992 115

Ambrosio Rianzarcs Bautista to draft the Act ofProclamation of Independence of the Filipino people,obtained the services of Julian Felipe to compose thenational anthem and the craftsmanship of somepatriotic ladies in the making of the Filipino flag thatwould symbolize our country. On the 12th of June1898, these three symbols of our nationhood were thusshown to the whole world: the proclamation ofIndependence, the unfurling of the national flag,accompanied by the national anthem.

The Act of Proclamation itself is a simple butlengthy litany of causes and grievances. It stated thatthe Filipino people were weary of bearing the yoke ofSpanish domination. It specified arbitrary arrests,harsh treatment, and executions by the GuardiaCivi/;the deportations instigated by the Archbishop and thefriar orders; and the executions of Dr. Jose Rizal andseveral others, specifically the priests, Burgos, Gomez,and Zamora. The proclamation declared that theFilipinos "arc and have the right to be free andindependent," and the nation "from this daycommences to have a life of its own," with everypolitical tie between the Philipppines and Spainseveredandannulled.lO

Thus was the nation born and its father wasEmilio F. Aguinaldo. On June 18, Aguinaldo issuedthe decree for the organization of pueblo or towngovernments. The 18June decree is significant in thatit reveals Aguinaldo's political thinking. According toCorpuz, it reflected Aguinaldo's thinking asa formerpueblo capitan by stressing that a "solid and robust"municipal organization was the "strongest bulwark" ofnational government. Aguinaldo never wavered on theissue of the important role of local self-government.On 3 August, in an adclress while presiding over theoath-taking of town heads, he would say that eachtown couneil served as the cornerstone ofthestate.ll

Aguinaldo's vision of the nation

Aguinaldo proposed certain amendments to thedraft constituti0nadoptedb,'theMalolosCongressthatrevealcdhisvisionofatrulyall-embracingnation.On 1 January ,1899, Aguinaldo sent the Congress amessage transmitting several proposed amendments.Two very serious problems of the Republic during the1970s and 1980s were either by chance or foresight,covered in Aguinaldo's amendments. One proposaldealt with the design and establishmentofaspecialpolitical regiment or system for non-Christian hilltribes or communities "in conformity with their usagesand tradi.ional customs," including theirrepresentation in the legislatureY It will be recalled

*f.¥..f...fk "


that in the 198050 there were demands forgovernmental autonomy to communities such as theCordillera people in Luzon, as well as similar culturalminority communities in Mindanao.

Aguinaldo also asked for authority to negotiatewith the Muslims of Jolo and Maguindanao "for thepurpose of establishing national solidarity upon thebasis ofa real federation and of absolute respect fortheirbeliefsandtraditions.,,13

On this matter of the composition of the Filipinonation, Corpuz avers that nobody excelled Aguinaldoas the voice and exponent of a truly all-embracingnation. This idea of the Muslim Filipinos being in thesame political community as the Christians was adevelopment straight from. Rizal (specifically thestatutes of the Liga), but Aguinaldo's approach wassharper. 14

Unfortunately, the Malolos Congress, which waswholly composed of Christians, either lacked thecapacity to appreciate Aguinaldo's concept ofa nationthat included both Christians and Muslims, or couldnot see themselves in one nation with Muslims.Besides, federation with the Muslims would haveentailed thorough changes in the unitary system thatthe Congress had already approved.

Aguinaldo kept the idea ofa federation alive. On19 January, he wrote the Sultan of Sulu "offering tothe powerful Sultan of Jolo and to all brothers whoacknowledge his great authority, the highest assuranceof friendship, eonsideration, and esteem." 15

Had the Christian lawyers of the MalolosCongress appreciated Aguinaldo's vision of theFilipino nation, it is not improbable that the culturalbias and political neglect by the Christian majorityvis-a-vis the Muslim Filipinos in the succeeding eramayhavebeenavoided.Ontheotherhand,theMoroNational Liberation Front rebellion or the early 1970swas the inevitable bitter fruit of that lack ofappreciation.

Conclusion

In sum, therefore, Emilio Aguinaldo envisionedan all-embracing Filipino nation that would includeMuslims and Christians in the same politicalcommunity with provision for governmental autonomyto cultural minority communities in both Luzon andMindanao, under a regime of law and justice, freedfrom theocratic influence, a regime that guaranteedequality under the law, and a society buttressed bystrong local government units held together by thebonds of brotherhood.

Emilio Aguinaldo's vision of a free andindependent Philippines never wavered nor dimmed.Under his leadership the Congress produced arepublican Constitution. HE LED THE NATION TOBECOME A REPUBLIC - THE FIRSTREPUBLIC EVER IN THE WHOLE ASIA. Whena1l of the elite had deserted him to embrace theAmerican offer of autonomy, he fought doggedly on.HIS COURAGE NEVER FAILED. He had to becaptured through treacherous means to be brought toheel. It is time we recognized him as the FATHER OFHIS COUNTRY. Li

"Rosario Mendoza Cortes, Ph. D. in PhilippineStudies is ProfessorEmeritusof historyat the CollegeofSocial Sciences and Philosophy, University of thePhilippines.She is the past president of the PhilippineHistorical Association, a member of the PSSCExecutiveBoard, and chairpersonof the PSSC SocialIssues Committee.

