1934-1940 - Information and Library Network...

CHAPTER II

CRIME • REFORM AND POLITICS

IN A COLONIAL CONTEXT •

TRIBALS

1934-1940

Tribal •criminality 1 in the Bombay Countryside:

There were many tribal and nomadic groups in the Bombay

Presidency who were gradually pushed away from the mainstream

of ci vilisa:tion. The restrictions imposed on their traditional

forest rights, the increasing demographic pressure on land

and extraction of huge amount of surplus by the colonial state

and its beneficiaries like landlords, moneylenders and merchants

accelerated the process. 1

Their reaction to exploitation, however,

varied depending on the social context. It was expressed

in social crimes, social reforms and political mobilization

in the cause of nationalism. These social groups existed pre

cariously on the periphery of the colonial society. Their

so called laziness and inferiority in the profession of cultivation, 2

and their so called criminal tendencies were the: product of

their social environment. When they realised that fruits of

honest labour were not sufficient to satisfy their survival

needs, they adopted loot and plunder as one of the major

of act of survival. The categorisation of these acts as criminal

and of groups who indulged in these activities occasially as

1 criminal tribes 1 reinforced the negative and 1 criminal' tendencies

1. See Chapter I.

2. J.M. Mehta, op. cit., pp.l9,30.

75

3 among these tribal and nomadic people.

There were certain tribes who were attributed 1 criminal'

instincts. The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 gave them the legal

status as such. Speaking about their 1 criminal' propensity

at the time of passing of the Act, T.V. Stephens, the then

member of Law and Order in the Viceroy's Executive Council,

said that criminal tribe was 11 a tribe whose ancestors

were criminal from time immemorial, who are themselves destined

by the usages of caste to commit crimes and whose descendents

will be offenders against the law, until the whole trj_be is

exterminated or accounted for in the manner of the thugs.

When a man tells you that he is an offender against the law,

he has been so from the beginning, and will be so to the

end, reform is impossible, for it is his trade, his caste,

I may almost say his religion to commit crime. 114

The robbing by the moneylenders and landlords were

well protected by the legal machinery of the colonial state

while the survival acts of the tribals were seen as 1 predatory

3. According to 1 Goff man, the labelling and stigmatized social reaction to the problem of "Criminality 11 reinforces the negative social identity of being a "Criminal". See E. Goffman, Stigma Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, 1968, pp. 9-20 and also see Richard V. Ericson, "Social Distance and Reaction to Criminality" in British Journal of Criminology, Vol.l7, No.1, January, 1977, pp.l6-29.

4. Quoted in V. Raghaviah, The Problems of Criminal Tribes, 1949, p.6.

76

habits 1 by many colonial adminsitrators and writers. 5 This

pre-political, primitive mode of resistance to check th.e unilateral

flow of fruits of labour to the Sahukars and landlords was

frequently used during the times of scarcity by the tribals,

to counter the property rights of the Sahukars. Kropotkin,

the famous anarchist, had aptly compared the property rights

and social crimes. He wrote, 11 society itself creates these

peoples incapable of leading a life of honest labour, and filled

with anti -social desires. She glorifies them when their crimes

are crowned with financial success and sends them to prison

when they have not succeeded. 116 The belief in the 11 professional

5. S.M. Edwards, in his book Crimes in India, 1924 writes about Bedar tribe, 11 There are a large number of predatory jungle tribes in Bombay Presidency, among the most troublesome and the most impervious to civilizing influences being the Bedars and Berads. 11 ( p. 38) According to him, despite the attempts of colonial administration to wean them away from their criminal habits, the bulk of the tribe preferred to live by robbery under arms. (Ibid.) In the ear 1 y 19th century Forbes described the Bhils and Kolis in his Rasmala as 11 hereditary and professional plunderers. 11 (Cited in R. V .Russel, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol.II, 1969 (Reprint), p. 283). Kathiawar Gazetteer description of Kolis also echoed the same sentiment. It says 11 Most Kolis are thieves by profession and embrace every opportunity of plundering either public or private property 11 (Kathiawar Gazetteer, 1804, p.l04).

6. Peter Kropotkin, 11 Prisons and their Moral influences on Prisoners 11 in Emile Copouya and Keitha Tompkins, (eds.). The Essential Kropotkin, 1975, p.53.

71

and hereditary character of crime 117 was very strong among

the colonial adminsitrators and writers. Prejudice is reflected

in the following words of H.B.Rowney 11 They (Kolis) are.

still predatory where they can . manage to be so with impunity,

averse to honest labour and industry They are also inveterate

drunkards and addicted to the use of opium and bhang, and,

in short, have all the habits which distinguish the most degraded

specimen of human race, despising every approach to civili-

zation and decency as indicative of Cowardice 118 Similarly,

he write about the Kattis or Kathis that they were shepherds,

cultivators, and thieves, by turn or together, as suited them

best, and were not less inclined to bringandage than before,

if not strictly looked 9 after. M. Kennedy, who gave sufficient

weightage to the social causes of crimes, also regressed to

the 1 heredity 1 theory of crimes very often. Explaining crimes

among Berads, he wrote II The blood of the freebooters

runs in their veins, and as a tribe they are liable, with

any disturbing cause, to form gangs, go into outlawry disturb

7. This theory about the 1 hereditary basis of crime 1 was popularized in Europe by Lombroso. Lombroso believed in the notion of 11 born ciminal 11 • Gabriel Tarde challenged the notion in late 19th century but the theory is not out of fashion (see Piers Beirhe, 11 Between classicism and Positivism Crime and Penality in the writings of Gabriel Tarde 11 , in Criminology, Vol. 25, No.4, November, 1987, pp.785-819. The classic theory of crime survives in modern form in Eysenck, Crime and Personality, London, 1977.

8. H. B. Rowney, The Wild Tribes of India, 1882, p. 40.

9. Ibid., p.45.

78

the peace of countryside and defy police and authorities. 10

Clearly in his analysis he attached primary importance to

the hereditary nature or 1 blood-factor 1 in analysing the behaviour

of a particular tribe, socio-economic disturbing causes only

acting as extraneous factors to initiate the 11 criminal behaviour 11•

The explain 11 criminal" tendency of Kolis, he offered similar -sort of analysis. The stress was on the instinctual basis of

crimes, the social causes only providing an excuse for the

extra-legal forms of behaviour. To quote him aga.in 11 The

predatory instinct and love of adventure is still strong in

them (in Kolis). A season of scarcity, the grasping avariousness

and the exacting demands of money lenders, or some domestic

grievances drives individuals into outlawry By the

instinctual basis of crime, he clearly meant hereditary basis

of criminal behaviour. This understanding comes out more

. clearly in his remark about Ramoshis - 11 ••• From the time imme-

morial the Ramoshi has been a dacoit and robber and though

with the march of civilization and good government he has settled

to a more or less regular life, his restless spirit and predatory

instinct which he has inherited, is soon roused whenever

through sacrcity or other cause, necessity drives or a favourable

opportunity 12 offers. 11 The explanation of the tribal social

10. M. Kennedy, The Criminal Classes in India, 1985 (Reprint of Notes [prepared by DIG of Police, Railways and Criminal] Investigation in 1907, Bombay Presidency), p.l3.

11. Ibid., p.93.

12. Ibid., p.145.

79

crimes in terms of 1 hereditary love of plunder 1 became very

popular with the colonial administrators. This was used to

explain the increase in crime rate in Bombay Presidency,

again and again. Police Administration Report for the year

1940, for instance, held the Bhils, Dharalas, Kolis, Lamanis,

Pardhis, Waghris and Tadvis responsible for the increase

in the cognizable offences. The colonial administrators believed

that this was partly due to the existing economic distress

but was nevertheless proof of the fact that generally 11 the

criminal tribes retained their inherent predatory and criminal

instincts. 1113 A ·similar argument was repeated in 1941 to explain

the increase in crime rate among the Berads, Dharalas, Kaikadi,

Mang-Garud_is, Pardhis, Sansis, Waghris and T d . 14

a V1S. The

bio-deterministic theory of criminality can be easily refuted

by putting socio-psychological processes in the proper perspec-

tive. Firstly, _many of these tribal and nomadic communities

had been pushed to the inferior lands. The Chodras of Surat

district, for instance, inhabitated the eastern hilly and forest

tract where the soil was poor and cultivation difficult due

t . t ll . 15 o m ense gu y -erosJ.on. Survival in such areas was very

difficult. The poor productivity of soils and the domination

13. Annual Police Administration ReEort, Bombay Presidency, 1940, P· 31.

14. Annual Police Administration ReEort, Bombay Presidency, 1941, P· 31.

15. Ganshyam Shah, Socio-Economic Study of Choudhras : A Re-Study, 1977, p.15.

80

of usurers made the situation worse. The nature of occupational

pursuits followed by the tribal and nomadic people was such that

it could not ensure livelihood, especially when their customary

rights were curbed. The Bhils living in the hilly tracts were

more dependent on the collection and sale of jungle produce,

worked as forest labourers, as manufacturers of charcoal,

and as cultivators growing a coarse grain called Nagdi. In

1911, when the right to take wood from forest was abolished

by the colonial state, for many Bhils "theft" became the only

means f . 1 16 o surv1va . During harvest time, many worked as

reapers and field labourers. Hunting, fishing and pastoralism

provided other sources of li ve1ihood to them. 17

Berads besides

partly depending on agriculture, were involved in wood -cutting,

selling of fuel collected from for"ests and in cattle and sheep

rearing. A large number of them also worked as village Sanadis

or watchmen, field-labourers and coolies. 18

The occupations

followed by Katkaris, Warlis, Ramos his were also of similar

nature. 19 The Banjaras Laman is the carriers or were common

of grain, salt and mechandise of all sorts. The spread of

transport and railways virtually deprived them of their here-

ditary calling. They were forced to take to agriculture or

16. See R.D. Choksey, 1955, op. cit., pp.ll6-117.

17. Irawati Karve, The Bhils of West Khandesh, 195 7, p. 28; R. V. Russel, The Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India, Vol.III, 1916, pp.292-93; and M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp.42-53.

18. V. B. Solanki, "Berads" in A. V. Thakkar, ( ed. ) , Tribes of India, 1950, pp.l33-35, M. Kennedy, ~· cit., p. 13.

19. Ibid.

81

field labour, the poorer ones supplementing their livelihood

by collecting forest produce and cattle-rearing. The same

men working as labourers during the day might be found 1 pilla-

ging 1 in the neighbouring villages d . th . ht 20 urmg e n1g • The

Kaikadis . worked as musicians, mat and basket weavers, selling

and repairing grinding 21

stones. The Mangs worked as village

22 watchmen, musicians, songsters, sea vengers and leather workers.

