In this issue:Past and present postures on Muslim-Christianrelations in insular Southeast Asia

Vol. III No.3Quezon City, PhilippinesOctober 1975

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Editor's notes

The very nature of the emotionalhuman mind is to get itself obsessed withthe susceptibility of the environmentwhich surrounds it. That is why man'smind cheers up with the charm of favour-able and delightful environment and getsdejected at the seemingly adverse situationthat prevails. The man endowed with thigfaculty of creation and conation of expres-sion assimilates, with his intellectual pro-foundity, those impulses generated out offavourable or unfavourable environmentand gives birth to poetry, philosophy,various theories of arts and literature andthe life. As those create parallel waves inthe receptive and susceptible mind, thatdraws sympathetic readers, devotees andfollowers around him. All this leads tomore propagation and expansion, fetchesmore popularity and thus spring up variousinstitutions and organisations and emergenumerous groups and associations.

The momentum of the theories bornout of expanded mentality and developedand keen intellect brings about change inthe human society and the revolutionaryimpact lasts long. New edifices arise out ofthe heaps of ruins but that creation can-not be an immortal one. Human intellect isunfolding and discovering newer and stillnewer avenues. That is why the way weexpress our thoughts today gets changedtomorrow when our intellect matures andbecomes inventive by itself or by coming incontact with more developed intellect ofothers. Moreover, time itself is everchang-ing. What is present today will be pasttomorrow and what is future today will bepresent tomorrow. Quite naturally, within

Staff:

DennisG. Teves, editorLeni S. DiazRebecca T. Ducusin

A quarterly newsletter published bythe PHILIPPINE SOCIAL SCIENCECOUNCIL (PSSCl, 53-C, A. RocesAvenue, Quezon City with P.O. Box655, Greenhills, Rizal 3113. Tel. No.99-97-64.

the realm of this relative world, the contri-bution of intellect is bound to be of rela-tive importance. The arena of intellect be-ing Ii mited, the experiences and ex-pressions of not adequately developed per-sonality cannot penetrate deep into the in-most recesses of human life. So the solu-tion which we offer with our present intel-lect to the problems of today becomes in-effective due to further complicacies oftomorrow's problems. That is why thechanges that take place in the field ofmaterial science do occur in the samemanner in the realms of art, literature, eco-nomics, politics and so on. Exactly forthese reasons the propounders of differentsocio-economic theories have provided dif-ferent "isms", such as Utilitarianism, Capi-talism, Liberalism, Collectivism, etc...Butall the isms have been discarded one afteranother. There was, of course, necessityand utility of a particular theory in a parti-cular age. But its worth was reduced, withthe change of time, to mere Scholasticism.In brief, two factors mainly account forthis change first, the mind of the pro-pounder was deeply obsessed with the con-siderations of temporal, spatial and person-al factors; secondly, the theory itself wasborn out of relative intellect bereft of uni-versal character. In this background Cap-italism once reared its head and its inevit-able downfall is quite obvious today. Thesimilar circumstances facilitated the adventof Communism and that too has proved,beyond doubt, erroneous and defective.The Mixed Economy has been a product ofthe same sort of prevailing circumstancesand its hollow and exploiting character isrevealed today. That which takes its standon a relative background can never be oflasting value.

Adam Smith - the father of modern

~ Social SciencelS.tJ INFORMATION

The PSSC is a nonstock, nonprofit,private association of Philippine socialscience organizations. Incorporated in1968, it was NSDB-certified as a tax-exempt science foundation in 1973.

The Council has, since January 1972,been engaged in 13 special programs ofresearch, training, and publicationsassistance aimed at making Philippinesocial science more professional, re-levant and rewarding. .

October 1915

capitalist philosophy was deeply influencedby the environment of his age. He was theeconomist of the Eighteenth Century. Inthose days when the Physiocrats hurledallegations against the "begger my neigh-bour" policy followed by the merchant-lllsts, the business community as a. whole!stood against the impositions of Govern-ment rules and regulations and public:finance, the philosophers and thinkers .IikeDescartes, Locke and Rousseau propound-ed the theories of natural law. They stoodfor natural order based on the divine willinstead of the positive order built up bythe Government regulations. "Man is bornfree but everywhere he is in chains" - theirentire movement was directed at completeliberation from this chain. This environ-ment inspired the contemporary economistSmith. He joined' this movement and sup-plied the slogans Laissez faire, Laissezfaire! The industrial revolution had juststarted in England and everywhere therewere bright prospects of enormous dev-elopments with the help of agricultural andindustrial science. When the State stood inthe way of growth of the industrial com-munity, Smith justified their cause. He en-nunciated that the nature of man was lovefor self interest so none has got the right toprevent others from what they wanted todo that end. He further asserted that theworld was ruled and guided by the Sup-reme Will of the Providence. In the modeof living, the less the State controls, thebetter it is. Thus emerged Liberalism inpolitics and free competition in econo-mics. It has certainly its necessity in thosedays. The old and outdated regulationscreated hindrances in the system of heavyinvestments for the application of ad-vanced techniques in economics. Besides,England, in her foreign trade, was feeling

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The PSSC Executive Board for 1976are: Loretta Makasiar Sicat, chairman;Bonifacio S. Salamanca, vice chairman;Vicente B. Valdepeiias, secretary - trea-surer; and Rodolfo A. Bulatao, GloriaD. Feliciano, Andrew B Gonzalez, FSC,Consuelo L. Gutierrez, Raul P. de Guz-man, FrankX. Lynch, SJ, MarianoObias, Burton T. Onate,Domingo C. sa~'lita, and Zelda C. Zablan, members. Ex-

. ecutive Secretary isDennis G. Teves.

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4/ PSSCSocial Science Information oOctober 1975,

I-1

Past and present postures on Muslim-Christian relations in insular Southeast Asia

By PETER G. GOWING

Introduction

In the long history of the encounter bet-ween Christianity and Islam in islandSoutheast Asia, it is possible to identify atleast four basic postures in their inter-rela-tionship. Each of these postures defies easydescription, and only after acknowledgingthe risk of over-simplification can they belabelled crusade, rivalry, apartheid and dia-logue. The first three have a much longerhistory in the region than the fourth, but itis the thesis of this essay that dialogue mayyet be the more lasting condition in rela-tions between the two faiths in that part ofSoutheast Asia where they are most heavilyconcentrated: the"Malay island world. Ourcontention is threefold: 1) that postures ofreligious crusade, rivalry and apartheid arenot culturally natural to the peoples of thisregion; 2) that they are postures inducedby influences external to the region; and 3)that as the two religions become more lndi-genized in the different national societiesof insular Southeast Asia, the posture ofdialogue will be seen as .the one most com-patible with the underlying cultural valuesand inclinations of Malay peoples.

There are over 127.5 million Muslimsand 54 million Christians in SoutheastAsia. Of these, nearly 125 million Muslimsand almost 50 million Christians live in theisland region embracing Indonesia, Malay-sia, Singapore, the Philippines and thestates of Brunei and Portuguese Timor, or

in short the Malay World. Some 90% of thenearly 130 million people of Indonesia areMuslim, making Indonesia the largest pre-dominantly Muslim nation on earth. Andsome 94% of the 42 million people of thePhilippines are Christian (85.6% of themRoman Catholic), making the Philippinesthe only predominantly Christian nation inAsia. But there is a substantial Christianminority in Indonesia (over 7%) and a subs-tantial Muslim minority in the Philippines(over 5%). 1 In these two nations, as is wellknown, Christian-Muslim relations are atpresent under considerable strain. Somestrain exists also in Christian-Muslim rela-tions in Malaysia-notably in Sabah-thoughthe dynamics involved are somewhat differ-ent than those of the Indonesian and Philip-pine situations, as we shall see. The pointis, the existence of Christianity and Islamin insular Southeast Asia is one of the"givens" of the region as evidenced by themany millions of people who adhere tothese two faiths; who worship in churchesand mosques seen nearly everywhere in theregion; .who deal with each other insociety, business and government; and whoare obliged to live together as fellow citi-zens of developing nations in search of so-cial, political and economic well-being.That Christians and Muslims in the regionought to live together harmoniously for thesake of their common humanity and theup-building of the nations of which theyare citizens is as self-evident as the fact thatthey are not now doing so. To a large ex-

The text is reprinted from the DansalanResearch Center Occasional Papers No.2dated August 1975 entitled "Past and Pre-sent Postures in Christian - Muslim Rela-tions in Insular Southeast Asia,"

The author is currently director of theDansalan Research Center in Marawi Citywhose main focus is on problems ofMuslim-Christian relations.' He holds adoctorate in Southeast Asian History fromSyracuse University. From 1960 to 1971,he was on the faculty of Silliman Univer-sity - the last four years of that time asProfessor of History and Director of theSoutheast Asia Program. For three and ahalf years, he was regional professor in theSoutheast Asia Graduate School of Theo-logy based in Singapore.

tent, the postures of religious crusade, ri-valrv and apartheid have contributed tothis state of affairs, while the posture ofinter-religious dialogue, which is beginningto emerge, holds out promise of a betterday in Christian-Muslim encounter.