Endnotes

10 nofre D. Corpuz, TIle Roots of the FilipinoNation, Q.C.: Aklahi Foundation, 1990, pp. 249·250.Corpuz based his account on the Memoirs of ArtemioRicarteandSantiagoY.Alvarez.

2Ibid., p.218.

3Ibid.,p.227.

4Emilio F. Aguinaldo, Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan(Memoirs of the Revolution), Manila, 1964,p. 15.

5Ibid.,21-34.

6Corpuz,op.cit.,p.223.

7Taylor, The Philippine InsurrectionAgainst theU.S.,5vols.; Vol.III,Exh. 141,p.251.

8Ibid., vol. l , cxh. 21, p. 287.

9/bid., vol. l , exh. 33, p. 333.

IOTaylor, vol. III, exh, 28, pp. 102-106.

11Corpuz, op, cit.,p.31O.

12-raylor,vol.III, exh. 352, p.457.

I3Ibid., p.458.

14Corpuz,op.cit.,p.329.

15Taylor,vol. y,exh. 1426,pp.824-825.

•


SICOM holds forum on open pit mining

The Social Issues Committee(SICOM) helel a public forum on"The Interplay between Culture,Environment, and State Policy:Open Pit Mining" on April 29,1992 at Alip Auditorium,PSSCenter, Commonwealth Ave.,Diliman,QuezonCity.

The forum speakers wereEngr .. Catalino Corpuz of MiningCommunities Development Center, Baguio City and Dr. TcodoroM. Santos of V.P. Institute ofGeology. Also present were Engr.Michael Cabalda of Bureau ofMines, Department of Environment and Natural Resources(DENR), Mr. J. C. Cinco of AtlasConsolidated Company, and somePSSC Board and SICOM

members. Benguet Corporationwas invited but did not send anyrepresentative,

Engr. Corpuz stressed thesocial impact of the open pit orsurface mining being practised byBenguct Mining Corp. in Itogon,Benguetaffectingseven out of themunicipality's nine barangays. Hesummarized ·the issues raisedagainst such practice as follows:(1) degradation Gf theenvironment caused by diversionoftivers, levelling of mountains,and dumping of wastes inriverbanks; (2) land dispossessionand loss of livelihood ofindigenous people living in thatarea; and (3) destruction ofindigenous culture.

Dr. Santos suggested thepossibility of cooperation formutual benefit between the miningcorporation and the community.According to him, this requiresjoint planning by them withsustainable development as amajor consideration.

The participants came outwith two recommendations to besubmitted to DENR SecretaryFulgencio Factoran, namely, theneed for an ombudsman who willlook after environmentalcomplaints and a tripartitefact-finding mission on thecondition in open pit mining sites.

PSSC E.D. attendsAASSREC meeting

PSSC Executive DirectorRuben F. Trinidad attended theExecutive Council meeting of theAssociation of Asian SocialScience Research Councils(AASSREC) in Tokyo, Japan,March 22-27 1992. He is theincumbent vice-president of theAssociation.

Prof. Trinidad reported thatthe meeting set the calendar forthe 10thAASSREC Conference to

(See PSSC E. D. on p. 22) Prof, Ruben F. Trinidad (seated at right, second row) duringthe AASSREC Executive Council meeting.


Multisectoral groups pass resolution on agrarian reformMore than 100 representa

tives from government agencies,nongovernment organizations,and academic institutionsparticipated in the "NationalForum on Agrarian Reform

Agenda for the Next Five Years"to discuss issues on theimplementation of the agrarianreform program and to draft aresolution for policyconsideration.

The resolution calls forimprovement in theimplementation of the programpremised on the constitutional

mandate to promote socialjustice, rural development, andindustrialization. It will besubmitted to the concernedgovernment agencies for theirinformation and consideration.

It listed 24 recommendationson issues involving the delay inthe implementation of theprogram, program priorities,exemptions and models, supportservices, land valuation andcompensation, ancestral lands,agricultural land laxation, landregistration, and institutionalizedpartnership of government with

nongovernment and people'sorganizations.

Sponsored by the Institute ofAgrarian Studies (lASt), thePhilippine Social Science Council(PSSC), and the the National

Research Council of thePhilippines (NRCP), the forumwasheldonApriI23,1992atAlipAuditorium, PSSCenter, Diliman,Quezon City. It was part of a

series of nationwide consulta-tions to evaluate CARPaccomplishments and theproblems, issues, and constraintsin its implementation.