The Mang Garudis were a gypsy group subsisting on begging,

performing conjuring tricks before villagers and trading in

barren buffaloes and buffalo-calves. 23

Anybody would guess

from the nature of their occupation that these tribal and nomadic

communities were not in a position to survive solely through

honest labour. Therefore, to attribute to them a hereditary

criminal propensity was a gross violation of natural justice. 24

B.S. Haikerwal who claimed to analyse the socio-economic

aspects of crimes, used instinctual hypothesis to account for

prevalence of crimes among certain tribes. He writes "The

men and women born within it (criminal tribe) take to crime

just as duck takes to water because it is duck. 1125

20. M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp.5-6.

21. Ibid., pp.65-72.

22. Ibid., pp.ll2-113.

23. Ibid., pp.ll9-121.

24. Marx had appropriately challenged the encroachment of 'legality 1 on the customary rights of the poor people. See K. Marx and F. Engles, "Debates on the Law of Thefts of Wood". in Collected Works, Vol.I~ Moscow, 1975, pp.224-263.

25. B.S. Haikerwal, Economic and Social Aspects of Crime in India, 19 34, p. 144 , quoted in Y. C. Simhadri, The Ex-Criminal Tribes of India, 1979, p.28.

82

The problem of survival became more acute during the

periods of natural calamities. The city of Bombay frequently

experienced an outcrop of robberies whenever famine conditions

in Gujarat or the Deccan drove large number of starving people

to seek shelter and food in the urban 26

area. The 1 crimes 1

committed by these tribal and nomadic people were mostly

directed against property. In 1928, most of the cognizable

crimes in the Bombay Presidency were against property such

as robberies, dacoties, cattle-thefts, ordinary thefts of various

kinds and house-breaking. 27 In 1934, out of a total 2,115

cases against the 1 criminal tribals 1 1, 049 were cases against

property rights. 28

In 1936, out of a total cases of 1, 966 con vic-

tions involving 11 criminal tribesmen 11 (both registered and un-

registered) , 928 were offences against 29 property. In 1938,

out of a total number of 1, 934 convictions of 11 criminal tribesmen 11,

850 were offences against property and 568 offences under

Criminal Tribes Act. 30

In 1940, out of a total number of 1, 756

26. S.M. Edwardes, op. cit., pp.41-42.

27 · C. Perin Kerr a walla, A Study in Indian Crime, 19 59, pp. 82-83.

28. Annual Police Administration Re:eort, Bombay, 1934, p. 17.

29. Annual Police Administration Re:eort, Bombay, 1937, PP· 62-63.


83

cognizable cases against 11 criminal tribesmen 11, 1,258 were convic-

ted for offences against property. 31

In 1941, 2,052 members

of 11 criminal tribes 11 were convicted for congnizable offences,

and 1,416 convicted of offences against property. 32 were

E. P. Thompson and a. few other social historians of

England have attempted to analyse how the law mediates and

determines the 11 criminality 11 • These hiE!torians have also shown

how the social crimes such as thefts, poaching, smuggling,

etc. arise out of the different notion of property rights made

by the poor and the rich. 33 It is always the ruling social

power which defines the law. In the words of Schafer: 11 This

social power knows what is right and wrong, and in the form

of the commands raises the law to the level of 1 truth 1• u

34

Therefore, anyone who defies this truth, becomes 1 criminal'

in the eyes of the ruling social power. Rejection of this 1 truth 1

is the basis of social crimes. The creative nature of resistance

to the moral codes of the ruling classes is amply demonstrated

by careful selection of targets of social crimes.

31. Annual Police Administration Report, Bombay, 1940, p.37.

32. Annual Police Administration Report, Bombay, 1941, p.3l.

33. Writings such as E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters, New York, 1975; E.P. Thompson, et al, ed. Albion's Fatal Tree Crime and Society in 18th Century England, 1975; J.S. Cockburn, ed, Crime in England 1550-1870, 1977; etc represent this trend of social history of crime.

34. Stephen Schafer, Theories in Criminology, 1969, p. 10.

84

In most of the cases the rich money lenders and traders

were victims of the organised bands in the Bombay Presidency.

In a case of mass dacoity in village Ambawada in Prantij

taluka of Ahmedabad district on February 6, 1934, a gang

of 15 armed with guns and dharias, spotted the houses of

Banias and other petty merchants for their raid and laid violent

hands on the inmates 35

thereof. But looting of property was

the main motive of such gangs. Violence against individuals

was used only when it became necessary for the performance

of the basic motive. The 1 crimes 1 of Katkaris as a rule

were unaccompanied by unnecessary acts of cruelty or violence.

The Katkaris were as a rule contented with ordinary thefts

of grain, goats, sheeps and fowls, only occasionally atta-

eking and robbing the grasping forest 36

contractors. Usually,

the gangs for such thefts of crops and cattles were small

in size, numbering between 15-30 persons. But sometimes larger

groups could be effectively organized. In a case of armed

dacoity in village Zanzarva in Ahmedabad district on July

16, 1934, about 300 Kolis and Thakardas raided the village. 37

In another similar case, a large gang of about 200 Bhils looted

the houses in Khanpur village in Gunawade state near Ahmedabad

on May 19' 1934, and killed three

35. Bombay Chronicle, Feb. 7, 1934.

36. M. Kennedy, op. cit., p.87.

37. Bombay Chronicle, July 17, 1934.

38. Bombay Chronicle, March 20, 1934.

38 persons. On March 21,

85

1936, house of a rich person in a village vanz was raided

by a gang of 15-20 Bhils who demanded keys of the safe.

On non-compliance of demand, the owner was beaten and forced

to open the safe. Property worth Rs.9,000 was removed. While

the house was being ransacked, three or four 1dacoits 1 fired

gunshots to off the neighbours. 39 But the Bhils scare were

not predominantly •criminals 1 • They went into open outlawry

only as a result of bad years, want, the exactions of money-

lenders or some other disturbing cause, when pinch of agricultural

distress was felt. In such circumstances, they resorted to

crop-stealing, looting of goods-trains, cattle-lifting, dacoities

d b 1 0 40 s 0 an urg ar1es. ometlmes, even a minor case of stealing

could lead to conviction of the poor tribals. The first class

Magistrate of Dohad sentenced two Bhils of Khengela village

for stealing Maize 11 Dodas 11 from the fields, to four and three

months or imprisonment. The third accused, a boy of 15,

was released on furnishing a security of H.s.100 for keeping

peace. Naturally, the Bhils had stolen maize to feed their

f 010 41 am1 1es.

The rural social crimes were a symbolic expression


40. M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp.43-45.

41. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. 19, 1936.

86

of rebellion against the most oppressive elements in the rural

society especially against the moneylenders. For 'the wretched

of the earth 1 , it became one of the weapon for mitigating

their sufferings. They were continuation of pre-·political forms

of protests in the rural society. The houses of rich Banias

and moneylenders became the selective target of the wrath

of organized gangs. Violence was used only in case of resistance

by the villagers, for the purpose of self-defence; or against

the members of Bania family in case of non-compliance of

demand. A few instances could be cited to prove this contention.

The house of. a Luhana merchant was raided by an armed band

in Bhinsiya village of Ahmed bad district on July 9, 1935.

The raiders demanded Rs. 500 and as the trader was unable

to pay the amount in cash, his ten year 1 s old daughter was

kidnapped. 42

In another incident in June, 1935 a gang of dacoits

armed with dharias looted the shops of two merchants in

village Bodidara. 43 A gang of about 14 dacoits was active

committing dacoities in the villages of Dahanu taluka of Thana

district and Jawahar state in 1934-36 period. The band looted

the moneylenders and burnt their account books before it was

rounded up by the Police at village Tawa of 44 Dahanu taluka.

In an incident of decaoity at Bagodra village in Ahmedabad

42. Bombay Chronicle, July 10, 1935.

43. Bombay Chronicle, June 14, 1935.


87

distict on April 14, 1937 when the villagers offered resistance

to the band of dacoits who were interested in looting the

house of rich Bania, dacoits opened fire killing one and injuring

th "11 45

0 J 2 1940 f 30 40 ana er v1 ager. n anuary , , a gang o - persons

armed with bows and arrows (this indicates their tribal nature)

broke open the shop of a trader at Vandeli under police station

Morwa of Broach and Panch Mahals district. The villagers

offered resistance but they were held in check by the band

by throwing stones at them with slings. In the clash, one

policeman was killed. 46

Sometimes, the band went to the urban

centres because of the good opportunities available at such

centre. A number of burglaries in Bijapur city in 1936 were

result of the gang activities of a Haran Shikari tribesmen

47 band. One Maratha criminal utilized the discontent among

Kalis in Mawal region regarding the high rate of interest charged

by the Sahukars and succeeded in organizing a gang of . 40

Kalis with the avowed object of looting the Gujarati Sahukars.

Between 6th Feb. and 16th June, 1940, 13 dacoities were commit-

ted by this band of Kalis in Poona, Ahmednagar, Nasik, Thana

and Kolaba district. In all these dacoities, property worth

Rs.36,93l was looted. On July 23rd 1940, the gang clashed

45. Bombay Chronicle, April 15, 1937.

46. Annaul Police Administration Re:eort, Bombay, 1940, PP· 23-24.


88

with a special police party in a cave on the mountain of Kopare

Mandhave on the Poona-Ahmednagar border. In the encounter,

Kond ya Hari Na vale, leader of the gang was killed and his

seven associates were captured. In a later investigation, the

whole group was rounded 48

up. Some Koli gangs were active

in Nasik and Ahmednagar in 1941. The Kolis who inhabited

the hilly tracts of Thana, Nasik and Ahmedna~ar remained

a perpetual source of embarassment for the police and had

a strong tendency to organise bands to •t d •t• 49 comm1 aco1 1e s.