Crusade '

Christianity began its encounter withIslam in Southeast Asia in a spirit of cru-sade. When the Portuguese Viceroy, Alfon-so de Albuquerque, summoned his captainstogether on the eve c.f the final and success-ful assault on Malacca in August of 1511,he gave them two reasons why theyshould not fail to capture that powerful,rich and strategically placed city. One rea-son was that by taking Malacca the Portu-guese would come to monopolize the lucra-tive trade in spices which was the founda-tion of the wealth and influence' of Me~,Cairo and Venice. But even more impor-tant in his mind than this was:

...the great service which we shallperform to Our Lord in casting theMoors out of this country, andquenching the fire of this sect ofMafamede (Muhammad) so that itmay never' burst out again here-after; and I am so sanguine as tohope for this from our undertaking,that if we can only achieve the taskbefore us, it will result in the Moorsresigning India altogether to ourrule, for the greater part of them -or perhaps all of them - live uponthe trade of this country and arebecome great and rich and lords ofextensive treasure.2 .

So there it is. The initial European incur-sion into Southeast Asia was not only a,mercantilist and imperalist expansionism, it,was also an adjunct to the centuries-old:crusade of European Christian against:Muslims. More particularly, it was an ex-tension into Southeast Asia of the longlcenturies of Iberian warfare against the!Moors.

In the second half of the 16th Century,Spain established her rule in the Philippinesand joined Portugal in waging what was ineffect a crusade in Asia against Islam. The

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first clash of arms between Spaniards andFilipino and Bornean Muslims occurred in1569 near Cebu, when twenty vintas ofmarauding Joloanos and some Bruneianallies were driven off. The Spanish con-quest of Mindoro Island and theManila re-gion, in the early 1570's, was stiffly op-posed by Filipinos recently converted toIslam and led by chiefs related to the Sul-tan of Brunei. In 1579, the first of manymilitary expeditions to subjugate the Fili-pino Muslim sultanates of Mindanao andSulu was dispatched with these inrtructionsfrom the Spanish Governor to the expedi-tion's commander:

You shall order the (chiefs of Min-danao and Sulu) not to admit anymore preachers of the doctrine ofMahoma, since it is evil and false,and that of the Christians alone isgood. And because we have been inthese regions so short a time, the'lord of Mindanao has been deceivedby the preachers of Borney, and thepeople have become Moros. Youshall tell him that our object is thathe be converted to Christianity; andthat he must allow us freely topreach the law of Christians, andthe natives must be allowed to goand hear the preaching and to beconverted, without receiving anyharm from the chiefs. 3

The Iberian crusade against the South-east Asian Muslims did not prosper. For130 years of their occupation of Malacca,the Portuguese were harrassed continually

by the dispossessed sultan, his heirs andallies until in 1641 the city fell to a Dutch-Malay combined force. In the Moluccas,the Portuguese had to settle for an uneasymodus vivendi with the powerful sultans inthe area in order to reap any profit at allfrom the spice trade. Portuguese missionsdid establish Christianity among the ani-mistic peoples of Eastern Indonesia -notably around Ambon and later in theFlores Islands and Timor - who had beenlittle penetrated by Islam. Indeed, the Por-tuguese wing of the Iberian crusade andmission into Southeast Asia was reducedpretty much to competing with an arousedIslam for the allegiance of uncommittedisland peoples. Always spirited, sometimesthe competition was violent and resulted inmartyrdom for missionaries and their neo-phytes. In the end, the Christians sufferedheavy losses. The number of Christians, forexample, at the height of Portuguese mis-sionary activity in Ambon in 1570 was saidto be about 47,000, but by 1593 Muslimhostility had made such inroads that thenumber had been reduced to 25,000; andwhen the Dutch finally seized the island in1605, they found only 16;000 CatholicChristians served by twopriestsf

By the middle of the 17th Century theDutch, fully exploiting the animosity bet-ween the Muslims and the Portuguese, haddisplaced the latter in the Moluccas andMalacca. Soon most of the Catholic Chris-tians had either been driven off or pres-sured into becoming Protestants. The resultof nearly a century and a half of effort wasthat the Portuguese and their Catholic mis-sions were able to survive only in EasternTimor and in one or two small outposts in

October 1975/5

the Flores Islands.

The Spaniards quickly succeeded indriving Islam out of the northern and Cen-tral Philippines, containing it in Mindanaoand Sulu. By the end of the 16th Century,. "most of the native, inhabitants of Luzon Iand the Visayas - notably excepting theIgorots of the Luzon mountains amd theprimitive Negritos - had been convertedto Christianity. But the Spaniards werenever able effectively to subjugate the Mus-lim sultanates in Mindanao and Sulu. Ins-tead, Islam consolidated its positlon onthose islands, winning the allegiance ofsome of the interior peoples. Fillplne Mus-lims offered stiff resistance to Spanish ex-peditions aimed at their conquest andChristianization. For over three centuriesdown to 1898, the Spaniards fought thecostly "Moro Wars", recruiting nativeChristians as soldiers in their campaigns.The Moros frequently carried the warfareto the coastal towns and villages of theVisayas and Luzon, burning, killing, en-slaving and looting in the process. With thefull encouragement. of Spanish missionariesand officials, the native Christians becameconditioned to a' crusading spirit againstthe Filipino Muslims and adopted a nega-tive "Moro image" which lasts to the pre-sent time. In this image, the Moros are seento be "ugly, fierce, blood-thirsty, piratical,faithless and thoroughly unreliable indi-viduals".5

When in 1898 Spain was obliged to turnover her sovereignty in the Philippines tothe United States, she turned over also theuncompleted task of conquering and incor-porating the Moros into the body politic ofgeneral Ph il ippine society. That theSpaniards held on to their crusading spiritagainst Islam to the bitter end is illustratedin the advice of a Spanish Jesuit priest andveteran of service in Mindanao, Fr. Pio Pi,who in 1903 recommended that Americanofficials should direct their political I'aborsto the "reduction" Ii.e., "conversion") of"Moroism" and its "perfect assimilationwith the remaining population under acommon law".6

Continuing Crusade

The essence of the posture of crusade inChristian relations with Muslims is thatChrist is served by the defeat of Muham-mad, that Christianity must advance nume-rically and spiritually while Islam must de-cline, and that the Christian faith being

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6/ PSSCSocial Science Information October 1975

to the "non-Christian Tribes". There wasno question as to what the ambition forthe Filipino Muslims was to be. .GeneralSamuel S. Summer, commanding -U.S.Army occupation forces on Mindanao in1902 stated it as follows:

It will be necessary to eradicateabout all the customs that haveheretofore governed (the Moros)habits of life. They are an essen-tially different people from us inthought, word and action and theirreligion will be a serious bar to anyefforts towards Christian civiliza-tion. So long as Mohammadinismprevails, Anglo-Saxon civilizationwill make slow headway.9

Muslims today feel that they have beentreated as second-class citizens in a nationcontrolled: since 1935 by Filipino Chris-tians. They have watched with alarm astheir traditional homeland has been inun-dated by many thousands of. Christiansettlers from the northern and central prov-inces. To their mind, the much vaunted"integration" policy of the national gov-ernment is actually a program for assi-milation and is but a refinement in moderndress of the naked effort of the Spaniardsto conquer and Christianize them. For acomplexity of reasons, a secessioniststruggle, already four years old, is now(1975) being waged in Mindanao and Sulu,presently led by the Moro National libera-tion Front. The suffering of both the Mus-lim and Christian inhabitants is terrible,and certainly the southern Philippines isthe flash-point of Christian -Muslimstruggleagainst crusading outsiders.10

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Thus it was that (while) the descen-dants of the Filipinos in the Northlearned the arts ofpeace asa conse-quence of the subjugation of theirancestors, the descendants of theMuslim warriors failed to progressas a result of the victories won bytheir ancestors. They took pride oftheir victories, content to keep tothemselves, resistinq any efforts of

negative attitude of the Filipino ChriStians-,influenced by association with Spanish andlAmerican attitudes and nurtured in cen--turies of unfriendly confrontations withlMoros - allows little hope for an easy reso-lution of the conflict. 11 Expressive of that:attitude is the followihg excerpt from a let-ter written in 1972 to former SenatorDomacao Alonto, a prominent FilipinoMuslim leader and at the time a delegate tothe Philippine Constitutional Convention.The letter was written by a "CommanderX", a Christian belonging to an anti-Muslimterrorist group called the llagas (rats). Thisexcerpt, entirely authentic, is quoted herenot because it is unusual but because itreflects a view widely held by FilipinoChristians:

If the Muslims in the Philippines arepoor and backward it is because oftheir wrong religion and ideology,Islam. You will understand themeaning of what I am saying' byjust seeing the difference in pro-gress between a Christian and Mus-lim Filipino. This holds true withregard to their communities. Theentire nation would have beenunited, peaceful and progressivewere it not for the mistake of theMuslims in resisting the implant-ation of the Cross in Mindanao atthe time of the arrival of theSpaniards. You and your peoplesh ould not compound yourgrievous historical mistake by cling-ing on to the religion that has onlybr0 ught poverty,. ignorance anddarkness to you and your commu-nities.1 2

By way of showing that this is not simplythe view of a "crack-pot", the following isquoted from Mindanao Report, a bookletpublished by the Office of Civil Relationsof the .General Headquarters of the ArmedForces of the Philippines late in 1973. Thebooklet sets forth the Philippine Govern-ment's (and the military's) interpretationof the causes and cures of the current .troubles on Mindanao. The followingsentence, from page 3, carry essentially thesame message as the excerpt from the letterquoted above, but in somewhat morepolite and tactful phrasing (underliningadded):

and prevailingThe long-standing

Up to now in the southern Philippines"Mohammadanism" has continued to pre-vaill The Americans picked up where theSpaniards left off in efforts to militarilysubjugate the Moros. By dint of superiorweaponry and determination, they suc-ceeded where the Spaniards- failed. TheMoros were "pacified" at enormous cost ofblood and treasure, and they were obligedto accept their incorporation into the Phil-ippine state. But they remained firmlyloyal to Islam and the Americans found itto be the better part of wisdom not topress for their Christianization. Americanofficials did little, however, to discouragethe establishment of Christian missions inMoroland. But they did not need to, forthe situation was discouraging enough. Thefact is, Christian mission work, except per-haps in the field of general education, wasmarkedly unsuccessful. Very few convertswere made among Filipino Muslims.