RESOLUTION FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF AGRARIANREFORM FOR THE NEXT FIVE YEARS •WHEREAS, the 1987

Constitution of the Philippinesmandates the pursuance of anagrarian reform program topromote social justice and movethe nation toward sound ruraldevelopment and industrialization;

WHEREAS, the PhilippineCongress passed R.A. 6657instituting a ComprehensiveAgrarian Reform Program(CARP) founded on the right offarmers and regular farmworkerswho are landless to own directlyor collectively the lands they till;

WHEREAS, it is now recognized that the implementationof CARP has been confrontedwith policy, legal and operationalproblems;

WHEREAS, to make thegains of CARP irreversible andsustainable, crucial improvementswill have to be undertaken;

WHEREAS, a series ofnationwide consultations wasconducted to evaluate CARPaccomplishments and identify itsmost pressing problems andissues, constraints, and criticalconcerns;

NOW, THEREFORE, inview of the foregoing premises

and as a result of theseconsultations, it is resolved as itis hereby resolved that thefollowing recommendations bemade:

I. REVIEW the existingpro~ram framework and set areahstic tar~et arrived atthrough participatory processand based on adequate andrehable data, a rationallyphased program, the institutional capability of thebureaucracy, and the financialcapacity of the government.Furthermore, the scope ofcoverage of the Departmentof Agrarian Reform (DAR)and the Department ofEnvironment and NaturalResources (DENR) on landdistribution should be clearlydelineated and firmed up.

2, ADOPT a DesertStorm Approach whereby thelead agency will havesupervision over thepersonnel of line agenciesinvolved in CARPimplementation and controlover allocation and utilizationof the Agrarian Reform Fund(ARF).

3. EXAMINE the basesof land valuation formula toinclude both the social justice

and economic dimensions inthe determination of landvalues and simplify valuationprocedures for effective::t~~~~n reform implemen-

4. FORMULATE im-mediately a national land usepolicy and issue amoratorium on agriculturalland use conversion untilsuch policy is drawn, Theformulation of this policyshould involve all concernedsectors and should take intoaccount distinct physical,socioeconomic, environmentaland cultural attributes ofvarious areas of the country.

5. INSTITUTIONALIZEat all levels a dynamicpartnership of government,non-government and people'sorganization (GOs, NGOsand POs) in CARPimplementation, ensuringdirect and preponderantgrassroots participation.

6. REVIEW the accept-ability and viability ofnon-land transfer modelsparticularly stock ownership

(See next page)

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Resolution for the Improvement of Agrarian Reform for the Next Five Years

option andagreements.

7. IMPLEMENT im-mediately the shift fromshare tenancy to leasehold in

~~see~ropfullar~~j;'ym~~~ri~~their legal rights.

8. ENACT a progressiveagricultural land taxationsystem not only to raiseiadditional funds for agrarian.reform Ibut more importantly'to deter the recurrence ofthe concentration of land

~=s~fous ~~~ersion t~~prime agricultural lands toother uses.

9. CONSOLIDATE andsystematize the existing landregistration data.

10. FORMULA TE a me-

~i~~:ili: c:,h~~lem~~tati~~er~fthe national goals of agrarianreform, agro-industrializationand an ecologically sustainable development.

11. ENCOURAGE ge-

b~~~~iciari:s~raa~:~ciatio~~f~~dcooperatives that will protect

~~~ ~~~~o~~ aK~i:anin;~~~~~and welfare.

12. EXAMINE the implications for agrarian reformof the devolution of functionsto the local government unitsand formulate appropriatemechanisms that willguarantee the timely andeffective implementation ofthe program.

13. HASTEN the payment to landowners andstrengthen the supportmechanism to enable them totransfer their capital fromagriculture to industry.

14. PASS AND IMPLEMENT an ancestral landlaw responsive to the customs

~il?Pi~~a~l~unr~1 %~~d~~iti~s~s15. DEVELOP a com

prehensive informationdissemination pro~ram for allsectors of society (e.g.,

~:~~e~~Ii!\i~~~~e=~d ~i~:~::;)to provide a commonframework for a better

understanding and deeper;~rorr~~ation of agrarian

16. STRENGTHEN theagrarian reform educationpr<:g~am specifically through

~a~~bJft~ies t~f f~;~~~f.associations/cooperatives, Barangay Agrarian Reform

~~~~i~tT:~ms?~~~C~O~~:NOOs, and governmentimplementors at all levels(e.g. DAR, DENR,' DA,LBP, DTI, DPWH).

17. EMPHASIZE theintegration of agrarian reformin the elementary, highschool and college curriculaand develop adequateteachin~ skills and relevantinstructional materials for alllevels,

18. DELINEATE moreclearly the' role and functionsof bodies involved v in themediation, conciliation andarbitration of r agrarian casesto expedite the adjudicationprocess.

19. EXAMINE theprovisions and policies ondeferments, exclusions andexemptions from CARP todetermine their consistencywith the philosophy and~~tiona~em~1di:faria?n refoth";Constitution.

20. DEVELOP aparticipatory monitoring andevaluation system that takesinto account the processesinvolved in agrarian reformimplementation and uses bothqualitative and quantitativeparameters.

21. FORMULATE plansand policies for theimplementation of agrarianreform in coastal areas andinstitute development programs for the benefit ofwomen, youth, other landlessworkers and similarmarginalized groups.

22. PROVIDE adequate

~~rd a~~;ri~ :~nr~~~aJto s~~r~:~continued successful programImplementation.

23, INSTITUTEchanism that will

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minimize/eliminate graft andcorruption among governmentinstrumentalities involved inimplementing agrarian reform.

and ~~;ns~~~/~;ffTicai ~\~f~~}~~m ti~vc;.r;t~~~~ tolett~el~~levels to pursue and upholdagrarian reform.