On the night of 18th February, 1941 the house of a wealthy

Marwari in the village of Nandur-Patar in Parner taluka of

Ahmednagar was attacked by a combined gang of Kolis, Marathas,

Thakurs, Dhangars and Ramoshis numbering 27 in all. The .. gang looted property worth Rs .13, 000. They also burnt the

account books, documents and promisory notes relating to money-

lending transactions. It was disclosed in the investigation

that the offence was engineered by certain leading men of

the village who were in business rivalry with the Marwari

moneylender. Later on, 25 members of the gang were arrested

from 10 different villages of Naryanagaon police station in

Poona district. 50

The Kolis in general regarded the leader

of Koli bands as heroes, sympathised with them in their campaign

48. Ibid., pp.32-33.


50. Ibid. , pp. 20-21.

89

against moneylenders, forest officials, and provided aid to

them in evading the police, feeding and harbouring them if

need 51 arouse. According to intelligent Kolis, this helped

in keeping a check on moneylenders and the rate of interest

charged by them. The forest officials also behaved better

during the activities of the band and state also provided

concessions to them. 52 Thus, the Koli 1 s outlawry could some

be considered an example of what Hobsbawm calls 1 social

banditry 1 • Acceding to him, social banditry is the result

of the penetration of class-differentiation in the tribal societies

which are familiar with feuding and raiding such as hunters

and pastrolalists. When they are absorbed into larger economies

resting on class conflict, a disproportionately large number

of social bandits are created. 53

The penetration of usury capital

provided very fertile ground for such activities in the Bombay

Presidency, especially in the case of Kolis and Bhils. Hobsnawm 1 s

criterion of judging social bandits clearly applied to these

men. He considers social bandits as 11 peasant outlaws whom

the lord and state regarded as criminals, but who remained

within peasant society, and were considered by their people

as heroes, as champions, avengers, fighters for justice,

54 and in any case as men to be admired, helped and supported. 11

51." M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp. 95-96.

52. Ibid.

53. E.J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, 1985 edition, pp.l8-19.

54. Ibid., p.l7.

90

Such types of gangs became more active during the times

of scarcity caused by some natural factors - as the scarcity

affected the people on the periphery the most. A series of

dacoities and robberies were committed by the bands of Khandu

Arjm Koli and Kalya Bhavdya Bhil in the limits of Igatpuri,

Ghoti, Trimbak and Nasik talukas and Mokhada police station

of Thana district in 1940-41. Another band was active under

Lumya Nimba Koli in Nasik, Ahmednagar and Thana districts. 55

In Bijapur, the failure of monsoon and a plague epidemic led

to a series of burglaries in 1940. 56 A gang of phase-Phardis

was also active in the same period in Bijapur and a number

of armed dacoities were committed in Dahanu and Palghar talukas

by a gang of 57 Bhayyas." A series of cattle dacoities were

committed by Bhils in Panch Mahals district in June, 1946. 58

Moneylenders and Banias were not the only target of

symbolic rebellion of the tribals. Unnecesary harassment of

excise officials, village officials and forest officials could

easily provoke the people to make them target of their attacks.

A strong gang of dacoits was active in the mountainous area

on the border of Poena and other districts. Their activities

which included more than one murder and several cases of

55. Annual Police Administration Re12ort, Bombay, 1941, PP· 21-22.

56. Ibid., P· 3.

57. Ibid., pp. 5-6 and 20.

58. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No. 24, dated 15th June, 1946.

91

outrages against village officials, so terrorised the area that

a campaign had to be organised for 6 weeks by a special

force of 150 policemen to curb the activities of the 59

gang.

The headman of Chamasa village near Ahmedabad was shot

dead by some Tbakarda tribesmen who he has detected while

distilling illicit liquor. 60 An excise raid at Narangi village

under Virar Police station on September 12, 1937 for detection

of illicit distillation by an excise party angered the villagers

so much that they assaulted the exise party. The day happened

to be a Gauri Ganpati day, the day when villagers indulge in

an orgy of drinks. On· such an auspicious day, the villagers

resented the inroad of the excise party and commenced pelting

stones at them. Then the party was attacked with lathis.

One sub-inspector who was severly injured in the attack,

61 died subsequently.

The rise in the prices of foodgrains due to prevailing

famine conditions in East Khandesh in 1936 resulted in rioting

and looting of grain shops at Chalisgaon weekly bazar on 29

August, 1936. thre was some tension in Nasik also when owing

to the drought conditions Bbils started visiting the houses

59. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated August 1st, 1940, in Linlithgow PaEers, Vol. 54.


61. Annual Police Administration ReEort, Bombay, 1937, p.l5 and Bombay Chronicle, Oct. 1st, 1937.

92

of Marwaris to beg food. Marwaris were annoyed with this

and apprehending serious 62

trouble. When there was marked

shortage of foodgrains in Nasik in early 1943, looting of grain

shops occured in one or two places. The trouble lasted for

one day and many other goods besides grain 63

were looted.

In 1946, 13 cases of goods train looting were reported on

Bombay-Poona line between Kalyan and Thakarwadi railway

stations all within a radius of 50 miles. All the incidents

took place between 23rd May to 4th July, 1946. The usual

mode of operation was stopping of train at night by tampering

with signals and then looting certain wagons. One gang of

hill tribesmen operating near Thakarwadi was especially interes-

64 ted in looting wagons containing poultry and egg baskets.

During the 1942 uprising, in Sa tara and some other parts

of Sholapur district, the Congress agitators utilized the skills

of Ramoshis in committing dacoities and other property crimes

62. Secret Abstract of Intelligence, Bombay, Para. 784, 1936. (English Social historians Andrew Charlesworth and J. Stevenson believe that food-riots were generally collective actions of industrial workers and artisans and agriculturis classes rarely participated in them (See Andrew Charlesworth, 11 The Development of English Rural Proletanat and Social Protest 11

, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.8, No.1, October, 1980, pp.ll0-111 and see also J. Stevenson, ''Food Riots in England, 1792-1818 11

, in J. Stevenson, and R. Quinault eds Popular protest and Public Order, London, 1974, pp.46 49). But th1s is not always true in the conditions shortage of food, and high prices due to famine, even the agricultural classes and tribal people can actively participate in this sort of protest behaviour.

63. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated 8th Feb. 1943

in Linlithgow Papers, Vol. 57.

93

like looting of 65

money lenders. As late as 16 May, 1945 the

house of a rich landlord in village Dahigaon under Mal:siras

police station of Satara district was raided by a gang of 25

Ramoshis accompanied by other underground political activists

66 and property worth Rs. 3, 000 was looted.

Sometimes the wrath of tribal villagers fell on the forest

officials. A forest officer was killed by three Thakurs of

Rod wal village in Shahapur taluka of Thana, to retaliate his

sharp rebuke and his slap on the face of one of them - on

suspicion that they had set a portion of jungle on fire. The

incident took place on 21st May, 1934. Subsequently they were

sentenced to 5 years rigorous imprisonment by the session

judge of 67 Thana. There were frequent clashes or Maramaris

m the Turmale jungle due to dispute over the right of villagers

to graze their cattle in the forest areas around Turmale village

in Panvel taluka of Kolaba district. In one such case ten Agris

of Nandgaon in Panvel taluka were implicated. 68

The Katkaris of Murbad taluka of Thana district and

64. Times of India, July 4th, 1946.

65. Weekly Confidential ReEort, OM, Sa tara, dated 21 Jan. 1943.

66. Weekly Confidential ReEort, DM, Sholapur,, dated 23rd May, 1945.

67. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. 6 and Nov. 17' 1934.

68. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. 14, 1935.

94

Kolaba district were hard pressed during 1939-40. They depended

for their livelihood on field labour in paddy fields, on a ad-

vances from forest contractors for preparing charcoal and

by gathering of roots from the forests. Due to lack of rains,

there was no employment in the fields , and the roots in the

forests did not grow. The forest contractors deferred payment

of advances for work as government tried to impose a wage

structure on the contractors and contractors reacted. by with-

holding the payment of wages in ad vance. When a large number

of Katkaris were deprived of their livelihood, they were

compelled to resort to crime. 69

These examples of crimes ·and outlawry were not merely

symptoms of crisis and tension in the society caused by

famines, food -shortages, pestilence or other disrupting circum-

stances. According to Hobs ba wm, it provided a form of self

help to escape from this crisis in certain particular conditions. 70

Although, social crimes are only forms of individual or small

group rebellion within the society, what makes them important

is that "through a process of myth-making, they acquire the

image of champions of weak and the oppressed, and as such

becomes part of the remembered history, as distinct from

71 official history of books . 11

69. Bombay Chronicle, August 26, 1939 and The Police Annual Administration Report, Bombay, 1940., p. 9.

70. E.J. Hobsbawm, op. cit., p.24.

71. Ibid., pp.131-34.

95

Social Reforms in the Tribal Society:

A number of social reform movements were initiated

among the tribals by a new type of emergent leadership. Viswa

nath Maharaj was a Hindu religious preacher who affected

the social life of Dhankas, Kolis and Rajputs in South Gujarat.

He entered· Gurudeshwar area at village Pala, performed Yagnas

or simple sacrificial rites and walked round the countryside.

The tribals were heavily indebted due to habit of drinking

and in many cases moneylenders were also owners of the toddy

and liquor shops. During his Padyatras, Viswanath Maharaj

held frequent meetings of the Adivasis and preached against

drinking besides advocating reform of food habits. In his

preachings, he used illustrations from Hindu scriptures. He

used Bhajan Mandlis to take his preaching to the heart of

common people. He asked tribesmen to stop eating eggs, fish,

meat, onion and gar lie and to stop calling the Bhagat, Badva

and Bhuwa (the tribal priests) for their social ceremonies

and instead to call a Brahmin to officiate at the ceremonies.

He was also agairist the practice of bride price which was

prevalent in the tribal society. As cow was regarded sacred

animal by the Hindus, he ad vised against selling of cow and its

products. Viswanath

in 1940.72

All his

Maharaj

attempts

remained active till his

demonstrate his anxiety to

death

bring

the adivasis within the orbit of Brahmanism or Hindu society.

72. P.G. Shah, Tribal Life in Gujarat, 1964, pp.72-74.

96

The domination of liquor dealers and money lenders was

resented by the religious and educated Adivasi.s and by non-

Adivasi social workers who entered into such areas. Gandhian

workers also encouraged non-drinking. A big Adivasi conference

attended by about 25,000 was addressed by Va.llabhbhai Patel

and Kasturba Gandhi at Sekhpur in 1924. Gandhian social activists

opned Ashrams at Madhi, Sekhpur. Along with non-drinking,

they advocated the use of spinning wheel in 1920s and 1930s.