To educate, uplift, civilize and Chris-tianize (Protestantize?) the Filipinos -including the Filipino Muslims - wasAmerica's great self-given mandate in thePhilippines. And it was widely supported inthe American public and particularly byProtestant churchmen. Said Methodistminister R. C. Hobbs:

"true" must come to prevail over the Is-lamic faith which is "false". This, in sum,was the attitude which Iberian Christianscarried over from the Mediterranean Worldinto their relations with Muslim peoples inSoutheast Asia. Not surprisingly, th is pos-ture provoked among Muslims the negativeresponses of defensiveness, opposition and,from time to time, jihad . As we shall see,it was precisely the danger to peace andorder - and, hence, to profitable com-merce - posed by Muslim resistance to thecrusading spirit of Christians that led theDutch and British colonial regimes to placecertain restraints on Christian missionsamong Muslims in Indonesia and Malaysia.But, sad to say, the American regime whichsucceeded the Spanish in the Philippinescontinued in the old crusading tradition.

...there was nothing left for us todo but to take them all, and to edu-cate the Filipinos and uplift andcivilize and Christianize them, andby .God's grace do the very best wecould by them, as our fellow-men forwhom Christ died-.7

The American crusade aimed not somuch at propagating the Christian reiigion,though that was involved, as spreadingabroad the "blessings and "benefits" ofAmerican civilization. President WilliamMcKinley aptly summarized the prevailingmood in the explanation he gave to a groupof American churchmen as to why theUnited States decided to assume sovereign-ty over the Philippines rather than recog-nize its independence at the .end of theSpanish-American War in 1898:

The taking of the Philippines is partof one of the holiest wars ever un-dertaken by men....This is ouropportunity to give the Gospel andliberal Western ideas and institu-tions to a people in the Far East.s

When the Americans came to know thePhilippines better, they discovered that themajority of the Filipinos were alreadyChristianized and civilized and that themandate was more appropriately applicable

PSSC Social Science Information

effecting relationship with theSpanish, this rather than conformto the status of Christian slaves.

Professor Cesar Majul, noted FilipinoMuslim scholar and Dean of the new Insti-tute of Islamic Studies in Quezon City, hasput into words' a succinct reply to the atti-tudes underlying the two preceding quota-tions:

Muslims who know what they are,and what their Faith signifies, be-Iieve strongly that their moralvalues and ethical standards are inno manner inferior to those ofother religions. They maintain, too,that Islam has within it enoughprinciples that can accommodatefurther ideas leading to a fuller andmore creative life in a modernworld.13

Rivalry

The effects on Christian-Muslim rela-tions of the pol icies of the Dutch and Bri-tish colonial powers in Indonesia andMalaysia respectively were different fromeach other and from the Portuguese, Span-ish and American experiences. In Indo-nesia, Dutch policy promoted a posture ofrivalry between Christians and Muslims;while in the territories now collectivelyknown as the Federation of Malaysi.a, Bri-tish policy gave rise to a posture ofapartheid.

From the early 17th Century, when theDutch. East India Company (V.O.C.) firstestabl ished its authority over parts of Indo-nesia, until the effective end of Dutch colo-nial control in the archipelago in 1942,Christian religious organization and activitywas under the administrative supervision ofCompany or colonial officials. In Companytimes (i.e., until the late 1790's) Dutch Re-formed ministers were employed by theCompany primarily to serve its employeesand their families. Unlike the Portugueseand the Spaniards, the Dutch had no his-tory of enmity against Islam and no ambi-tion to carryon a crusade against South-east Asian Muslims. Indeed, their quarrelwas with the Iberians, and Dutch incursioninto Southeast Asia was in the first ins-tance an adjunct to their war of liberationfrom Spain (whose monarch, Philip II, alsobecame King of Portugal in 1580). Havingsuccessfully ejected Portuguese and Span-ish forces from the Moluccas and Malacca,the Dutch decided to stay' on and reap thebenefits of the Orient trade for themselves.

As Protestant Christians of their time,the Dutch newcomers regarded the Mus-

Iims and other Indonesian peoples as legi-·tirnate objects for Christianization efforts,though in practice they exhibited little in-terest in converting them. To be sure, inthe main centers of early Dutch rule,notably on Ambon, around Batavia and inMalacca, a portion of the native population- some of them formerly Roman Catholics- became Protestant Christians and joinedthe Reformed Church. Even so, the num-ber of Indonesians (or Malays) won toChristianity in Company times was notimpressive. This was mainly for two rea-sons. One was the strong predestinariantheology which characterized the DutchCalvinist Protestantism of the time andwhich tended to regard "heathen" peoplesas being in a condition of "ignorance andbestiality" evidently by some immutabledesign of God. And the second reason, pro-bably the one most influential in the mat-ter, was that commercial interests were al-ways paramount with the HonorableCompany which therefore tended todiscourage active Christian proselytizing,especially among Muslims, who werenotoriously unsettled by such efforts,14

After the Napoleonic Wars, when Dutchgovernment -. under Crown rather thanCompany officials - was restored in theEast Indies following a brief British inter-regnum, various Christian groups in Europeand America sought permission to evange-lize the unreached peoples of the archipe-lago. This evangelical fervor was part of agreat surge of missionary interest thensweeping the Western World, and it result-ed in the 19th Century becoming "TheGreat Century" of Christian advance. Butthis movement complicated the problemsof Dutch colonial officials in Indonesia forthe reason that Indonesians, most espe-cially the Muslims, whose religion had longbeen the rallying point of anti-Europeanfeeling, did not welcome Dutch rule andwere certainly not disposed to welcomeChristian evangelism. The rebellion ofPrince DipoNegoro of Djokjakarta, whofrom 1825 to 1830 led his followers' in adisastrous "holy war" against them formixed economic and religious reasons, onlyconfirmed the Dutch in these views. Thecolonial government therefore adopted apolicy of controlling the admission ofChristian missionaries from the differentgroups and strictly regulating where andunder what conditions they could work.By and large, the missionaries, which bythen included Roman Catholics as well asProtestants, were restricted to activityamong non-Muslim Indonesians in the

October 19175/1

outer islands. The government forbadeChristian missions in such strongly Muslimareas as the Banten District of West Java,Acheh in North Sumatra and the regionaround Makassar in South Sulawesi.'Moreover, until 1928, Dutch policy im-posed a sort of "comity" arrangementamong the different Christian missionswhich prevented needless overlapping andcompetition.

The strict government control of Chris-tian mission activity coupled with other as-pects of a rather complicated and variedreligious policy, which applied to Islam andto indigenous traditions and customs (adat)as well, led to something of a three-cor-nered rivalry among them for predo-minance. To some extent the policy soughtto keep Islam off balance, tor thatreligion always posed the most seriousthreat to native acquiescence in Dutch rule.On the one hand, the Dutch found it in theinterest of rust en orde (peace and erderlnot only to tolerate Islam but to give itsome measure of assistance; as for example,according a place for Islamic law inl colo-nial jurisprudence, promoting the bettereducation of Islamic teachers, andl faci-litating the Mecca pilgrimage.15 But en the!other hand, the Dutch also found it in theirinterest to support the adat chiefs in theirstruggles with the Muslim 'Ulama (relligiousteachers) for influence among the nominal-ly Muslim masses, and to license Christianmission work among the so-called "pagan'"peoples of the islands who would otherwisebe the object of Muslim proselytism. To-wards the end of the 19th and early in the20th Century, some Dutch policy-makersrather naively concluded that Indonesianacceptance of a perpetuation of Europeanrule might also be facilitated if educationon the modern and Western model weremade more widely available.16 The firsthalf of the 20th Century then saw the riseof at least two competing streams of In-donesian nationalism - one based on Islamwith aspirations for an independent I'slamicstate (an ambition given some support bythe Japanese' occupation authorities duringWorld War II); the other based on a moreor less secular ideology, embraced lily lea-ders much influenced by Western ideas,which sought independence and the unifi-cation of all Indonesians in a modern statewith liberty and equality for all religiousgroups. In the competition between the twostreams, Christians were not surprisingly onthe side of the latter.