IT IS FURTHER RE-SOLVED' that these findings andrecommendations be submittedto the Transition Committee andthe incoming political leadershipfor their information, guidanceand favorable consideration.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF,we have signed this resolutionon this 21st day of May 1992at Quezon City, Philippines.

SIGNED:SPONSORING ORGANIZA.

TIONS AND MEMBERS OFRESOLUTIONS COMMITIEE

THE INSTiTUTE OF AGRARIANSTUDIES, U.P. WS BANOS

DR. LUZVIMINDA B. CORNISTAChairman, National CoordinatingCommittee, Legislative Agenda forCARP project

DR. RENA TO L. TALATALAProject Leader

FRANCISCO R. CALlXTOAssistant Project Leade~

PHIUPPlNE SOCIALSCIENCE COUNCIL

DR. ROSARIO M. CORTESChairman, Social Issues Committee

PROF.AGUILAR·

~~~~~:an, Task Force on Agrarian

NATIONAl.. RESEARCH COUNCILOF THE PHIUPPINES

DR. EVADUKA-VENTURAChairman, Division of 'SocialSciences

DR, DOMINGO C. SALlTAChairman Emeritus

201 PSSC Social Science Information

PSSC conducts CAF Evaluation Survey New RAP Grantees

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SUBSCRIBE TOPSSC SOCIALSCIENCEINFORMATION

The Research Committee metand approved the application ofthree graduate students forresearch grant under its ResearchAwards (RAP) Program lastMarch 17,1992.

The new grantees for the firstquarter of this year are MarianitaDablio, Ma. Elisa Esguerra, andJose Alberto Reyes. They recentlyreceived P5000as a supplementaryfinancial assistance for theirresearch.

Ms. Dablia is a Ph. D.Communication student from U.P.Diliman working on the topic"Information Exchange BetweenTechnology Innovators and theirPublics".

Ms. Esguerra, M.A. inPsychology student, U.P.Diliman,writes a thesis on "Pagdadalamhatiat Pamimighati: Isang Proseso ngLibcrasyon" (Grief and Sorrow: AProcess of Liberation).

Mr. Reyes, also taking amaster's degree in psychology atU.P.Diliman,makesaresearchon"Causal Attributions of Successfuland Unsuccessful CollegeStudents".

The Committee awarded 15research grants to successfulapplicants last year. For this year,applications for the next threequarters are still open.

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fora period of15 months startingon April 20, 1992. PSSC isexpected to comc up with a finalreport on June 30, 1993. The NSO,on the other hand,wilJ assist the 13participating PSSC regionalcenters in the training and fieldoperations.

The Project Director is Prof.Ruben F.Trinidad assisted by theResearch, Training, andDevelopment Division of the PSSCcomposed of Alana G. Ramos,Ma. Gina Tuzon, Richard de Dlos,Amylene Dizon, and Mary AnnBias. Dr. Ann Geronilla of thePhilippine Statistical AssociationandU.P. Los Bafios is the project'sTechnical Consultant.

Also involved in thisevaluation survey are NSODirector Dr. Margarita Guerreroas Project Manager, NSOregionaloffices and some PSSC associatemembers.

worldwide references to 4,600research institutes and infoservices and 4,500 periodicals insocial sciences; (5) ENERGY, acompilation of references to about4,500 sources of information onresearch in renewable energysources; and (6) UNESDATA,which contains a description of66bibliographical, referral, andfactual databases produced atUNESCO.

Request forms and detailedinformation on each database maybe secured at the Information andSpecial Services Division, PSSCSecretariat, PSSCenter, Commonwealth Avc., Dillman, Quezon Citywithtel.nos.922-9(}-21Ioc.307.

The Philippine Social ScienceCouncil (PSSC) presentlyconducts the first phase ofthcCensus of Agriculture andFisheries Evaluation Survey(CAFES), a project of theNational Statistics Office (NSO).

Funded by the NSO, theCAFES aims to evaluate theresults of the 1991 Census ofAgriculture and Fisheries (CAF).The NSO conducted the CAF lastyear in order to providegovernment planners, policymakers and administrators withdata to serve as basis forthcirsocial and economic developmentplans.

Under the Memorandum ofAgreement signed in May 1992,PSSCwilladministerfivephasesofthe CAFES, namely, (a) mainsurvey operation, (b) matchingoperation, (c) follow-up survey,(d) data-encoding and machineprocessing, and (e) data analysis

UNESCO bibliographicdatabases now available

Requests for bibliographicsearch on sixrecentlyinstalJeddatabases at UNESCO headquarters may now be sent toUNESCO-PROAp, Bangkok.

The six databases arc: (1)UNESCOBIB, which consists of46,000 bibliographic references todocuments and publicationsissued by UNESCO; (2)IBEDOCS, which has 12,700references to worldwide literatureon education; (3) ICOMMOS,which contains 25,300 referencesto worldwide literature onmuseums, historic monuments,and sites; (4) DARE, which has

;!>~'i·~•••I·'li•••••••••Announcement

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AASSREC 9th conference'proceedings

The "Proceedings of the NinthBiennial Conference and the JointUNESCO-AASRREC RegionalSymposium on Human ResourceDevelopment," held at thePhilippine Social Science Council,Quezon iCity, Philippines onAugust 5-1ll, 1991came out of thepress last March 1992.

The book features the activityreports of the AASSREC'smember councils in the lastbiennium, It also containssummaries of the presentation anddiscussion made during thesymposium on human resourcedevelopment where two issues arespecifically examined: socialscience perspectives on humanresource development and humanresource development perspectives in educational planning.