Gandhian programme of Khadi and Prohibition influenced the

local belief to such an extent that Chodhra tribe split into

two factions. The followers of Gnadhi and Bhakti cult were

known as Varjelas while the orthodox section which continued

to follow traditional rituals, custom and way of life came

t b k S . la 73 o e nown as arJe s.

Before the emergence of the Congress Socialists as an

ideological platform within Congress, Congress through its

welfare and reform work was enjoying considerable sway on

the Bhils of Panch Mahals. Congress used in its endeavour

a reformist organization-Bhil Sewa Mandal under the leadership

74 of Thakkar Bapa. Congress tried to mix certain reform measures

with the economic demands of adi vas is and tried to establish

a political linkage with the adivasis on the basis of nationalist

73. Gansh yam Shah, Socio-Economic Study of Choudras A Re-Study, 1977, pp.34-38.

74. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. Pandya, Oral transcript, Sharma on April 28, 1981.

3' NMML,

1936 and Interview

Kamalashankar by Hari Dev

mlt with r:eoistence fror.t tho Hightists und un intenso

struggle to control the crganioation onsuea.

145

In 1934. the uooiallsts hacl emerged as un impm:tant

section within the Cong.cess in t·Llebar·.-:'i"hoy figured

pr'omlnontly in the list of delegutea to the Doma.by aoasion

of the Indian National Congzess.110 ln the same yea~:.

a Labour aub..Canmittee was formecl for the first time o.ncl

resolutions wore ~saea exten<ling au!'i)Ort fox the trade

union mowment.111 'l'hat this was not tho effort of a

few incliv1duals is cleaz: from the resolution _)asaea by the

Chirakkal and i?OilllUDl Taluk Congzeaa Ccnr.titteo condemning

the attitude of tho factory owners in l?cr:oke and congro

tuluting the woz:ker:s on strike·.112 The shift in the

attitude ·Q! many Congress man is discernabla fi'CID the

ap,EXlu1s they I!DOO to the ~~orkars. peasants and other sactins \

of the society to join t~ conoross as it was un organlsa•

tion trying to reoove tho inequalitlos betwoeo tho rich and

tho poor.1'-3

'l'he Rightists disapproved o! such· o.ctivitias of

the Socialists am differences <ie'leloped botwoen tho 'l'wo

sections in the Congress. \I

In 1935. after tho ~ighth lterala

\

110. P • ~Jaruyanan t-tair • gp.sit,.. P• 142.\

111. ihi,c.c. Pupezos. P-ls. 1934•36.

112. tia!:tJiubhumJ.. 27 and 28 A!%11. 1935, 113. %b1da• 9.16.17.21 April. 8 and 16 nay. ·1935,

98

taluka in 1940. The rules were designed to reform marriage

ceremony including the problem of widow-remarriage, divorce

and Khandadia (service marriage) , to curb the expenditure

in marriage and death ceremonies, and to eradicate the problem

of untouchability. The clauses regarding removal of untouchability

were indicator of influence of Gandhi. 78 Gamit tribe 1 s represen-

tatives had also passed a similar kind of draft of rules to

be followed by the members of their tribe through a number

of meetings. The proposals included reforms in marriage cere-

monies including imposition of a limit on marriage expenditure,

abolition of system of Ghar-Jamai (system of son-in-law staying

with his father-in-law after marriage), Khand adia system (or

service-marriage), a ban on dancing ceremonies, acceptance

of vegetarian food habits and use of Swadeshi or home made

textiles and other articles. 79 The provision regarding use

of Khadi and other swadeshi goods clearly reflected the influence

of Gandhi on the adi vas is.

David Hardiman thinks that the political significance

of varjela/sarjela divide among the adivasis ceased to exist .. in 1930s as the tribal tenants started their common struggle

against the exploitative system. According to him, as a result

of new emergent consciousness, they became less concerned

. th th t l f th . 1· . 8 O Th · Wl e s y e o e1r 1 v1ng. 1.s was, however, not

78. P.G. Shah, op. cit., pp.l23-24.

79. Ibid., pp.l27-28.

80. David Hardiman, The Coming of Devi, 1987, pp.212-l4.

99

necessarily true in all cases. The emergence of Gulia Maharaj

movement among the Bhils of West Khandesh clearly shows

the adi vasi concern for their way of living. As late as 1940,

the echo of Varjela-Sarjela controversy could still be heard

in some tribal areas. In East Khandesh, where Bhil Sew a

Mandal was actively engaged in the work of uplift of adivasis,

ad vacating prohibition, a meeting of the Bhils was organised

by the Mandal to welcome the Governor of Bombay during

his visit to the district. One Bhil Patil was instructed to

speak that they wanted closure of all liquor shops. As soon

as the speaker had finished his speech, there was an indignant

repudiation of the speaker from many sides and a violent

controversy emerged the issue. 81 over

Another major reform movement which changed the life

of many Bhils in this period was initiated by Gulia Bhamda

of Marwad village in Taloda taluka of West Khandesh. He was

popularly known as Gulia Maharaj. He came to be regarded

as a saint by the Bhils of adjoining villages. Advasis flocked

to have his 1 Dar shan 1 • He visited many Bhils hamlets ad vising

the Bhils not to drink or eat meat. The Bhil women were

advised to use bangles and Kumkum on their forehead.82 Gulia

81. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated 4 Feb. 1940 in Linli thgow Papers , Vol. 54.

82. Weekly Report of Dist. Magistrate, West Khandesh, dated 9th June, 1938 in Home/Sp.F.982, 1938-43.

100

attempt to reform the way of life of the Bhils made great

impact in the area. When he died on July 9th, 1938, about

10 to 12 thousand Bhils came to have his last 83 Darshan.

Many Bhils stopped drinking due to his preaching. The result

was that excise department suffered a loss of Rs. 22,000 on

account of duty on 11,000 gallons of liquor even in a short

period (June-July, 1938). One liquor dealer of Taloda suffered

a loss of Rs. 44,000 in two months time. Bhils constructed a

tomb of Gulia at Marwad to keep the spirit of reform alive. 84

Gulia had spent about 12 years at Pandharpur, performing

penance before returning to his village Marwad to initiate

reforms at the end of May, 1938. He led a very rigorous

puritanical life. After his death, his younger brother Ramdas

took up the mantle of his elder brother. Although Gulia died

after a short period of preaching, his influence spread very

fast. On August 9, 1938, more than 20,000 Bhils gathered

at Marwad to worship the saint. 85

Influence of the saint was

felt in Taloda, Shahda, Nandurbar, Navapur Sakri talukas

and in the adjoining regions of Nasik district. After his death,

Adi vas is listened to the discourses of Ramdas Maharaj. In

every Bhilati one could see the red flags which were symbols

83. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, dated 20th July, 1938.

84. Weekly Report, DM, West Khandesh, dated 4th April,1938.

85. Special Report of Collector and DM, West Khandesh about Gulia Maharaj and his younger Brother Ramdas, dated Aug. 9th, 1938 in Home/Special F.982, 1938-43.

101

of Gulia Maharaj. After the death of Gulia, voluntary Hartal

was observed by all the shopkeepers of Taloda. Two Bohri

traders who did not respond to Hartal, were socially boycotted

by the Bhils. 86

After the death of Gulia Maharaj, a process

of deification was started through rumours. Many of his followers

believed that Gulia did not die and was simply concealing himself.

In the second week of August, a large congregation of about

30,000 Bhils did obeisance to Ramdas who was standing on

a raised platform, as Romans used to do to Pope at Saint

Peters in medieval days. They started performing Arti at

Gulia 1 s Samadhi. 87

On August 9, 1938, Mangesh Babhuta Patil

( MLA Congress) of Shahda, S. V. Thakkar of Dhulia and Mohini

Raj Deshmukh of Shahda approached the Bhil congregation

at Marwad. The Congress leaders failed to convince an assembly

of around 20,000 Bhils, who told them that they had no belief

in Congress and that their Guru Gulia was the ablest man.

The Congress leaders were not allowed to hold a to 88

mee mg.

In order to gain faith of Bhils, Congress ministry declared

West Khandesh as dry area. But the consumption of liquor

had already declined in the district due to role played by

Gulia Bhagwan Movement. 89 The largest congregation of Bhils

86. ReEort of Mamlatdar of Taloda to the Collector of West Khandesh, 7 Aug., 1938.

87. ReEort of Collector and DM, West Khandesh, Aug. 16' 1938.

88. Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, 18 Aug., 1938.

89. Bombay Chronicle, 30 Aug., 1938.

102

was held at Marwad in the last week of August, when around

60,000-70,000 Bhils visited Gulia 1 s Samadhi to pay their homage.

The local Conress leaders, after their failure to hold. meeting

at the site of congregation, started visiting villages. In the

village meetings at Sundarpur, Amdad and Khapre in the Nawapur

Peta, they advised the Bhils to abstain from drinks.. In their

speeches, they gave referenc·es to the services of Gulia Maharaj. 90

But the influence of the movement proved short-lived and

started waning after September. In the middle of September,

only 16,000-17,000 Bhils visited Samadhi while on October

24, only 6, 000-7,000 people came for the congregation. 91 Congress

leaders made another attempt on November 21 to preach the

principles of Congress organisation to a gathering of 4, 000

Bhils at the time of Arti ceremony at Marwad but Ramdas

did not allow them to speak saying that they had nothing

to do with Congress principles or propaganda. 92

The Congress and Bhil Sewa Mandal used the opportunity

created by the waning influence of Gulia to establish its own

political influence. Bhil Sew a Mandal organized Panch committees

90. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh,. Sept. 1, 1938.

91. Weekly Reports of DM, West Khandesh, Sept. 22 and Nov. 3, 1938.

92. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 30 Nov. 1938.

103

to settle private disputes in 29 villages of Talod.a taluka.

S. V. Thakkar of Bhil Sew a Manda! took a leading part in the

formation of these Panch Committees. 93

The followers of Ramdas

organised personal assaults, looting of houses and destruction

of crops of their opponents to check declining influence of

the movement. Assaults on 4 Gujars, one Bhil and one Koli

were reported from Taloda and Nandurbar talukas. There was

a fear-psychosis among agriculturists that their crops would

be looted away by the Dindiwallas or close associates of Ramdas

Maharaj. In some areas, bands of people organised between

themselves with a view to prohibit people from attending

the Arti ceremony at Marwad. 94 Depsite the attempts of Police

to check violence and looting of Dindiwallas or Artwallas against

non-followers, there were 31 casualties upto 13th November,

1941 of which 6 had proved 95 fatal. But attacks were not

one-sided. In an incident, some 300 non-follower Bhils from

various villages armed with axes, lathis and spears raided

the hosue of Kal ya Bhil - one of the chief disciples of Gulia

at Talamba village. The inmates of house were severly beaten

up, the relics and insignia of Gulia Maharaj were also destroyed,

and disciples of Gulia were forced to eat cooked meat which

93.