The so-called "secular nationalists" pre-(Turn to next page)

8/ PSSC Social Science Information October 1975

boasting about their successes over Islam"etc. Here and there, particularly in West:Java and South Sulawesi, anti-Christian vio-,lence erupted. 18

The Islamic. cause received yet anothersetback in the elections of July 1971 whenthe Muslim parties once more made a bidfor power on the national scene and wereroundly defeated by the government-back-ed GOLKAR party. While the Islamic Stateidea seems thus to have been decisively putaside for the time being, Muslim resent-ment and frustration remain and are tosome extent directed at the Christianminorities. Also aggravating to Muslims isthe fact that Christians exert an influenceout of all proportion to their numbers inIndonesia - the two most widely circu-lating daily newspapers in Jakarta areChristian-sponsored and some of the high-est-ranking officers in the armed forces,incl uding the army Chief-of-Staff, areChristians. '

vailed during and after the independencestruggle under the leadership of Sukarno.An attempt was made to attract the alle-giance of the Muslims by positing "Beliefin One God" as the first principle of thePanca Sila ideology of the Republic and byestablishing a Department of Religious Af-fairs in the Government to look after andpromote Islamic interests. These measures,however, did not satisfy Muslim extremistssome of whom, beginning in 1949, raisedthe banner of revolt in the Darul Islammovement which demanded an IslamicState. The revolt, centering mainly in WestJava and South Sulawesi, did not succeed.Nor were the political efforts of the activistMuslim political parties (e.g., the Masjumiand the Nahdatul 'Ulama) successful. Theygarnered only 43% of the votes in the 1955elections while the secular nationalist cameout on top. But the Muslim parties wonjust enough seats in the Constituent Assem-bly to block effective government, and thepolitical chaos in the years following theelections led to Sukarno's imposition of"Guided Democracy"."? .

The relations between Islam and Christ-ianity in Indonesia can best be understoodin terms of this rivalry-with its antecedentsin Dutch policy--for predominance bet-ween advocates of an Islamic state andthose who favor a secular state. Protestantand Catholic Christians and their politicalparties have consistantly supported thelatter. The proponents of the Islamic stateconcept view the opposing secular national-ists as spiritual products of Western in-fluence, no less than the Christians, even

though the vast majority of the former areactually Muslims. The rivalry continues atthe present time despite the fact that theIslamic cause has not prospered at any timesince independence.

For a moment in the mid-1960's thereseemed to be an opportunity for a resur-

. gent Islam to prevail in Indonesia. This wasfollOWing the abortive GESTAPU' coup in1965 when the nation sought to destroythe threatening power of communism.Zealous Muslims in the name of Islam par-ticipated in the bloody purge of Commu-nists and suspected Communists in whichmany tens of thousands of people wereslain. It quickly became very dangerous forpeople to have only a nominal relationshipto formal religion and thus be open to thesuspicion of being "Godless Communists".But instead of flocking to the mosques andshowing their allegiance to Islam, literallyhundreds of thousands of heretofore nomi-nal Muslims, reacting negatively to thefanatical zeal of the Muslim anti-Com-munists, sought admission into Christianchurches. This occurred in many places inIndonesia -but was particularly notable in'Central and East Java. There was consider-able Musli'm resentment stirred up againstthe churches on account of this develop-ment, and much anti-Christian propagandawas generated. The Government wasaccused of aiding and abetting the "Chris-tianization" of Indonesia by allowing thechurches to receive so much foreign help;and the churches were charged with

. attracting converts with bribes and with

A recent and dramatic lndlcatlonof theexistence of serious tension in recent Chris-tian-Muslim relations was the announce-ment by the World Council of Churches inAugust 1974 that it was changing thevenue of its 5th Assembly (scheduled for1975) from Jakarta to Nairobi. SomeIndonesian Muslims had made it knownthat they would not tolerate such aChristian "show of force" as the holding ofa great international and ecumenical Chris-tian gathering. The _World Council chosenot to be the cause of further breakdownin Christian-Muslim relations in the coun-try.19

Apartheid

Except for Malacca and the islands ofPenang and Singapore, the States of theMalay peninsula were independent of for-eign rule until the last quarter of the 19thCentury. After the Larut Wars in 1874, Bri·tain embarked on a policy of bringing theMalay States under her primacy by im-posing treaties upon their native rulers. Thetreaties provided for British Advisors orResidents to administer the States accord-ing to British principles of law and order,but in the name of the rulers. British admi-nistration was quickly established inSelangor, Negri Sembilam, Perak andPahang; and by 1910 Kedah, Perlis, Kelan-tan, Trengganu and Johore were also incor-porated into the system of "Federated"and "Unfederated" States. British control

PSSCSocial Science Information

of the peninsula States was primarily in theinterests of insuring the security and viabi-lity of the commercially and strategicallyimportant Straits Settlements. CertainlyBritain had no Christian missionary designsrespecting the Malay Muslims and, indeed,her treaties with the Malay rulers werecareful to stipulate a policy of non-inter-ference in "Malay Religion and Custom".Colonial policy paid public deference toIslam in such matters as ceremony, holi-days and nominal financial support forIslamic institutions. More important, byboth administrative decree and law, res-trictions were placed on proselyting ofMuslims by Christian and other non-Mus-lim missionaries. Somewhat less stringentrestrictions were also placed on missionarywork among the animist peoples of thepeninsula because the Malay Muslims consi-dered them dependent peoples destinedeventually to become Muslims.2°

No restrictions were placed on Christianmissionary work among the large numberof Chinese and Indian laborers Who wereattracted to the peninsula by British eco-nomic policies. In fact, apart from res-trictions on proselyting among Muslims,the policy of the colonial administrationwas to uphold the religious freedom ofnon-Muslims. Members of any faith couldestablish places for worship, engage in mis-sionary work among non-Malays, andfound schools, hospitals and other institu-tions. Except for its policy regarding Islam,colonial officials were theoretically im-partial towards the different faiths in thecountry which included Hinduism, Sik-hism, Confucianism and Taoism as well asChristianity. In practice, however, Chris-tianity, being the religion of the colonial

power, had some advantages. British admi·nistrators not surprisingly found it easier tounderstand the problems and to be sensi-tive to the wishes of European and Amer-ican missionaries than of other religiousgroups. Church related schools more easilycomplied with government educationalstandards (modelled on Western patterns)and so became eligible for grants-in-aidwhich in turn greatly assisted their expan-sion. 2 1

Because· the Straits Settlements werenot "Malay States" but Crown colonies,the regulations protecting Islam fromChristian proselytism did not apply inthem, though British officials did try todiscourage missions among the Malay inha-bitants. In the British protected states ofSarawak and North Borneo (Sabah), wherein any case the Malay Muslim populationwas small, Christian missions were givenfree rein. But in the Sultanate of Brunei,also a British protected state, limited mis-sion work was permitted only among non-Muslims.

British colonial policy regarding religionin the territories now comprising the Fede-ration of Malaysia was consistent with thegeneral political and economic policies ofprotecting the interests of the Malays whiledeveloping and exploiting -the natural re-sources of the different states. The Malayswere predominantly agriculturalists andfishermen, enamored of their traditionalcustoms and life-ways and little inclined toparticipate in the tin mining, timber cut-ting and rubber plantation economy whichthe British sought to develop. Thus, theyremained outside the new economic orderand British laws and regulations protected

October 1975/91

them on their lands and in their religionand customs.

To be sure, British policy was we11-intentioned if also self-serving. Perceivingthat Islam was a powerful force in Malaylife, the British correctly concluded thatthe co-operation of the Malays, and hencethe viability of the British presence in theregio!), would be impossible if Islamappeared to be threatened. Colonial reli-gious policy therefore sought to reassurethe Malays that their religion and traditionswould be preserved under British rule.Moreover, from the side of the Malays, thisguarantee of preservation and protectionfor Islam provided an important psycholo-gical assurance that the country continuedto be theirs despite the influx of vast nurn-bers of Chinese, Indian and European im-migrants. Political Scientist Gordon Meanshas offered a penetrating analysis of theBritish objectives:

In every respect, the religious poli:cies of the colonial administrationwere designed to harmonize withthe government's general poli~toward the Malays.'. The Britishsought to gain the support of theMalay rovaltvand traditional elitesin ruling the country, while protect-ing the Malay peasant from alienexploitation and allowing him topreserve his traditional way of lifewith minimal adjustment to themodern world. Colonial religiouspolicies were admirably suited toassist in the pursuit of these goals ..The colonial authorities correctly'assessed the role of Islam in the pre-war years as being a stabilizing andlconservative force. They thusattempted to avoid any pollcies:that might disrupt Islam as a "cul-tural gyroscope" for Malay socie-ty.22

The long range effect of British policy,however, was to create a kind of apartheid.in communal relations which remains verymuch part of the present scene. The Malayswere in effect separated from the Chinese,Indian and European communities whichemerged in the country. The different com-munities indeed have continued to be moreor less strangers to each other, their cul-tural cleavages seriously delimiting socialinteraction, with important adverse conse-quences in the political and economic.spheres. One consequence of this apartheid

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situation for the Christian religion is thatChristianity exists entirely among the non-Malay population of the country and notat all among the Malays. As a matter of fact,in present-day Malaysia, the legal definitionof "Malay" includes adherence to Islam. A"Malay Christian" legally is a contradictionin terms.