The first of the PHIUPPINENATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCiETY's nwnograph series willsoon comeoff the press. Entitled"fN SEARCH OF HISTORICALTRUTH", this monographfeatllresselectedpapers read atthe 9th National Conferma onLocal and National History heldin Butuen City, Nov. 8-12,1988. Incillded are those writtenby Dr. Onofre D. CorpllZ, Fr.Rolando S. Delagoza, Dr.ErlindaM. Bllrton, Prof. ReginoP. Palllar, Prof. AllroraRozas-Lim, Fr. John N.5c'hllmacher, Prof. Celestina P.Boncan,Fr. Jose5. Arcilla,Ms.Guadaillpe Uy Choco, Prof.Carmencita T. Agllilar, Prof.Adjarail B. Hapas, and Dr.Yoshi1co Nagano of KanagawaUniversity,Japan.


I News briefs I. .' *

PPSA holds training workshop

The Philipppine Political Science Association (PPSA) held its"Training Program and Workshop to Upgrade the Teaching of PoliticalScience" on April 6-8, 1992at the PSSC Seminar Room, PSSCenter.

The workshop sought to upgrade the teaching of political sciencespecifically in the area of government and politics, foreign policy andinternational relations, and comparative government and politics. It wasattended by about 60 members of the PPSA coming from variousacademic institutions.

AnnouncementThe Philippine Political will receive two complimentary Those articles not considered

Science Association (PPSA) is copies. for publication will be turned

~rre~~tp¢~eep~:iti:~ticl~~e~~~ Ma.nuscripts be overs::;h~:~S~r~~;7~o: The

~ournal (PPSn· :r!v~~~~e~e::~~-~:~~~heda~~ Editor, PPSJ, PSSCenter, P.O.

Contributors of the articlels any of the local journals. Box 205, U.P. Post Office,to be featured in the Journal Quezon City.

~_..".,...~.&».·~ ~.•_."•..u · ~.~'"... • ,.••••• ..- ' " <;t.g,., ~

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This hook consists of essays on the Filipino soul "providing thereaders with maps, as it were, of the Filipinos' outer and inner lives - ascitizens of aparlielllarhislory,ononehand,andontheothcr,asereaturesofatimelcss,sllbjective,transpersonaluniverse."

Basic Concepts and Methods in Research by Venancio B. Ardales(Quezon City: Great Books Trading, 1992), P120.

This hook deals with a thorough discussion of basic concepts andmethods in research useful to researchers engaged in any field of study.

Phili~~~;1~~a[j9~~>~~~;lIi~y7/~~~~"~I:li~'~r~/~~aPO(~~:1 ~~~:ge~~::~ •

University Press, 1992), f!7S0.

This book presents an interpretation of political change byexamining the role of the state as a catalyst of socio-economic andpolitical transformation. It focuses on the process leading to thedevelopment of an interventionist stale in the Philippines and itsinlluenceon the breakdown ofclemocracy and the declaration of mar tiallawin1072.

PSSC E.D.• from p. 17

beheldonSepI.5-11,1993inJapan. Each member councilwas requested to organize ascmlnar on the theme"Environment and SustainableDevelopment: Social SciencePerspectives" and prepare acountry paper on it.

He also added thataccording to the guidelines setinthemeeting,thepapermuslanswer the following questions:

1) What arc thepeculiarities ofnational-local environmentthat help or hinderdevelopment!

3) What is the extent ofpublic awareness and publicconcern aboutenvironmental issues?

4) How can socialscientists of the countrycontribute in this area? Inother words, have socialsciences in the countrytaken stock of what existsin social science literaturein terms of theory, ormethodology of research,Dr concrete field studiesrelative to environment?

5) What agenda can beproposed for researchcollaboration at theAsia-Pacific level?

Also, PSSC willprepare a country paper forthe Japan Science Council'sinternational symposium on"Economic Reforms andDemocratization in AsiaPacific Region" to be heldduring the same conference.

New Publications available at theCentral Subscription Service

Conducting and Managing Communication Survey Research: TheAsian Experienceby Cesar M. Mercado, Ph. D. (1992), P200.

This book provides a practical guide to graduate students incommunication and other social science practitioners engaged inevaluating the social impact of development projects.

Phenomena and their Interpretation - Landmark Essays, 1957-1989by Jaime C. Bulatao, S. .J. (Quezon City: Atcnco de Manila University,1992),f!2R9.

The rlnatomy 0)" ElectoralFraud:ConcreteBasesfor ElectoralRefOn/IS

(The TancangcoReport) by Luzvirninda Tancangco (1992), P400.

This bock provides a comprehensive analysis of elections in thePhilippines,

Proceedings0/ [he Nil/Ill Biennial Conference of [he Association ofAsian Socia! Science Research Councils and the Joint UNESCOAASSREC Regional Symposium 011 Human Resource Development,(August f-Ifl, 1991, PSSCenlcr, Diliman, Quezon City), P150.

Order your copies now! Please come and visit our store atthe 2nd Floor, PSSCenter, Commonwealth Avenue, Dillman,Quezon City or call 922-96-21 lac. 338 (ask for Emily or Lydia).

~··T.h~·· PSSC Social Science Informalion accepts articles, news, press

releases, announcements, and other write-ups concerning anydiscipline in the social sciences. All articles must be typewritten,double-spaced, with a brief information regarding the author. Allcontributions must be addressed to: The Editor, PSSC Social ScienceInformation, PSSCenter, P.O. Box 205, V.P. Post Office, Dillman,

,Quezon City.\...

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IPSSC Exchange Program I

Understanding the CASS:A Close Look at PSSC's Exchange Program

Ma.EloisaG.Parco·

The author (fifth from left) and the facultyof the Department of History, YunnanUniversity.

promote the growth of the social sciences in China,while keeping up with the advances made in otherparts of the world. At the same time, throughresearch,it is expected to contribute to the success ofChina's modernization campaign without losing sightof Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong thought as itsguiding ideology.