94.

95.

Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, 12 July, 1939.

Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, Dec.6, 1939; and Annual Police Administration Report, Bombay, 1941' PP· 62-63.

R. K. Mandalik to dated 17th Nov. 1941; and Weekly 1941.

the Advisor to Governor of Bombay, 1941; Janam Bhumi, dated 13th Nov.

--;;--::::-,.-::---o---Letter of DM, West Khandesh, 13 Oct. ,

104

the raiders had brought with them. In the attack, Bhogia

Bhil who had got skull fracture, died sub seq uentl y. The same

band of non-followers attacked two more houses in the village

in the same manner. The District Magistrate · banned the Arti

ceremoney as l f h . 'd t 96 a resu t o sue mel en s. In another case

about 100 Artiwalla.s attacked Fugira Bhil at Karde village,

chased him when he tried to escape and brutally murdered

him. The group met at the Police Patel 1 s house and declared

that if anybody would dare to inform police, he would be

burnt alive. Such was terror of Artiwallas that the incident

was reported to the police through an anonymous letter after

97 a lapse of three weeks.

When the use of force did not help Ramdas Maharaj

to regain his lost ground, Ramdas attempted a new tactics. He

recruited a number of unmarried young Bhil girls for his sect.

As a result of this a large number of youngmen were attracted

towards the movement. The District Administration issued order

under

girls

District Police Act, prohibiting the entry of

98 into Marwad village of Taloda taluka. Congress

33 such

activists

ad vised in their village meetings, both the followers and

non-followers of Gulia to restrain themselves and refrain from

96. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter, No. 44, dated 8 Nov. 1941.

97. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter, No.46, dated 22 Nov.1941.

98. District Magistrate to Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., dated 27th Nov. 1941; and DSP, West Khandesh to Secretary, Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., dated C. Dec. 1941.

105

d . 99 row y1sm. The prohibition order on Arti was extended in

August 1942. On 4th August, 1942 when Anniversary of Gulia

Maharaj was celebrated, S. V. Thakkar, Secretary of Bhil Sewa

Mandal obtained signature of a number of Bhils on an application

for permission to perform Arti at Marwad. The application

was submitted to District Magistrate for consideration who

refused permission for Arti. It was obvious, however, that

Arti spirit continued to . 100 ex1.st. The followers of Ramdas

who had been externed from the district, entered the district

in February, 1943 with the object of performing Arti at Marwad.

On 28th February 1943, 200 of them visited Borad village

in Taloda taluka and went away after shouting slogans and

making some purchases. Fearing trouble, a contingent of 75

·1· t d t M d t Art· l O l ml. 1 ary men was poste a arwa to preven 1. .ceremony.

On 2nd March, 1943, about 300 adult male followers of Ramdas

were rounded off after a clash of Police with Artiwallas Party.

In the confrontation 14-15 Bhils were killed and many received

injuries. On the police side only three policemen sustained

injuries. After the clash 291 Bhils (adult males) were captured

but 278 women and 200 children who were with the Artiwalla

band were not arrested. The day before this, a police sub-

inspector of Taloda who had received information about the

whereabouts of Ramdas and his followers in a nullah in Satpura

99. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 1st April, 1942.

100. Weekly Report of DM, Wr:st Khandesh, 15th Aug., 1942.

101. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 1st March, 1943.

106

hills, went there with police Patil of Tal ve village. The

Artiwallas asked him to go away if he wanted to be alive

and send 1 white people 1 to them. Next day, when the police

party appraoched them, the Bhils started shooting arrows

with slogans of 1 Ramdas Maharaj ki Jai 1 and 1 Gandhi Maharaj

ki Jai 1 • In reply the police fired 128 rounds against the

Bhils who were armed with their traditional weapons like

swords, spears, axes, dharias, arrows, sickles and cudgels,

etc. The Artiwalls had only

Bhils, 162 were cultivators and

102 one gun. Among the captured

103 111 were landless labourers.

Later on cases against all the arested Bhils except for 20

ring leaders were withdrawn. The ring leaders who were sen-

tenced to various terms of imprisonment by Assistant Session

Judge of Dhulia, were also acquitted in appeal by the Session

Judge of Dhulia. The movement of these ring leaders, however,

was restricted by District Magistrate to certain areas of Dhulia

taluka. 104

Criminal Tribe Settlement Agitation, Sholapur:

The Criminal Tribe Act of 1871 had provided for registering

all the members and any member of such tribes declared

102. DSP Confidential Letter to DM, West Khandesh, dated 5th March, 1943; and Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow dated March 18-23, 1943.

103. Letter from Sepcial Officer for Bhil Uplift, West Khandesh to Collector of West Khandesh, dated 19th June, 1943, in Home/Special F.982~ 1938-43.

104. Weekly Report of OM, West Khandesh, 5th January,l944.

107

as 11 criminal tribes 11 • It also required the ret~istered members

to report themselves to the Police authority at fixed intervals

and to notify his place of residence and any change or intended

change of residence and any absence or intended absence from

his residence. Any contravention of such laws was met with

severe punishment. 105 These restrictive clauses on the movement

of tribal people often led to their harrassment by the village

Patil and Police officials. 106 Occasionally, resentment was

expressed by the people against application of provisions

of Criminal Tribes Act. For instance, trial of a Koli tenant

of Pelhar village who was charged under criminal tribes Act

for failure to appear before the Magistrate of Bassein, led

to a considerable excitement in the villages near Basse in.

Police Patel of Pelhar expressed his ignorance of the provisions

of Criminal Tribes Act and said that the accused was a honest

tenant cultivator who had not committed any offence for the

last six 107 years. The Act was amended by Criminal Tribes

Settlement Act ( 1908) , by application of which Government

thought of reforming the criminal tribesmen.. The Act provided

for settling of convicted members of tribes in a special settle-

105.

106.

Y.C. Simhadri, op. cit., pp.29-30.

Ibid. , p. 34, see also, Report of the Criminal Tribes ~~------~~-~--~----~------~7 Act Enquiry Committee, 1939, pp.40-41, for abuses of

this prov1s1on of regular 1 hazeri 1 by village Patels. It was used to exact forced labour from the tribal under threats by the Patels.

107. Bombay Chronicle, Oct. 18, 1935.

108

ment, to teach them work-habits under the control of special

ff. 108

o 1cers. The Act affected near 1 y 15 lakhs tribals in the

province of whom about 11,000 were already in 109 settlements. •

The total population of settlers and 1 free colonies 1 in 19 3 7

was more than 15, 000; out of these 8, 231 were pure settlers,

of whom 2, 233 men, 72 7 women and 104 1 half-timers 1 (children)

were employed in spinning and weaving mills, railway workshops

and factories. Others were engaged in road -making, metal

breaking, lumbering, field labour and casual labour. The popu-

lation in 'free colonies 1 attached to settlement was 7 ,212.

The settlers were kept under double wire enclosures under

conditions of slavery whereas people in 1 free colonies 1 were

kept under single wire enclosures under slightly less strict

conditions. Sholapur settlement was the largest settlement

with a population of about 3,500-4,000. 110 The other major

settlements in the province were Hubli, Gadag, Ahmedbad,

Belgaum, Bijapur, Baramati, Mundawa, Ambarnath, Khanapur,

N ira Project, Dhulia and J alga on. The release of wandering

tribals to villages was strongly discouraged, in order to save

them from reverting to their former wandering and criminal

h b •t 111 a 1 s. In the settlements Kaikadis, Bhamptas, Mang Garudis,

108.

109.

110.

111.

Y.C. Simdhari, op. cit., pp.32-33.

K.M. Munshi to Mahadev Desai, dated 14th Sept. in K.M. Munshi Papers.

1934

Annual Administrative Report Regarding the Criminal Tribes Act, 1937, Home Dept. , Govt. File No.P.312(a), E Branch, Pt>·2-4.

Ibid., pp.l8-25.

working of of Bombay,

109

Bhats and Haranshikaris were the main tribesmen, besides

Bhils, Waddars, Ramoshis, Mangs, Waghris, Dharalas, Hun,

Kolis, Berads, Lamanis, Thakurs and Katkaris, t 112 e c. In

a number of cases, honest people were also brought to the

settlements. A number of Mang Garudis who were in cattle

dealing business were brought to the Sholapur settlement.

One Juza Bahadur Pardhi in Sholapur settlement was a cultivator

in village Moghlau and Laxman Pandu Gaikwad owned two farms

at Sarore and Chikoli villages. 113 All sorts of physical punish-

ments were inflicted upon them and they were not allowed

114 to move out of settlement after 7 P.M.

Communist agitators started taking interest in Sholapur

criminal tribes settlement in August, 1937. Their initial move

was to enroll them for the Red Flag Union. R. C. Karadkar

held two meetings of settlers on 23rd and 26th August respectively

in which the Congress promise of humane treatment of settlers

was reiterated and an office of Red Flag Union (R. F. U.) was

opened to receive complaints from the settlers. 115 Jawaharlal

Nehru had already declared his sympathetic inclination towards

ciminal tribesmen in his speech in October, 1936 at Nellore.

He said: "I am aware of this monstrous provision of Criminal

112. Ibid.

113. Bombay Chronicle, 23 Oct. 1937.

114. Bombay Sentinel, 15 Sept. 1937.

115. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No.35, dated 4 Sept., 1937.

110

Tribes Act which constitutes a negation of civil liberty. Wide

publicity should be given to its working and an attempt made

to have the Act removed from Statute Book. No tribe could

be classified as criminal as such and the whole principle

is out of consonance with all civilized principles of criminal

. 116 justice and treatment of offenders •.• 11

Communists must have been aware of Nehru 1 s views on

criminal tribes because in a series of meetings on 4, :, , 6

and 7 Septemb~r, 1937 in which attendance of settlers varied

from 150 to 400, the settlers were continuously encouraged

to be aware that all Congress workers were behind them and

will help them in abolition of jail like settlements in which

tribesmen were treated like slaves. As a result of this agitation

settlement officer became so anxious that he ordered transfer

of three active settlers from the settlement on September 7th,

1937. 117

District Magistrate was also contemplating action against

B. T. Ranadive, Mr. and Mrs. Karadkar, Channusing and Arnbadas

118 Parikh for speeches made by them.

After a few days lull, on 12th September, another important

meeting was held attended by 500 people. A charter of demands

116. Cited in Y.C. Simhadri, op. cit., p.35.

117. Report of the Police Sub-Inspector, I. B., Sholapur dated Sept. 8, 1937 in Home (Special)- Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.543 (82), 1937.