When the Federation of Malayaachieved independence in 1957 (in 1963 itbecame the Federation of Malaysia, addingthe two northern Borneo states of Sarawakand Sabah and, temporarily, Singapore),Islam was constitutionally made the offi-cial religion of the nation, though freedomof religion for the non-Muslim commu-nities was guaranteed. But Malay Islam atthe time was pretty much in the conditionit had been in 1874: highly traditional withlimited intellectual horizons, appealing to alargely rura] people and overladen with cus-tom. As a social institution, Islam repre-sented most fully the culture of theMalays. Nevertheless, it was by no means apredominating force in the nation as awhole. Independence presented Malay Mus-lims with a brutal challenge by obligingthem to contend with powerful, non-Mus-lim forces - notably the Chinese andIndian communities - which possessed apreponderance of economic power, bettereducation, higher literacy, and social insti-tutions and values seemingly more suitedfor adapting to the modern world~3 Still,under the vigorous leadership of Malaystatesmen and politicians, and aided by aConstitution and legislation which preserve"Malay Special Rights" and which areweighted heavily in favor of their politicaland social advancement, the Malay Muslimsare proving equal to the challenge. Islam isconsolidating its position in the countryand is now well organized, generouslyfunded and ably led. Moreover, it is grow-ing. In one state, Sabah, it is aggressivelycompeting with Christianity for the adhe-rence of animistic peoples and winningconverts by the thousands.24 All these dev-elopments are occurring with the full sup-port of the Malay-dominated governmentat both the national and state levels.

The word apartheid is appropriate as adescription of Christian-Muslim relations inMalaysia for the reason that Christianity isfound only among non-Malays and becausein effect Malays are forbidden to becomeChristian. Strictly enforced laws existwhich on the one hand prevent Christianefforts to teach Christian doctrine to Mus-lims, and on the other hand make it virtual-ly impossible for a Muslim to convert to

any other religion. These laws are based onPart II, paragraph 11 of the Constitutionwhich says:

Every person has the right to pro-fess and practice his religion andsubject to clause (4) to propagateit.

Clause (4) reads:

State law may control or restrictthe propagation of any religiousdoctrine or belief among personsprofessing the Muslim religion.

Accordingly, every State except Penang,Malacca and Sarawak has a law whichforbids the propagation of any non-Muslimreligious teachings to Muslims. Typical ofsuch laws is that found in Kedah's Ad-ministration of Muslim Law Enactment,1962, Section 160, paragraph 2 whichstates:

Any person, whether or not he pro-fesses the Muslim Religion, whopropagates any religious doctrine orbelief other than the religious doc-trine or belief of the Muslim Reli-gion among persons professing theMuslim Religion shall be guilty ofan offense cognizable by a civilcourt and punishable with a finenot exceeding three thousanddollars.

Malaysia has sometimes been describedas a "melting pot" of various races and re-ligions. Not so. It is a conglomeration ofraces and religions which have in no way ."melted". The dynamics behind this situa-

October 1975

tion are infinitely more complex than thatthe Malay Muslims - 45% of the total -are separated from the others by "specialrights" and protective laws. The politicall,racial and cultural identity feelings of theChinese and Indian communities con-tribute heavily to the situation as well. Theleaders of the Malaysian government from1955 to the present (1975) have been ableto achieve a sufficient measure of politicalunity among the various racial groups tehold the nation together, but that unity isprecarious and subject to severe strains, in~ternal and external. The situation is so sen-sitive and explosive that it is forbidden todiscuss it publicly in Malaysia. The historyof communal violence in the nation (mostrecently the May 1969 riots in Kuala Lurn-pur) shows how very important it is notonly to maintain the precarious unitywhich now exists but also to discoverimaginative and effective ways to make itdeeper, stronger and more lasting.

Ideally, of course, the Christian religionshould have a vital role to play in such aneffort, but at present it is not playing thatrole. This is partly because so much energyis consumed in purely communal interests- the Chinese Christians, the Indian Chris-tians and the Iban Christians, and so forth"are far from united among themselves, evenwithin the same denominations. And sucha fractionalized, factional ized Christianitv;closely bound to communal concerns, is inno position to relate meaningfully to Islam,especially in a social situation characterizedby de facto apartheid. 2S

Emerging Dialogue

From the foregoing we can see thatChristian-Muslim relations in insular Soutlil-

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PSSCSocial Science Information

east Asia vary considerably. In the Philip-pines they continue to be eotorsd by acrusading spirit on the part of the FilipinoChristians which is firmly resisted by theFilipino Muslims. In Indonesia, the rela-tionship is characterized by rivalry, withChristians siding with secular nationalistsfor predominance against highly motivatedMuslims committed to ordering Indonesianstate and society along Islamic lines. Andin Malaysia, Christian-Muslim relations arestill very much governed by apartheid ruleswith a con-committant atmosphere of com-munal tension. Each of these postures -crusade, rivalry and apartheid - had itsorigins in the attitudes and policies of theWestem colonial powers which for greateror shorter periods of time controlled or in-fluenced the kiter-relations of people in in-sular Southeast Asian societies. And ineach situation where anyone of these pos-tures or patterns of inter-religious en-counter pertains, the consequences arehighly unsatisfactory. Fortunately, how-ever, a new pattern - dialogue - has begunto emerge and it holds promise for a betterday in Christian-Muslim relations.

NOTES

1 Statistics quoted in this paper should beregarded as impressionistic rather thanprecise for the reason that statistics gather-ing is far from a precise science in mostSoutheast Asian Nations. With a few excep-tions, the figures used are from the WorldCongress Country Profiles prepared by theResearch Committee of the InternationalCongress on World Evangelization, Lau-sanne, SWitzerland, 1974.

2 Quoted in Harry J. Benda and John A.Larkin (eds.), The World of SoutheastAsia: Selected Historical Writings (NewYork: Harper & Row, 1967). p, 78.

3 The full text of Governor Francisco deSande's instructions to Captain EstebanRodriguez de Figueroa is found in "Expe-ditions to Borneo, Jolo and Mindanao" inEmma H. Blair and James A. Robertson,The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, 55 Vo-lumes (Cleveland: A. H. Clark, 1903-1909).volume IV, pp, 174-181.

4 TheMulIer-Kruger, Sedjarah Geredja di In-donesia, Tjetakas kedua (Djakarta: BadenPenerbit Kristen, 1966), p. 28.

5 C. A. Majul, "An Historical Backgroundto the Coming and Spread of Islam andChristianity in the Malay Peninsula, andthe Indonesian and Philippine Archipela-gos" (unpublished paper read at the Mus·lim-Chrlstian Dialogue, Hongkong, January4-10,1975,14 pp, mimeographed), p. 6.

6 Quoted from Father Pi's essay "TheMoros of the Philippines" in Annual Re-port of 'Major General George W.· Davis,U.S. Army Commanding, Division of thePhilippines. October 1, 1902 to July 28,1903 (Manila: 1903). Appendix V, p. 149.

7 Quoted in james F. Rushing, "Interviewwith President McKinley", The ChristianAdvocate, LXXXVIII (January 22, 1903),137-138.

8 Rev. R. C. Hobbs, "The Philippine ls-.lands", The Christian Advocate, LXXIII

. (September t. 1898),1410 -1411.

9 Quoted in Annual Report ofMajor Gene-ral W. Davis. . . . p.261.

10 For a more full exposition of thesepoints see my "Muslim Filipinos BetweenIntegration and Secession", South EastAsia Journal of Theology 14/2 (1973),64-77.

11 The prevalent anti-Muslim attitudes ofFilipino Christians have been exposed in anumber of studies, most recently in Rodol-fo A. Bulatao's survey of "Ethnic Attitudesin Five Philippine Cities", the results ofwhich were reported in PSSC SocialScience Information. (Quezon City) 1/3(January, 19741,8-.11; 13.

12 The texts of this and some other similarletters to prominent Filipino Muslim lead-ers, were printed in a newspaper publishedby Muslim students in Manila; Dawat'l .Islam 2/2 (September 15, 1972), 3.

13 Majul,op. cit., p. 13.

14 Cf. Justus M. Van der Kroef, "Problemsof Dutch Mission Policy in lndonesla",Practical Anthropology 7/6 (November-

October,1975/11

December, 1960),263-264.

15 Ibid., pp. 264-265.

16 Nicholas Tarling, A. Concise History ofSoutheast Asia (New York: Frederick: Prae-ger, 1966), pp. 165-170.

17 B. J. Boland, The Struggle of Islam inModem Indonesia (The Hague: MartinusNijhoff, 1971), pp. 85-98.

18 Ibid., pp. 224-233.

19 Cf. "Indonesians Approve of New WCCAssembly' Site", CCA News (Singapore9/15 (September 15,1974), 2. See also thereport of comments on the shift made byMr. T. K. Thomas in "From 'Jakarta toNairobi", CCA News 9/17 (October 15,1974),2.