China's most distinguished scholars comprise theleadership of the CASS, headed by a president. Thepresident assumes command responsibility anddetermines the Academy's work direction. There areseven vice presidents, one of whom is known as theManaging Vice-President, who takes care of the

Being directly under the State Council of the day-to-day activities of the Academy. The latter is alsoNational Government, CASS seeks to actively assigned control over 'a number of offices especially

-Ma. Eloisa Parco, M.A. student in OrientalReligions and Cultures at the Universityof SantoTomas, whereshe is presentlyteaching history courses, was chosen as PSSC representative under theexchange scholar program between the PSSC and the CASSo She went to Beijingon Nov. 4 - Dec. 4,1991 to help strengthen PSSC's inter-institutional ties with the academic community in China,especially with the CASSo

StructureandCunctions

The Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC)established an exchange program with the ChineseAcademy of Social Sciences (CASS) in 1980.It startedwith the visit of 13 members of the Executive Board toChina and a return visit of eight officers or the CASS.The latest exchange was made last November 1991,with Mr. Niu Fengrui of the Hebei Academy of SocialSciences conducting a two-week visit. I was sent toChina for a month to carry out my own research; butmore importantly, to be able to have a greaterunderstanding of the CASS set-up and to study howPSSC can attain greater and wider scope ofcoordination with the Academy.

The Chinese AcademyoCSocial Sciences (CASS)

From the start, the CASS's definite goal is topromote research. According to its own brochure, it is"the National Research Center for the Social Sciences

. in the People's Republic of China". Founded in May19n, it is currently composed of 31 researchinstitutes, three research centers, two publishinghouses, and a graduate school, all of which conductdifferent types of research.

Its staff was estimated to be around 5,100 as of1988. Fully 75 percent of the total is concentrateddirectly in research and services facilitating researchsuchastranslationsandcomputerservices.TheCASScovers the largest body of disciplines in its research onthe social sciences in China.

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such that they contain some of the most respectedscholarly journals published in theUSA,Europe, andAsia.

Aside from the journals and books published byeaehinstitute,theCASShastwopublishingarms:theChina Social Sciences Publishing House and SocialSciences in China. CASS averages more than 100books published in a year in addition to printing

~~::s~:~~~s.of articles, hundreds of reports, and •

Perhaps the most unique featureoftheCASS isits Graduate School,doubling as a training base forresearchers in the Academy. Itsgraduates do not onlyworkforCASSbuteventuallyfindtheirwaytoother

~ , '; research organizations. The president of the GraduateSehool is also the concurrcntCASS president,

Other posslble llnkages

Aside from the CASS, the PSSC may establishlinkages with three other types of institutions such asprovincial academics of social sciences, universities,and institutes. Some examples of these are as follows:Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, YunnanAcademy of Social Sciences, Guangzhou Academy ofSocialScienccs, Peking University, Yunnan University,Yunnan Normal University, Zhongshan University,Jinan University, China Institute of Con temporaryInternational Relations, and Yunnan Institute ofNationalities.

Above: The author and Prof. Chen Yan infront of the Institute of Oriental Languages andLiterature. Below: The author poses for a souvenirphoto at the historic Tiananmen Square.

the ones dealing with everyday affairs: the Bureau ofScientific Research, the Personnel Office, the ForeignAffairs Bureau, and the Academy OfficesAdministration. Each ofthe31 research institutes andthree research centers are headed bya director.Under him are the chiefs of each division and sectionof the institute. All institutes have their ownpublications: books, journals, and monographs. Atpresent there are more than 80 journals beingpublished by these institutes, some of which are inEnglish.

Other features of the CASS

Thercsearch-orientedset-upoftheCASSmakesit necessary for each of the institutes to have its ownlibrary. The largest collection in the CASS belongs tothe Institute of History totalling 700,000 volumes inChinese, English, French, German, and otherlanguages. The total collections of the entire CASSare plaeed at more than five million items. Its librariesare in constant touch with publishing houses abroad,

All these institutions have expressed a greatwillingness to link up with the PSSc. In someinstances, those with existing links hope to make themcloser. Provincial academics and other officials arequick to point out the autonomous and independentcharacter of their institutions, resulting in many tiesabroad without CASS involvement. The YunnanAcademy for example, has set up links with theUniversity of the Philippines Department of History in1987 and sent a delegation to the Philippines in 1989.Zhongshan University and Jinan University haveforged ties with De La Salle University and thePhilippine Association for Chinese Studies on theirown. There is no obstacle therefore in establishingdirect contact, which is their preferred mode oflinkage.

Even the CASS officials have expressed thispartiality to direct linking, on an institution toinstitutionbasis-wherethearrangementsdonotfalJ

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within :all,y executive agreement between thegovernments of China and the Philippines.

The PSSCand the CASS: Comparison andAssessment