118. Ibid.

111

was framed for action. The demands were -

( l) The settlers should not b.e employed in quarries,

and in case they are employed, they should be paid a monthly

wage of Rs. 20;

(2) Those working for the municipal work and quarries

should get a holiday every week;

(3) Transferred settlers should be brought back to

the settlement;

( 4) Punishments like separating wives and husbands

and children I parents should be stopped;

( 5) Settlers should be allowed to go out of the settlement

till 9 P.M.;

( 6) Settlers should be free to become memebrs of

R. F. U. , Congress and other associations; and

( 7) Repeal of Criminal Tribes Act or complete change

0 "t 119 ln 1 •

S.S. Batliwala also addressed this meeting. In his speech

he reminded the settlers that K. M. Munshi, the Home Minister

himself had been to jails and had suffered lathi charge and

would surely help them to end this oppression. He raised

hopes that within ten days their fencing would be removed.

A Committe was appointed by the Congress ministry

to report on changes necessary to be introduced in the policy

119. Bombay Sentinel, 15th Sept., 1937.

112

and law relating to criminal tribes and to investigate into

their grievances. The Committee consisted of N.G.Joshi, G.K.

Chi tale, Abdul Latif Haji H.Khan, K.B.Antrolikar, Fulsimhji

B.Dhabi, C.S.Devadhar, and K.M.Munshi. Open agitation ceased

in Sholapur settlement after the appointment of this Committee. 120

But soon, after some time, agitation resumed. The feeling

among the settlers that Congress was in power and would readily

assist them, was used by the Communists. This emboldened

the settlers. In a meeting on 29th September, 1937 attended

by 600 settlers, one settler activist took a active part in

leading the settlers, carrying the Red Flag, blowing the bugle,

shouting slogans. At the end of meeting he led a group of

settlers into the settlement gate shouting slogans. He threw

stone at the guard of the gate, his symbolic expression of

rebellion against the Criminal Tribes Act. The stone knocked

off the cap of the guard. He was locked up for the night

for breach of discipline. 121 At this stage, the comunist agitators

started developing a feeling of resentment against the Congress

ministry. The formation of Enquiry Committee was dubbed

as a compromise with the enemies of Mahatma Gandhi. i.e.

the Khan Bahadurs and Rao Bahadurs who were made members

this Committee. These people were compared with dogs. As

120.

121.

Home (Special) Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.543(82), 1937 and Weekly Confidential Report, OM, Sholapur, 23rd Sept. 1937.

OM, Sholapur Letter to the Secretary of the Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept. (Special), dated in Home (Special) F.543 (82), 1937.

29th Sept. , 19 3 7 ,

113

tension started mounting, District Magistrate order banned

processions, meetings, etc. in the settlement area after October

2, 1937.122

Despite the ban, the Communist agitators con~inued

to hold meeting's throughout October and their ione became

more bitter. The agitation, however, remained peaceful and

the agitators expressed their desire not to trouble the Congress

0 0 t 123 A 0 f 0 h ld 0 l h lf ml.nl.s ry. ser1.es o meetmgs were e m ear y a

of November 1937. In a meeting of 500 settlers on 8th November,

S. G. Sardesai and R. G. Karadkar ad vised the settlers not to

give any trouble to B.G.Kher during his proposed visit to

the settlement, and to decorate the settlement to welcome him

so that an impression may be generated that they (tribesmen)

were followers of the Congress. But even Kher 1 s visit, who

was acused of having betrayed the settlers, failed to satisfy

the agitators.124

Meanwhile, three more active settlers were

ordered to be transferred on 9th November. On next day,

when these men and their families along with their kids were

being removed, a crowd of 1, 500 settlers created a disturbance.

The settlers stoned the settlement officers, who were forced

to seek shelter. An armed police party ha.d to be posted

at the settlement to restore peace. A case was also registered

against 9 active settlers and fresh orders banning meeting,

122. Ibid.

123. Ibid.

124. Ibid.

114

etc. were . d 125 l.SSUe • K.M. Munshi wrote about the riot and

1 break the wire of settlement 1 slogan of the communists that

11 The result was that the criminal tribes settlers, ignorant

and impulsive people, created violent distutbance in the settle-

ment itself... These tribes have an inveterate tendency to

commit crimes. • • Their (i.e. communists) idea was to create

disturbance in the settlement and through it create facilities

for l t "k 126 a genera s r1 e ••• The press also echoed the sentiment

expressed by Munshi. The Bombay Chronicle wrote: 11 While

the Bombay Congress ministry is earnestly engaged in liquidating

the evil legacy left to it by previous governments in respect

of criminal tribes. • • it is highly regretted that certain persons

in Sholapur should go on spreading all sorts of false reports

about the intention of the ministry.. • Certain elements which

are hostile to the Congress seem to care little for the conse-

quences of th . t" "t" .. 127 e1r ac 1v1 1es. The Times of India was more

harsh in its criticism of the incident. It blamed the communists

for 11 sowing seed of discontent among ignorant people, who

as a consequence indulged in violence at the least provocation

or imaginery grievance •. 11128 Abdul Karim Lunje, the Secretary

of Sholapur City Congress Committee, condemned the role of

125. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No.46, dated 20 Nov. 1937.

126. K. M. Munshi to Mahadev Desai, dated 14th Sept., 1937 in K.M. Munshi PaEers.

127. Bombay Chronicle, 13 Nov. 1937.

128. Times of India, 15th Nov. 1937.

115

K. M. Munshi in tackling the problem of criminal tribes settlement

and praised the settlers for showing self-restraint in presenting

their case to the Congress Ministry. The city Congress Working

Committee protested against Lunje 1 s statement and he resigned

from the secretaryship of the Committee. 129

Meanwhile, the

issue of criminal tribes was sidetracked due to the comminist 1 s

agitation regarding release of the political prisoners including

those convicted in November 13th Settlement Rioting Case.

The Communist agitators planned a general strike in Sholapur

on 14th February, 1938 to press for the demand which was

countered by a call of general strike by the Congress on 13th

February, 1938. 130 Despite the precautions of the administration

and ad vice of the Congress activists, more than 300 settlers

struck work in the Mills (out of a total number of 600 employed

in the Mills) on the day of general strike on 14th February,

1938. 131 It was, however, flogging of one member of criminal

tribe named Gangaram Chavan, who was an active member of

R. F. U. and arrested on 14th February general strike, in the

Bijapur jail which embarassed the Congress ministry. Gangaram

Chavan was given 1C 1 class jail and under the jail regulation

was req'uired to grind 30 lbs. of corn daily. He deliberately

129. Bombay Sentinel, 1st Dec., 1937.

30 Nov.1937; and Bombay Chronicle,

130.

131.

DM, Shola pur, Letter to The Secretary Home Dept. Govt. of Bombay, dated 12th Feb.,l938; and Telegram from Collector, Sholapur to Secretary, Home (Special) Dept., dated 14th Feb. , 1938.

Telegram from to the Govt. 1938, in Home

the Backward Class Officer to the Secretary of Bombay, Home· D~, dated 14th Feb.,

(Special) F.543(82), Part I, 1937-38.

116

avoided grinding the complete quota and went on hunger strike

with 12 other prisoners from the criminal settlement, demanding

status of political prisoners. As a result of this, he was

flogged for the breach of jail discipline. The government

promised that such ugly case will not be repeated. 132 Imprison-

ment of all the main communist agitators of Sholapur created

a gap in the political arena for nine months. 133 When after

their release, the communist agitators re-intervened in the

political process, and tried to revive the agitation at Sholapur

settlement and at Hotgi settlement in May-June, 1938, the agitation

134 did not evoke the same response.

132. Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Case of Flogging of Gangaram Chavan, a prisoner of Bijapur Jail, Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., 1938.

133. Governor of Bombay to Brabourne, dated 15th Aug., 1 9 3 8 in Linli thgow Papers , Vol. 52.

134. Weekly reports of DM, Sholapur, dated 9th May, 19th and 27th June, 1939.

117

The Criminal Tribes Act Enquiry· Committee submitted

its 1 report to the government in 1939. While suggesting a

few minor changes in the working of the Act, like leniency

in taking Hazeri and its gradual relaxation, to provide some

recreational and sanitary facilities in the settlements, and

review the criminality of certain tribes such as Berads, Bhils,

Kolis, Lamanis, Wadars and Waghris, and the denotification

of a few tribes such as Bagdis, Chapar-bands, Futgudis,

Vanjaris; the Enquiry Committee stressed the need of maintaining

the Criminal Tribes Act and settlements. 135 Such an attitude

was due to internalisation of ethics of the higher social groups

and their stereotypes regarding the behaviour of the 11 Criminal

Tribes 11• So the Committee wrote about the Criminal Tribes

Act ( 1911 Amendment) 11 The main objective of the "Criminal

Tribes Act was to safeguard the rights of society against

the anti -social influences. It 1 s secondary aim was the reformation

of the Criminal Tribes - a reformation, which, in early stages,

had to be carried out against the will of it 1 s 136 members. 11

The same 11 civilized 11 behaviour prevailed upon the gentlemen

of the Enquiry Committee when they analyzed the Sholapur

settlement agitation. They wrote: 11 The Criminal Tribes by

heredity and temperament fall an easy prey to any irresponsible

agitation which does not impose self-control. The restlessness

and criminal tendencies of these tribes easily lead to violent

135. Report of the Criminal Tribes Act Enquiry Committee, 1939, pp. 29-57.

136. Ibid., p.26.

118

activities and are likely as they did in Sholapur, to create

a formidable problem in the life of industrial town. n137

Mandavi Taluka Tenant 1 s Struggle 1938-39

As pointed out earlier in Chapter I, in most of the

cases, the Kaliparaj tribal people had lost their lands to

the Banias and Brahmin Sahukars. The Kaliparaj people of

this region among whom Choudra tribals were numerically pre-

dominant were heavily indebted to the Sahukars. The Choudras

cultivated practically all the lands in the Mandavi taluka

on crop-sharing basis, except for a few cases where lands

were cultivated on cash-rent basis. Most of the Bania and

Brahmin Sahukars were absentee landlords who lived "in Kasba

villages such as Mandavi, Bhodem and Kadod. Apart from

50 per cent of crop share (known as 1 Ardhel 1 system of crop-

sharing), Sahukar-landlords charged several other illegitimate

to 138 exac 1.ons. Indulal Yagnik was very active in this part

of Surat district. Certain temporary relief. measures of the

Congress ministry created an appropriate atmosphere for mass

moblilization by Kisan Sabha especially on the slogan of reduc-

tion of 1Ganot 1 or rent from 50 per cent of produce to H

137. Ibid., p.58.

138. Confidential Letter from Asstt. Collector to Collector·. of Surat, dated 26th Oct., 1938 in Home/Special F.800(53)-B, Part III, 1939.