20 GordonP. Mea'ns, "The Role of Islam inthe Political Development of Malaysia",Comparative Politics 1/2 (January, 1969),271,274-275.

21Ibid., p.275.

22 Ibid., p, 276.

23 Cf. Charles F. Gallagher, "ContemporavIslam: A Frontier of Communalism - As-pects of Islam in Malaysia", American Uni-versities Field Staff, Inc. Southeast AsiaSeries XIV/10 (Malaysia, May, 1966:1, pp.10-11.

24 In May of 1974, the United Sabah Is-lamic Association (USIA) Claimed that inthe five years of its existence it hadl "in-fluenced" some 75,000 Sabah residents toembrace Islam. Sabah's Chief Minister. TunMustapha, is President of USIA. See StraitsTimes (Malaysia edition), May 20,1914, p..8. . ,

25 See George A. Lindbeck's illuminatingdescription of "The Present Ecumenicaland Church Situation in West Malaysia andSingapore", South East Asia JOUT1Ul1 ofTheology, 11 (Autumn, 1966),72-80.

12/ PSSC Social Science Information

Preliminary findings on the Upper Pampanga River Research Project0, ~.

By' TELESFORO W. LUNA

OctOber 1975

IjI

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In an attempt to find out the impact ofregional development in a specific areawhere an important physical resource is be-ing 'utilized, the present research projecthas been designed with the intent of assess-ing the effects of the Upper PampangaRiver Project (UPRP) on the growth ofNueva Ecija in Central Luzon.

The research site includes the irrigationservice of the UPRP and surrounding re-gion. It is located about 80 kilometersnorth of Manila lying in the northern partof the Pampanga River Basin, bounded bythe Sierra Madre Mountains on the east,the Caraballo Mountains on the north, theAgno River Basin on the west, and the ex-tension of the Central Luzon Plain thatends up in the Bay of Manila on the south.

On the other hand, the UPRP consistsprincipally of the Pantabangan Dam whichis scheduled for full operations in the sec-ond half of this year, The dam, togetherwith its appurtenant structures, was design-ed to control and utilize the seasonal flowof the Upper Pampanga River and its tribu-taries for year-round irrigation of rice fieldsand farms. It WIIS also designed to providedomestic and industrial water supply, gene-rate hydro-electric power, in part, mitigateflood damage, and serve as a means of re-creation and fish conservation. Earlier, aportion of the dam has been rushed tocompletion to irrigate around 10,000 hec-tares of ricelands during the dry season of1974. This dam is designed to store WIlterfor the' irrigation of 77,000 hectares:72,000 hectares the whole year round.

It should be mentioned at this point

This paper was read at the 13th Paci-fic Science Congress held in Vancouver,Canada from August 18-30, 1975.

that the role of irrigation in agriculturaldevelopment is crucial yet there has beenlittle systematic and integrated effort to ef-fectively harness the available water resour-ces in the Philippines until recently. Of theestimated 1.25 million hectares of land un-der irrigation only a third can be providedwith water throughout the year. This well-watered portion, however, happens to be inthe areas of the Philippines where rainfall isevenly distributed throughout the year.Where rainfall is concentrated in a specificpart of the year, water for irrigation is onlyavailable for that period also.

Water storage for irrigation are stilllimited. The only major infrastructure forthis purpose is the Pantabangan Dam. Stud-ies on the size of other catchment basinsand the irrigation potentials of the Philip-pines vary in detail although the broad out-lines have been identified. The major riverbasins of the country which have been

, studied include the Agno, Pampanga, Caga-yan and Bicol in Luzon; Ilog Hllebanqan,Panay and Jalaur in the Visayas; and theCotabato and Agusan in Mindanao. Thesenine major river basins 'still include sig-nificant areas of land suitable for lowlandrice and other crops which can be broughtunder cultivation.

The Magat River, a major tributary ofthe Cagayan River, will be the site of an-other reservoir estimated to supply waterfor 104,000 hectares of farm lands. Plansfor the development of the Agusan Riverare also being prepared and so with theBicol River Basin.

Telesforo Luna, Jr., is a professorand chairman of the Department ofGeology and Geography University ofthe Philippines System. He is the holderof a Professorial chair in Geography,College of Arts and Sciences, UP. He isalso the Executive Director of the Na-tional Development Research Center.UP. ,

He earned his Bachelor ct Science inForeign Service from the University ofthe Philippines in 1963. He holds anM.A. in Geography in 1956 and a Ph. D.in Geography in 1957, both from ClarkUniversity. '

Other than the above river basins whichhave relatively large catchment areas, mostrivers in the Philippines are small with cor-responding small catchment areas. The sizeof the catchment basins isa direct reflec-tion of the topography, size and shape ofthe different islands.

Methodology and ·objectives

The research effort is an inter-discipli-nary approach to the study of socialchange two years "before" and two years"after" though not necessarily soon afterthe full operations of the UPRP, It involves,studies of social change and regional dev-elopment related to geography, economics,political administration and sociology.

The interdisCiplinary approach is used as:it is felt to be the method best suited for'an adequate study of the conditions of the:area and in general in developing countries..The reason for such a contention is that iminvestigating the developmental processand its determinants, a multitude of corn-plex and interdependent conditions and re-lations are encountered, Since there arelimitations to what a single discipline can,conclude, these limitations can be over-come only when they are supplemented byother disciplines.

The main emphasis of the research pro-ject is the accumulation of baseline datathrough interviews with the various sectorsof the communities in the area against!which future changes iNill be compared andanalyzed. Although the current study is

, concerned, with the "before" phase, thedata will be evaluated for both "before"and "after" periods- for the preparation ofa report on the socio-economic conditionsof the sampie barrios ,(villages) within andoutside of the UPRP service area.

More specifically, the study attempts toprovide lnforrnatlon on the followingaspects of regional development:

a) Population growth, spatial dlstrlbu-tion and migration in the region;

'b) Social structure and process whichentails an analysis of community structureand institutions, income, occupation andother socio-economic structures as well lIS

IPSSC Social Science Information

attitudes, perceptions and aspirations ofthe people;

c) Economic potential and performancefor which data are taken from an examina-tion of existing employment patterns andstructure of primary, secondary and ter-tiary economic activities, volume of inter-nal and external demands, etc. Based onthis analysis, the economic growth of thearea can then be projected. Included underthis portion of the study will be an analysisof the impact of land reform;

d) Political organization and adminis-tration in which an evaluation is to bemade of the system by which governmentservices are financed in the region. All gov-ernment institutions operating in the re-gion, the functions and activities they per-form as well as their relationship to eachother are to be analyzed; and

e) Physical environmental aspects inwhich the overall effects of the environ-ment on agricultural development and vice-versa are to be analyzed. In this connectiondata on prevailing natural hazards and theindividual farmer's responses are to be ana-lyzed and evaluated.

To represent the units of study in thearea, a sample of 24 barrios have beendrawn from a total of 531 barrios and pob-laciones (towns' centers) of Nueva Ecija,From the sample barrios, 900 farming aswell as non-farming household heads wererandomly selected to comprise the finalsample used in the study. The total numberof sample respondents is about eleven percent of the household population of thesample barrio. In the selection of thesample barrios even criteria were consider-ed, namely: spatial distribution (in which a

grid system of intersecting latitudes andlongitudes on Nueva Ecija maps with scalesof 1:50,000 placed at 2.5-minute intervalswas used), whether covered by the expect-ed UPRP service area or not, extent ofexisting irrigation facilities, populationsize of cultivated area, whether accessibleor not, and micro-topographic features.

Government officials from the barrio,municipal and provincial levels were alsotapped as additional sources of lntorrna-tion. The barrio captain (headman) servedas the only respondent on the barrio level.For the town (where the barrio is located)the respondents were the mayor, the trea-surer, the BIR collection agent, the agri-culturist, the rural health officer, theschool principal and heads of whatever' gov-ernment agencies that have local brancheslike the National Irrigation Administration,the Department of Local Government andCommunity Development. For the provln-cial level, it Was the heads of government,

October 1975/113

'to "."":: a3, c:::J-'e.2..

, Ql-a;h

agencies, particularly those whose functionspertain to finance and agriculture.

Another type of data gathered consistedof variables on economic development andcommunity participation for both townand barrio levels. Standard instruments inthe form of a cheek-list were used to gatherthe variables.

The questionnaires that Were construct-ed for the study consisted generally ofopen-ended questions. Furthermore, de-spite the awareness of the pitfalls of usingdirect questions and the advisability ofusing less reactive and more unobtrusivemeasures, not more than one method Wasused during the field interviews exceptwhen it becomes necessary to do moreprobing. Secondary data - census, agencyand other program records - were alsogathered to supplement the data' takenfrom the interviews. However, these dataserved to provide merely the context o,f thestudy and the interview data are to be usedfor the more substantive aspects ~fi thestudy.