'Iaking into consideration all these data, how thendoes PSSC compare with the CASS? And what stepsshould be taken to further strengthen the institutionalties between them?

It is clear right from the start that the origin,nature,lobjectives,andmilieuwithinwhichthePSSCand the CASS were created are largely different.Privately-owned, funded from local and foreignsources, the PSSC is a national federation of socialscience organizations. The CASS, while maintainingandassetting its autonomy, remains state-funded andhighlycentralized. A look at PSSC's 'Agenda Towardsthe Year 2000", indicates that most of its objectivesare meant to extend assistance to memberorganizations and make PSSC's role more active inpolicy formation. CASS's objectives, meanwhile, arestrongly geared towards research as a means offostering the growth and development of China as wellas the different social science disciplines. Thesedifferences do not include the unique political, socialand economic framework of society within which thePSSCiand the CASS exist.

The operational structure of the two institutionsare also quite different. The Governing Council is thepolicy-making body of the PSSC while the ExecutiveBoard is the implementing body, and the Secretariat,comprises the PSSC office staff. The CASS"organized its institutes to undertake a largeproportion of the key items in' the state researchprograms". This is done by the President and theseven vice-presidents. Research is also determined byeach institute's director and members dependingupon the subject to bestudicd.

PSSC's stated objectives towards the year 2000involve strengthening its role in the Philippines. Itsresearch involvement, moreover, is not in the samemanner as the research conducted byCASS. Researchinvolvement at PSSC is more of auxiliary researchwhere it assists member associations/individualscarrying out research by providing funding, data andconsultancy services. The working committee inresearch for example, feels the public pulse andawards funds to selected graduate students in thesocial sciences. The Institutional DevelopmentCommittee takes charge of the research consortiaprqgrambut more asa coordinator/consultant ratherthan being the researchers themselves. For CASS,


these services are only the means to facilitatetheoretical and applied research done by its staff. Inother words, these services are considered secondarytoCASS'smain interest as initiator of research.

Due to these basic differences, some impedimentsemerge. PSSC's exchange progranis are on a modestscale. It has a growing list of associate members but itsloose relationship with them, owing to its federatednature, does not facilitate collaborative ventures withgovernment departments nor foreign academicinstitutions.

In contrast, the CASS has extensive relations andexchanges with institutes inside and outside China.One hundred fourteen national social sciencesocieties and associations are currently affiliated withthe CASSo They promote collaboration amongthemselves on one level, and with the academiccommunities and the government on another level.The CASS has formally signed academic exchangeprograms with 21 countries.excluding the travel of itsmembers abroad by invitation or as participants inconferences and symposia. All these serve to expandCASS' exposure and involvement in the current trendsofsocialsciencedevelopmentinthe~orld.

So it seems that while the PSSC is moreconcentrated on firming up its linkages locally; withthe intent of doing the same with foreign linkages, theCASS pursues both actively, reaping advantagesinternally and externally.

To promote closer collaboration, the languagebarrier between the two institutions must also besurmounted.

Common research Interests

Many Chinese scholars have expressed greatinterest in our forthcoming elections and theperformance of the outgoing Aquino administration.Government and politics are definitely good sourcebases for collaborative projects. Economics, landreform, the foreign debt, investments, Philippinehistory and literature, the national minorities, theChinese in the Philippines, Filipino women studies,the ASEAN, are all of interest in the institutionsmentioned previously.

Conversely, scholars in the Philippines areinterested in Chinese contemporary history, China'sforeign relations, the economic policy, advances intechnology, archaeology, the national minorities andmany others.

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Recommendations

Having pointed out the differences between thePSSC and the CASS in their objectives, structure, andoperations, the following are hereby proposed:

(1) A review of the PSSC objectives be set as partof the '~genda Towards the Year 2000", insofar asthey lack definite focus on the PSSC's externallinkages with the CASS (and all other foreigninstitutions).

In particular, PSSC's research objectives shouldbe looked into to determine whether PSSC wouldcontinue being a supportive organ for local researchrather than an initiator of research at home andabroad. Its networking thrusts should also be studiedin order to clarify the process with which its contactwith the CASS would enable it to "assist memberorganizations in undertaking professional activities...at the local, national and international level..."

(2) A revision of the functions of the workingcommittees or the Secretariat, or the creation of anewcommiltee/officewhiehwilltakecharge of the PSSC'sexchange programs with the CASS and otherinstitutions is proposed.

(3) A regular exchange of publications with theCASS to be expanded gradually is also suggested inorder to strengthen the tics already present.

(4) A marked change in the level of exchange mayalso be carried out.