139 times the land revenue.

119

Indulal Yagnik informed the Collector regarding the Kisan

Sabha instruction to the Raniparaj cultivators of Mandavi taluka

for withholding the payment of rent, pending the passage

of the Rent Bill in the Bombay Legislative Assembly. 14° Kisan

agitation was very active in some Kaliparaj villages like Amba-

pardi, Untewa, Parvat, Tuked, Kasal and Nandpur. When harves-

ting of paddy started in late October and landlords went

to demand their share, the Raniparaj tenants refused to pay

their usual share~ They were, however, willing to pay H times

of land revenue as rent. It appeared as though the writ of

Yagnik was running in these villages. Without his permission,

tenants refused to pay a grain of crop or a pie of rent to

the Sahukars. In case of infringement of decision of withholding

of payment of rent, the village Panch threatened to fine Rs.50.

Collector of Surat warned the Raniparaj people of illegal nature

141 . of their rent strike. In one or two cases, where the tenants

paid rent to the landlords under pressure, they were fined

by the village Panch. 142 In a Kisan meeting at Godwadi village

139. Indulal Yagnik, p. 120.

Atam Katha (in Gujarati), Vol.5, 1971,

140. Weekly Report of DM, Surat, dated 20th Oct., 1938.

141. Indulal Yagnik, A tam Katha, pp.142·-46; Bombay Chronicle, dated 2 and 3 Dec. 1938; and Letter from Asstt. Collector ( Bardoli Camp) to Collector of Surat, dated 20th Oct., 1938 in Home/Special F.800(53)-B, Part III, 1939.

142. Confidential Letters from Asstt. Collector to the Collector of Surat, dated 26th Oct. , 19 38.

120

on 9th November, 1938, many Sahukars from Kadod, Mandavi

and other places tried to create disruption. The small group

of 200 tenants was outnumbered by 600 outsiders and when

Yagnik wanted to start the meeting, the Party of Sahukars

raised cries of 11 Vande-Matram 11 ' 11 Gandhiji Ki Jai 11 a.nd 11 Sardar

Vallabhbhai Ki Jail'. In reply Yagnik asked the Kheduts to

sing Bhajans. The local Congress leader Prem Shankar Bhatt

who was present there, asked the Sahukars to listen to Y agnik

patiently. When Yagnik started again, frequent interruptions

Were made by the Sahukars. l 43 A "t t· k t 1· b g1 a 10n was ep a 1ve y

a series of public meetings in the villages. Kisan meetings

were held at Pardi and Parvat on 6 and 7 December, 1938

respectively. A big Kisan meeting of about S, 000 accorded

welcome to D.M. Pangarkar who was released from jail. D.M.

Pangarkar gave solid support to Yagnik in organising the Rani-

paraj people. In their meetings they exhorted them not to

pay their dues till March, 1939 because in March, 1939 they

were expecting. a bill on Rent Regulation. Swami Shajanand

also addressed a large meeting of 5,000 Raniparaj cultivators

December 17th, 1938' at Amba-Pardi. 144 But unfortunately, on

143. Letter from Police Sub-Inspector, Mandavi to DSP, Surat, dated lOth November, 1938.

144. Bombay Secret Abstracts, dated lOth Dec., 1938; Bombay Sentinel, dated 9 Dec., 1938; Bombay Chronicle, lOth Dec., 1938; Weekly Report. of DM, Surat, dated 22nd Dec., 1938; and Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No. 50, dated 17th Dec., 1938; and Yagnik, Atam Katha, ~ cit., pp.l42-l46.

121

some local Congress workers were touring the taluka besides

the government officials explaining to the tenants how the

movement was detrimental to their interests. 145

In all 18 Kisan

meetings were held in the taluka in Nov-Dec, 1938. During its peak,

the agitation was very strong in villages like Amba-Pardi,

Parvat, Karudi, Untewa, Vantol, Mandvikuwa, Irotha and Malka.

But a series of legal actions by the authorities curbed the

intensity of the movement. In all 59 rent-decrees were obtained

by the Sahukars, 4 criminal cases were launched against 56

Ch d t .. t 146 ou ras ac 1v1s s. Most of these rent-suits were decided

in the favour of landlords and decrees were passed. In case

of resistance from tenants against the execution of these decrees,

criminal proceeding were instituted against them. This had

147 a substantial effect in checking the spread of the movement.

In one such case, when on December 31, 1938, Revenue officials

attached 30 maunds of rice from the hut of a Kisan, the villagers

including women and children sacked the rice and put it back

into the Kisan 1 s hut. 21 Kisans including Narsibhai Akhabhai,

Secretary local Kisan Sabha, were arrested in the case. Next

day, 7 more Kisans were arrested for assaulting a landlord 1 s

party when the landlord 1 s party had trespassed on the threshing

145.