It has been observed that in surveyswhich aim to gather baseline information,too many questions are asked resulting inlengthy questionnaires. In the inter-discipli-nary approach this problem tends, to beaggravated. For example, the geographerwould like to ask his questions on environ-mental perceptions based on natural ha-zards, so do the economist, politicalscientist and sociologist; they wouldl alsolike to ask their standard questions.. Forthe present study, it took time and

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14/ PSSC Social Science Information October 1975

ever, an important question to ask is: Whoreally will benefit from all the expectedchanges that the UPRP will bring about? Ifthe changes are to be concentrated in onegroup or one class, there will be no reallvsignificant develppment.

From the research data there appear tobe a compounding of variables. At anyrate, the changes may have to be studiedboth on the individual and community;levels in order to obtain a better perspec-tive.

Other very interesting preliminary find-ings are the respondents', farmers and none.farmers, assessment of their status vis-a-vistheir parents. The respondents were askedquestions on how their situation can com-pare with their parents. More than a thirdsaid they are poorer than their parentswhile only a fourth stated they are betteroff. The rest answered they are at par withtheir parents. Those who feel they arepoorer than their parents attribute it tonon-ownership of the land they till or poorjobs while their parents have their ownfarms or better jobs. Those who say thattheir situation is better than their parentsattribute it to the better jobs they have.

Closely related is the question: Ifchanges come about in the area, are theychanges that canbe attributed solely to theriver project and the need for the adoptionof modern agricultural technologies? Orcan such changes be attributed to the landreform program, the improved peace andorder situation, other socio-economic dev-elopment projects in the area, or a combli

Cll; nation of all these programs?..J

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The types of benefits derived from theUPRP are expected to be diverse. How-

pines.

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Another set of information that hasbeen gathered in the study can be canedpatterns of credit. Initial data analysisseems to indicate that the purposes of cre-dit are most often for what may be broadlytermed "consumption " loans rather than for

agricultural production loans. This is signi-ficant because it may be inhuman not toprovide consumption loans especially foremergency or sickness purposes. Again, thisknowledge can be helpful in the initiationor modification of a policy that is morerelevant to the over-all needs of the farmersas well as the rural population in general.

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patience to really come out with an inte-grated questionnaire that was not merely ahodge-podge of geographic, economic, poli-tical and social items. Each team memberwas asked to limit himself to the really ne-cessary crucial items and "sacrifice" thoseof lesser significance. Thus, a workablequestionnaire finally came about that tookless than an hour to administer. In the pre-tests, it was noted that a questionnairewhich takes an hour or more to administertended to be self-defeating in that respon-dent fatigue adversely affect the reliabilityof his responses.

Preliminary findings

It was discovered in the present studythat the farmers have other sources of in-come, for example, piggery and poul·try, which survey .~numerators in the pastdid not' probe, relying only on the cropharvests the farmers get from the land.Thus, it is apparent that past survey datahave not fully imputed the real income ofthe people. Therefore, to arrive at a moreapproximate figure, it may be necessary todevelop a correction factor. This may comeabout as more details of the data gatheredin the field interviews are completely ana-lyzed.

There are also some indications in thefield data that productivity may be inverse-ly related to farm size. This is not the firsttime though that this fact has been report-ed. This is something, nevertheless, thatcan be followed which may serve as a use-ful guide in setting up what can be a rea-sonable farm size in connection with thecurrent land reform program of the Philip-

l PSSC Social Science Information October 19175/15 I

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Many farmers however, are lookingahead of what the UPRP will bring about.About 45 per cent feel that the availabilityof water for irrigation throughout the yearwill greatly improve their agricultural out-put, hence, their level of living. Anothernine per cent point out that land reformwill help improve their lives.

It is likewise significant to note that amajority of all respondents, farmers andnon-farmers, feel that the socio-economicstatus of their barrios will improve in thefuture. Only eight per cent feel that theirbarrios will be worse than what they arenow. These respondents will again be inter-viewed after the UPRP is in full operationsand their future responses will be com-pared with the baseline data.

It was also noted in the field interviewsthat although people are conscious of gov-ernment programs, many do not know howto take advantage of them, where to go, orhow to go about it. Nevertheless, whenconfronted with a crisis, most of thepeople are inclined to seek help from gov-ernment officials - barrio, municipal orprovincial. Only much later will they seekhelp from private organizations.

With regard to hazard perceptions andhow the farmers regard the area as product-ive or not, exposure to improved farmingtechnologies is an important factor. Amongthe farmers who have switched to high·yielding rice varieties who must followrigidly such rules as timely and adequateirrigation, proper application of fertilizers,the need for biocides and weeding, plantpests and diseases are no longer considered

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.:IS uncontrollable hazards. This is also truein the case of droughts where water forirrigation during the cropping season orthroughout the year is available. Otherwise,the farmers' feeling about other hazardslike typhoons and floods is one of accept-ance but with noticeable degree of varia-tion. Floods, for instance, can be partiallyminimized through improved and extensived ra inage although when one typhooncomes after another as it was in CentralLuzon in 1972, there is practically nothingthat Can be done but accept the inevitabi-lity of floods.

The above represent some of the preli-minary findings. They are yet to be con-firmed as more data are analyzed. Suchfindings also represent what several discip-iines can together uncover which a singlediscipline cannot possibly do. The conso-lidation and integration of the findings intoone well-organized report is something thatwill take time to come out with but it canbe done.

One last nagging question Which perhapscan be answered in a relatively short time iswhether or not water resource develop-ment sites and their service areas can be-come growth points in -regional develop-ment. The baseline data is available whichcan be compared with data to be gatheredand analyzed three or five years from nowafter the UPRP is fully operational.

Conclusions

A positive outcome of the UPRP will bean increased and wider distribution of in-come among the people in the area as aresult of the expected increase in agri-cultural productivity. This will have some

.f"".-,., :,....",J i'~

bearing on the social mobility among thedifferent socio-economic classes and sec-tors. However, as to the narrowing or wide-ning of income gaps between the upper-andlower classes, it will be known definitelyonly after the completion of both the"before" and IIafter" phases of the study.The effects of the UPRP which are impor-tant to the administration and subsequentplanning will also be considered to deter-mine their relationships to project opera-tions. This will be useful for similar re\llon-211 development projects in other parts ofthe country. Changes other than socio-eco-nomic brought about by the developmentof the project like individual skills, atti-tudes, behaviors, expectations and aspira-tions will likewise be studied.

One interesting angle of the reseanchwork wiII be the measure of efficiency ofthe UPRP. The financial cost of the projectwill be weighed against its benefits to in-clude analysis of whether the project isachieving its goals at the lowest possiblecost and whether the individuals affectedby the project recognize or not the benefitsof innovation or regional development. Notto be overlooked is the social cost of theproject.

The research study on the irrigation ser-vice area of the UPRP will, therefore,attempt to provide some insights into thechanges that are expected as well asun-expected not only of socio-economic con-ditions but also those of a physical environ-mental nature. Not only portions or unitsof the area wiII be observed but the whoreeven only on a broad plane so as to appre-ciate the more practical aspects of regionaldevelopment from an interdisciplinarypoint of view.

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16/ psse Social Science Information October 1975 i).

Executive Board elects officers

.psse holds annual meeting

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New grantees.

Carmen Miro will speak on "Women'sStatus and Population" at PSSC's 3rdPublic Lecture co- sponsored by theUniversity of Santo Tomas.

It will be held on November 11, 1975 at2p.m. at the Rizal Conference Hall, Com,merce Bldg, University of Santo Tomas.

Dr. Miro is the director of the CentroLatino Americano de Demografiya and pre-sident of the International Union for theScientific Studyof Population.

psse has new regular member

The Philippine Geographical Societywas recently admitted as a regular memberof the Philippine Social Science Councilbringing to nine the total number of PSSCregular members.

The Membershi·p Committee is also en-couraging social scientists in the remainingfour disciplines without any associations toorganize themselves. The four disciplinesare mass communication, demography,

anthropology, and public administration.

Membership in the council is of twotypes: regular members and associatemembers.

tion with National Councils of the Interna-tional Social Science Council (lSSC).

The meeting was held at at theUNESCO headquaters in Paris from Octo-ber 6 to 9 1975. It was conductedthrough the efforts of the Standing Com-mittee for Cooperation with NationalCouncils of the International Social Coun-cil (ISSC).

It is hoped that the exchange of infor-mation and view,points concerning areasrelated to social and economic problemswill lay the groundwork for collaborationbetween councils in the planning and exe-cution of such programs.

The main aim of this meeting, however;is to propose the creation of a federationof councils and analogous bodies (sciencecouncils and science academies) as an auto-nomous body of the ISSC.

3rdPublic Lectureset at UST

The Philippine Social Science Councilawarded several more grants to scholars

year terms last year. They are FrankLynch', S.J., anthropology; Gloria D. Feli-ciano, mass communication; Loretta M.Sicat, political science; Raul P. de Guzman,public administration;·Consuelo L. Gutier-rez, social work and Rodolfo A. Bulatao,sociology.

The Council has adopted the two-year term policy to ensure continuity ofthe programs and activities.