Mr. Jian Han Zhang, Deputy Director of theForeign Affairs Bureau of the CASS said, "We areconcerned not so much in quantity, as in quality." Thisimplies the preference for senior scholars withdoctorate degrees as well as those with higherpositions on the adrninistrativc level, to match thoseschoJarssentoverlothePhilippines.

With or without the recommendations statedabove, there is a wide area of possible cooperationbetween the PSSC and the CASS. However, thesewould be more meaningful and significant should thefirst two recommendations be carried out.

A new perspective for PSSC

There is much to be done on PSSC's externalrelations with the CASSoThis, however, can hardly beviewed as a deterrent towards the original objectivesin the "Agenda Towards the Year 2000". The gainsthat have been attained since 1980, no matter howmodest, should be preserved and should spur us forfurther improvement.

China is a fast-changing society, determined topursue modernization and peopled by a hardy,industrious, and talented lot bent on seeing Chinacloser to attaining its dream of being a fullyindustrialized nation by the next century. Our countrymay be delayed towards the same goal by naturalcauses, but mostly by causes of our own making. Yet,our country's role in the next century cannot beoverlooked. It is an important entity in theAsia-Pacific area which has become, possibly, thetheater where the world's major changes will beplayed out within the next one hundred years. Chinaand the Philippines can learn from one another-mustlearn from one another's experience, being theforemost social science organizations in theirrespeetivecountriesinvolvedinnationbuilding.

The proposed recommendations presentedearlier arc intended to help bring about a strongerPSSC within the framework of the 'Agenda Towardsthe Year 2000". It is in that spirit that they should beregarded as a "new window" through which PSSCwould gain new perspectives, broaden its horizons,enjoy a panoramic view and bring others to share andappreeiateitsvantagepoint.Q

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PSSC Social Science InformationJuly-September 1992, Vol. 20, No.3

Next Issue:

• Filipino Historians and Philippine Nationalism by Bonifacio S. Salamanca

• Mabini's Plan for a Societal Change by Judith B. Baroquil/o

• Pananaw ni Rizal sa Mabuting Lipunan by Noel Teodoro

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Ediltorial

suppressing it. The first decade or so of American colonial rule was characterized by someFilipino historians as a period of suppressed nationalism. There was a strict censorship ofthe press. A law on sedition was passed. Nationalistic political parties were banned. Thedisplay of all flags, banners, and emblems used by the Filipino freedom fighters includingthose of the Katipunan were prohibited. But just the same these setbacks were not todampen the national sentiment. Independence missions were fitted out, and thanks toAmerican labor and agricultural groups, who, acting on the mistaken belief that Philippinelabor and agricultural products were seriously competing with theirs, lobbied to pressure theUS Congress to grant independence. And it did!

Thus, in preparation for the transition from colonial to independent status, aCommonwealth government was set up. But about halfway towards the end of the transition,the country was invaded 1:iy Japan. By this time, Filipino nationalism had come into its own.War or no war, the Filipinos would not compromise, with independence within their grasp.They would resist the invader spontaneously, no matter what the cost; and the guerilla warthat they launched hurt the Japanese intruder so badly that it became very much easier forthe American liberation forces to make him go down to his knees in shameful surrender. "

, At long last, and with ali the "blood, sweat and tears," the Filipinos got theirindependence on July 4, 1946, or, did they?

The fact is that the USA did not really leave the Philippines alone. In the guise of whatwas said to be "special relations," America's hold of the country continued to be as real asever. The result has been not only to make the country overdependent on America, butmore importantly to incapacitate it from moving forward, as it were, even as other erstwhilecolonized countries initially more underdeveloped would overtake it in the process. This iswhy Filipino nationalism has since been primarily directed against America's continuedundue influence. And since the influence has had its most concrete expression in themilitary bases, the move has been first, to reassert Philippine sovereignty over them andthen, to terminate their use by the Americans. The success especially with regard to thelatter move was dramatically revved up by the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo - as if by Divineblessing.

But the nationalist movement does not stop there. Much is yet to be done to make theFilipinos truly masters of their own house. Hence, the movement must proceed in waysmore than one, persistently and assertively, so that the Philippines can eventually find,through self-reliance and resiliency, its rightful place under the sun.

This, we have to keep in mind if we must give meaning to the centennial of Filipinonationalism now being commemorated.

CESAR P.POBRE, Ph. D.PHA President

• Cesar P. Pobre, Ph. D. in history, University of Karachi, PHA President, is currently the Dean of theCorp of Professors, Armed Forces of the Philippines, and Vice-President for Research and Special Studies ofthe National Defense College of the Philippines. He used to head the Academic Department of the PhilippineMilitary Academy.

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