The representatives of seven socialscience associations which are regular memobers of the PSSC elected the new Boardmembers. They are Ester de la Cruz, Philip-pine Sociological Society; NatividadMunarriz, Psychological Association of thePhilippines; Rolando Delagoza, Philippine

National Historical Society; Angeles Buena-ventura, Philippine Statistical Association;Bonifacio Sibayan, Linguistics Society ofthe Philippines; Georges Piron, PhilippineEconomic Society; Oominador Rosell, Phil-ippine Geographical Society and EstherViloria, Philippine Association of SocialWork.

Dr. Armand V. Fabella, incumbentchairman, presented the annual report forFY 1975.

Among the more important activitiesand accomplishments during the periodwere: training of 40 participants from 21academic institutions in the basic advancedand special ized courses under the ResearchTraining Program; federation (informally-of the 25 PSSC - related research centersinto a Research Network for the purposeof facilitating the contracting of researchservices; granting of 53 awards, 35 underthe Discretionary Research Awards; 1 underthe National Survey Research Program; 1,Research Integration Program; 1, ModernPhilippine History Program; 13,.Travel As-sistance Awards; 2, Seminar Awards'; in-crease of regular members from 8 to 9 withthe admission of the Philippine Geogra-phical Society.

Sicat representPSSeto Isse October meeting

Newly-elected Board Chairman LorettaMakasiar Sicat officially represented PSSCin the Third Meeting of representatives ofNational Social Science Councils and Ana-logous Bodies.

The meeting was held at the UNESCOheadquarters in Paris from October 6 to 9,1975. It was conducted through the effortsof the Standing Committee for Coopera-

VALDEPENASSALAMANCA

Loretta < Makasiar Sicat, professor ofpolitical science at the University of thePhilippines, was elected chairman of the

Executive Board ofthe Philippine SocialScience Council forFiscal Year 1976.The election washeld at the firstboard meeting for

SICAT this year held at theSulo Hotel's Mutya Conference Room,October 23, 1975.

The thirteen-member Board also electedthe following officers: Bonifacio Salamanca,dean of the UP College Manila as vice-chair-man and Vicente Valdepefias, chairman ofthe Del,?artment of Economics, Ateneo deManila University, as secretary-treasurer.

PSSC activities

Appointed to head the various PSSCcommittees were: Gloria D. Feliciano, Re-search;Frank Lynch.fnstitutional Develop-ment Committtee; Bonifacio SalamancaModem Philippine History Commitee; Raulde Guzman, Membership; Burton Onate,Publications; Vicente Vakiepefias, Financeand Social Science Center Committees..andLoretta Makasiar Sicat, Southeast Asia Fel-lowship Program.

The Council elected seven of the 13Executive Board members at its fifthannual meeting at the Sulo Hotel on Sept-ember 26,1975.

Elected were: Zelda Zablan, represent-ing the discipline of demography; VicenteValdepefias, economics; Domingo Salita,geography; Bonifacio Salamanca, history;Andrew Gonzalez, FSC, linguistics;Mariano Obias, psychology, Burton Onate,statistics.

The six other executive Board membersare holdovers, having been elected for two-

pssc Social Science Information

under its Disaetionary Research AwardsProgram.

The new grantees are:1. Josephine C. Angsico, UP Institute of

Mass Communication: "Some Factors Re-lated to the Adoption of Leaseholds";

2. Rosita G. Galang,Ateneo University-PNCConsortium: "The Ac-quisition of the TagalogVerb Morphology"; and

GALANG

3. Madeline G. Mag-uyon, UP Institute ofMass Communication:"Perceived InformationNeeds and Information-Seeking Behavior of MAG·UYONHousehold Heads. in Selected Urban Com-munities."

Granted under the Travel AssistanceProgram were:

1. Leslie E. Bauzon, University of thePhilippines Department of History: Parti-cipation in the XIVth InternationalCongress of Historical Sciences in SanFrancisco, Califomia, August 22 to 29,1975;

2. Gloria D. Feliciano, University of thePhilippines Institute of Mass Communica-tion: Participation in a meeting of fiveheads of institutes of social research and/orcommunication in Nairobi, Kenya, August12 to 23, 1975;

3. Telesforo W. Luna, University of thePhilippines Department of Geology andGeography: Participation in the 13th Pa-cific Science Congress in Vancouver,British Columbia, August 18 to 30, 1975;and

4. Bonifacio S. Salamanca, Universityof the Philippines in Manila: Participationin the Asian-Pacific Conference of Amer-ican Studies Specialists at Fujinomiya City,Japan, September 4 to 7, 1975.

NSDB grants publications subsidy

The National Science DevelopmentBoard (NSDB) recently granted"34,216.00 from its general grants-in-aidprogram to the Philippine Social ScienceCouncil in support of PSSC's GraduatedPublications Subsidy Program.

The program, now on its third year of

operation, is designed to assist journals ofPSSC-member associations to ensure theircontinued publication. The journals are:Journal of History, Philippine Journal ofLinguistics, Philippine Journal of Psycho-logy, Philippine Sociological Review, So-cial Work and Philippine Political ScienceJournal.

CSS prepares catalogueon social science publications

The Central Subscription Service (CSS)is preparing a catalogue on the socialscience publications under its salesdistributorship.

The catalogue contains a listing of pub-lications, a short narratjve on the contents,some physical descriptions like the size ofthe publication, number of pages, etc. andthe price in Philippine currency and the.douar equivalent.

Conceived in an effort to further pro-mote the services of CSS, the cataloguealso aims to bring CSS direct to the socialscientists and the research institutions.

This catalogue will be available beforethe end of the year.

Interested institutions who would liketheir publications to be included in the cata-logue should make arrangements with CSSthrough P.O. Box 655 Greenhills, Rizal3113.

Social Survey SeriesManuals in press

The five Social Survey Series manualsare being prepared for final publication bythe Institutional Development Committeeof the Philippine Social Science Council.

The manuals will be out of the Ateneode Manila University Press sometime 'thisschool year.

Research Network undertakethree national surveys

The PSSC Research Network has beensubcontracted to undertake the field workof three national research surveys.

These projects are: The Value of Child-ren to Filipinos - a study on the motiva-tions behind childbearing and childrearing;A Survey on the Role and Status ofWomen in the Philippine - a study of theplace of women in Philippine society; andthe Social and Ethical Environment ofSterilization in the Philippines- a study

October 1975/11

on conditions and factors that. impede ac-ceptance of steril ization as well as physical)social and psychological consequem:es ofl

sterilization.

The first two projects, are being under-taken for Rodolfo A. Bulatao of the UPSocial Research laboratory while the studyon sterilization is for the Institute of; Phil-ippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila Universi-ty.

The 16 research centers involved in thesurvey on children are: Philippine ChristianCollege. St. Paul College of Tuguegarao, St.Ferdinand College (IIagan), University ofthe Philippines (Baguio). Angeles Umiver-sity, Ateneo de Naga Research and ServiceCenter, Aquinas University [LeqazpiCity), Central Philippine University

(110 i 10) . Neg r os Occidental ResearchBureau, Divine Word University (Taclo-ban), University of San Carlos, SillimanUniversity, Research Institute for MindanaoCulture, Ateneo de Davao, ImmaculateConception College (Ozamis City) andUrios College (Butuan).

This Survey will be conducted all overthe Philippines, excluding Western Min-danao, with more than 2,000 parents, asrespondents.

The Office for Social Research, Univer-sity of San Carlos and the Research office,Ateneo de Davao will undertake the field-work for the IPC survey.

All the 22 PSSC - related research cen-ters will participate in the nationalsurvevon women.

Rimcu undertakes review function

Institutions who want to avail ofl theservices of the Network in the aforemen-tioned areas are invited to deal directlywith Rimcu should this arrangement: bemore convenient than approaching the Net-work Coordinator in Manila:

PSSC Research Network prospectiveclients who would like to have researchesdone in the Visayas or Mindanao areasshould make arrangements with_the Re-search Institute for Mindanao CultureRimcu) at Xavier University, Cagayan deOro City.

MeanWhile, three more educational in-stitutions have organized research centers,bringing-to 25 the centers in the PSSC Re-search Network.

These centers are: Research andPllan-ning center, Angeles University with Dr.Ricardo C. Galang as director; ResearchCenter, Holy Cross College of Figos, Alfre-do M. Rodaje, director; and Socio-Econ-omic Research Center, Butuan City, Dioni- .sio Yumo, director.

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18/ PSSC Social Science Information

News briefs

PAP elect officers andboard members

The Secretariat of the PsychologicalAssociation of the Philippines (PAP) an-nounced recently the· new officers andboard members for 1975-1977. They are:Natividad Munarriz - president; VirgilioEnriquez - president-elect; Renato Daquiz- executive secretary; Amanda Tayag -treasurer; Angelina Ramirez - P.R.O; andPura Flores, Alma Jhocson, Patricia Licua-nan, Mariano Obias and Amelou Reyes,board members.

The following were appointed to thedifferent standing committees of the organ-ization: Membership - Renato Daquiz,Angelina Ramirez and Fe Ab asolo-Domingo; Finance - Amanda Tayag, Mica-ela Gonzales and Patricia lagmay; Program-