146.

~~~.~~ ~. ·~""\

'\ .. t':.i Weekly Report, DM, Surat, 17th Nov., 1938. ~

DSP, Surat, Notes Regarding Kisan Movement, d:at:ed 6th March, 1940 in Home (Special), Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.1019, 1940-41.

14 7. Home Dept. (Special) , (53)-B-V, 1939-41. .

Govt. of Bombay, File No. 800

floor of some 148 tenants.

122

Later on, these 28 kisan activists

were sentenced to 2-3 months of rigorous imprisonment and

were fined Rs.25-30 149 each. The local Congress Committee

and its President Prem Shankar Bhatt also helped the authorities

in tackling the movement by taking legal and suitable action

whenever kisans broke the law. 150

After collapse of the movement, Prem Shankar Bhatt,

the President of taluka Congress Committee, toured the taluka.

In a meeting on 18th May, 1939, he appealed the Choudras

to desist from l~quor and toddy and follow Congress. He also

expressed the view that Kisan Sabha was part and parcel

of the Congress, only the views of Kisan Sabha were diffe-

151 On 17th July, 1939 he organised meeting of Sahukars-rent. a

landlords of Mandavi, where he suggested to an assembly

of 30 Sahukars that they should accept one-third of the produce

as rent. None of the Sahukars responded to this call. Next

day, he again held private discussions with them and was

able to obtain the signature of a few to the effect that six

ann as of produce be paid to them as rent. This was taken

148. Bombay Chronicle, January 9th, 1939.

149. Bombay Sentinel, 16th January, 1939.

150. DSP, Surat, Notes .• , o:e. cit.

151. Weekly Re:eort, DM, Surat, 25th May, 1939.

123

to Bombay for being shown to the Revenue-Minister. 152

The Congress organization followed the policy of settlement

of agrarian class disputes through arbitration. But they also

aimed to obtain the support of the tenants and poor cultivators

by securing some urgently needed concessions in terms of reduc-

tion of rent, etc. The policy had a striking resemblance with

the policy of postponement of agrarian class struggle followed

by the Vietnamese and Chinese Communists during the period

when national liberation struggle had assumed primary impor-

153 tance.

The Kisan leaders Yagnik and D. M. Pangar kar were able

to re-establish their links with the Ranipa1raj cultivators

of the taluka in 1942 only when the Congress activists were

either underground or behind the bars. In a meeting of 700

Raniparaj cultivators on 25th November, 1942 at Devgad, Yagnik,

Narsi Aka and Pangarkar condemned the "zulum" or injustice

of the local forest officers who were attacked for exacting

forced labour, for forcibly taking grain from the people while

collecting revenue, and for taking bribes under threat of removing

152. Weekly Report, DM, Surat, 27th July, 1939.

153. See Ralph Thaxton, 11 The Peasant of Yaocun Memories of Exploitation, injustice and liberation in a Chinese village 11

, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.9, No.1, October, 1981, pp.l-46; and Christine White, "Peasant Mobilization and Anti-Colonial Struggle in Vietnam 11 , in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.lO, No.4, July, 1983, pp. 187-211.

124

them from the forest lands given to them for cultivation.

They also requested them to refrain from the Congress sabotage

activities, saying that the government property was their property

because shortly there would be a Kisan kingdom. 1 !)

4 Similar

propaganda meetings were held at Dadhwada, Gamtalao, Tarapore,

Isar, Regama, Garedia, Patal and Vankla villages. The tribal

cultivators were requested to use legal channels for reduction of

1 Ganot 1 or rent and abolition of forced labour in all these

t. 155

mee mgs. This change in the line of Kisan Sabha was due

to their support to the British war efforts during the war.

Pardi Manal Tenants 1 Struggle 1940

Discontent was simmering in the Dhodia and Naika villages

of Pardi Mahal of Surat for a long time. In this Mahal also

most of the lands belonged to the Sahukars who let it out

to the tribal cultivators on Ardhel crop-sharing basis. The

agitation had root in a land dispute in village Paria in 1937.

A case between a Sahukar and Dhodias had resulted in conviction

of 13 Dhodias who were not in a position to furnish a security

of Rs.200 to avoid one year Rigorous Imprisonment. They approa-

ched Christian missionery at Bulsar for help. This frightened

local Kisan leaders like Thakorbhai Kahandas (he had Arya

154. Police Sub-Inspector, Mandavi, To DSP, Surat, dated 25th Nov., 1942.

155. PSI, Mandavi, to DSP, Surat, dated 23 and 25th Dec., 1942; and 1st March, 1943; Secret Abstracts of Intelligence, Bombay, week ending 6th Feb., 1943.

125

Samajist leanings) and Burjor Vikaji who helped the Dhodias.

When Yagnik and Pangarkar failed in Mandavi, they directed

their energies to this Mahal. They organised their first meeting

at village Paria under the leadership of Zhabwala on 30th

April, 1940. 156 The agitation became very active in villages

around Paria. On 26 January, 1940 a march of about 1,000

tribal cultivators was organised from village Paria to Pardi

Kutchery and then to the Malatdar 1 s office at Bulsar. 15 7

The movement was stronger in the souther parts of Pardi

Mahal. The Sahukars had a tendency there to bring more and

more land under grass. Nearly 1/3 to 1/2 of the land was

already under grass. The price of grass had shot up due

to famine conditions in the Kathiawar and the cost of cultivating

grass was low, which required less labourers. The Sahukars

could make additional income from trees growing in the grass

lands. The conditions of labourers was very difficult. Besides

grass-cutting, they earned their bread through cartage carrying

grass, firewood and charcoal. 158 When Kisan Sabha initiated

a move for the non-payment of rent in the area, many tenants

had already paid their dues. In many cases, therefore, the

156.

157.

DSP, Surat, Notes Regarding Kisan Movement, dated March, 1940; and Indulal Yagnik, _o~P-·~c~i_t_., p.l85.

Bombay Chronicle, 14th Feb., 1940.

6th

158. Letter from DM, Surat to Secretary, Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept. , dated 21 March, 1940.

126

the movement took the form of cutting and burning of hedges,

cutting of trees on the Sahukar 1 s lands and damage to their

mango-crops , t 159 e c. Thakor

for creating interest among

Bhai K.

the tribal

Patel used folk-songs

160 tenants. The Kisans

were also encouraged to carry lathis in the processions. Organi-

sation of local Kisan marches became an effective weapon in

forging solidarity among the cultivators. It created a kind

of festival mood. On 29th February, 1940 a Kisan march was

organised from village Wankas to Vapi. Hundreds of the tribal

culivators marched singing Kisan songs, and shouting anti-Sahukar,

anti -British slogans. In the procession, all the males were

wielding lathis and even a few women had lathis in their

hands. Yagnik, Pangarkar, Thakorbhai K. Patel and Ramjibhai

Chaudri were the main organisers. Many young girls of Pundul,

Koprali, Wankas and Paria also joined the march singing Kisan

songs. The peasants came mainly from villages like Wankas,

Paria, Rata, Pundul, Lavachha, Kawal, Karaya, Dehgam, Ambachh,

Koprali, Nani-Tambadi, Vapi, Kochawa, Bhat-Karwal and Panchlai.

At Vapi, the marchers took special delight in raising anti-

Sahukar slogans in the Sahukar 1 s localities and near the house

of the President of Pardi Taluka Local Board. In the meeting,

the peasants were made aware of the rates of labour, cart,

and bullock hire which the peasant 1 s representatives had

fixed at Wankas the previous day and asked not to do forced

159. Ibid.

160. Weekly Report, DM, Surat, 1 Feb., 1940.

127

labour for the Sahukars. As a result of the agitation, the

local Congress workers were losing support of the tribal culti--

vators. The Sahukars were also dissatisfied with the Congress

because of the Debt Redemption Bill. 161

But the basic weakness

of the Kisan Sabha led agitations was that they were highly

localised and related to specific conditions and grievances.

They fizzled out whenever there was repression from the state

authorities, or when Congress secured some concessions for

the tenants.

The Hali Agitation:

The Hali agitation was inaugurated by the Kisan Sabha

and the Kisan marchers at the Haripura session of Congress.

Earlier the Kisan workers had propogated the idea of freedom

of the Halis in the villages of Surat district. The Kisan workers

raised theslogans like 11 Abolish Hali Slavery 11 at Haripura

Congress session, which earned them abuses from Sardar Patel. 162

Sardar Patel himself feeling embrassed by the existence of

the Hali system in the area of his influence. In January 1939,

in a meeting at village Mota of Bardoli taluka, attended by

a large number of cultivators including 500 women, Patel condem-

ned the practice of keeping Dublas as 11 slaves 11• He tried to

161. Weekly Report and PSI, CID, 1940.

of DM, Surat, Ahmedabad to

dated 28th DSP, Surat,

Feb., 1940; dated 29th

162. Indulal Yagnik, 11 Have Halis been freed 11 Congress Socialist, Vol.IV, No.7-8, dated 19th Feb., 1939.

128

impress upon the villagers that it would disgrace the taluka

if the national leaders who were to attend Working Committee

meeting of Congress at Bardoli, came to know about the practice.

A similar meeting on the theme of Hall-slavery was addressed

by him at Bardoli on 14 January, 1939. The meeting was attended

by 5,000 people. 163 In meeting at Sidhon 23rd January, a on

1939, attended by 4, 500, Sardar Patel was responsible for

a resolution requesting the landholders and the 1 Halpatis 1

to consider themselves equal, and to work for the removal

of the 11 slavery 11 besides abandoning the habits of drinking

and curtailing expenditure on the marriage and death cere

monies.164 In another joint meeting of about 10,000-15,000

landowners and Dubla Halis on 26th January, 1939, a number

of recommendations made by a committee of some village workers

and farmers (in 1938) regarding the emancipation of Halis

were approved. The recommendations were as follows:

163.

(1) Every Hali to be emancipated, the daily wages

to be paid to them at the rate of 4-6 ann as for

the males and 3 ann as for the females;

( 2) Every Hall who had worked on

for 12 years or more to be

from all debts to him;

Weekly Report, DM, Surat, dated 12 Secret Abstracts of Intelligence, Bombay 28th January, 1939.

his master 1 s farm

automatically free

Jan., 1939; and for week ending

164. Secret Abstracts of Intelligence week ending, 4th Feb., 1939.

129

( 3) Such Halls as may have worked less than 12 years

to have credited to their account a 1 /12th of the

debt for every year they have worked;

(4) An anna per day to be deducted from the wage,

in case of men until the debt is repaid;

( 5) Everyone to be declared free from debt on expiry

of 12 years, whether the debt be paid or not;

( 6) Every debt to expire with the debtor 1 s life;

( 7) A Dubla may engage himself on an annual wage

of Rs.80, and Rs.15 may be deducted from his

wage for the repayment of debt due if any;

( 8) A village committee to be appointed to settle all

0 0 0 h d b 165 q uestlons pertammg to t e e ts.

In another joint meeting of the landowners and the Halpatis

of Olpad taluk at Syadala on April 19, 1939, attended by

12,000 people, a similar type of settlement wa.s announced

b K 0 l l D 0 166 I h th 0 h f y ana1.ya a esa1.. n many cases, osever e r1.c armers

167 resisted the implementation of such agreement.

The radical Congressmen were not satisfied with the

settlement. Yagnik pointed out that as the latest borrowing

165. See Note before Gandhi 1 s speech at a meeting of peasants at Bardoli, dated 26th January, 1939 in Mahatma Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 68, p. 333.

166. Bombay Chronicle, 20 April, 1939.

167. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated March 15, 1939, in Linlithgow Papers, Vol.53.

130

was taken into account in calculation of 12 years period; and

as many Dublas went on borrowing every year, only few could

get freedom under the settlement. Moreover, the wage-cut

of one anna for the repayment of debt, would result in more

borrowing by the Hall to meet his family expenditure. 168

Gandhi was also not particularly happy with the pact. In

his speech at Bardoli, where the settlement was endorsed

by a gathering of landowners and Halis, he said - These

resolutions gave me an impression that the peasants in this

part are big business men for, through these resolutions they

have indeed struck a big bargain... What is so great about

paying fair daily wages to the Dublas for the full quota of

work whereas formerly they were made to work as much as

the owners desired? I am greatly impressed by it. According

to me, any men and women must get the minimum wage of eight

annas for eight hours of work... You have fixed three annas

as the wages for women labourers, whereas you will take

the same amount of work from her... Hence, even while congra

tulating you, I tell you that you have struck a. bargain._ .. 169

Such an unjust settlement was bound to create tensions.

Kanayalal Desai advised a meeting of about 300 Halis at Swaraj

Ashram, Bardoli on 16th April, 1939 to stop work if farmers

did not pay them daily 170 wages. The Halpatis in Bardoli

168. Indulal Yagnik, op. cit., in Congress Socialist, Vol. IV, No.?-8, dated 19th Feb., 1939.

169. Mahatma Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol.68, 1968, pp.333-34.

170. Weekly Report, DM, Surat, 27th April, 1939.

131

taluka went on stike on 19th May, 1939 and the landholders

were put to much trouble by this stoppage of work in the

f . ld d . h t' 171 R . Sh k V f K . d' t . t 1e s urmg arves mg. av1 an ar yas o a1ra 1s r1c

was deputed by Sardar Patel to enquire into the trouble.

Vyas addressed a meeting of Halls at Vadoli village advising

them to work and work hard good 172

resume to reap a harvest.

But the strike continued till the end of June. The relations

between Halls and farmers remained strained in many villages

of Bardoli taluka. Only a few Halls attached to the Mohammedan

landlords at Bardoli, Vankaner and Kadod were at peace with

their Dhaniama, working on the old

at village Khoj on 21st June, Nathu

173 terms.

Jina, a

In a meeting

Halpati leader

addressed a meeting of 300 Halls. He advised his brethern

that they should rather spin and weave than go after the

cattle of the Dhaniama. One of the grievances of Hal is was

that the Dhaniamas were calling for work only those Halpatis

who were strong and indebted to them while old and weak.

and those not in debt did not get a call for work. In many

cases, theses who got a call, took up the cause of those

174 not getting a call. In some cases, the trouble was continuing

even in the early 1940. Halpatis of Babla village in Bardoli

171. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No.22, dated 3rd June, 1939.

172. Weekly Re:eort, DM, Surat, 8 June, 1939.

173. Weekly Re:eort, DM, Surat, 29 June, 1939.

174. Ibid.

132

who were on strike resumed work in January, 1940 after the

ad vice of Sanmukhlal Gordhandas, Chhotubhai Gopalji and Uttam

chand of the Bardoli Ashram. 17 5 •

As a result of D. M. Pan gar kar 1 s propaganda, the Bhil

Hali labourers struck work at Sengpur in Ankleshwar taluka

of Broach and Panch Mahals district, on 25 February, 1939

demanding cancellation of outstanding debts, a minimum wage

of 4 annas with two meals. The Bhil panch declared that

those who violated the decision would be penalised by the

Panch. 176 A settlement was reached between landlords and

Halis in Sengpur, Jaitali and Mutali villages but Pangarkar

visit to Sengpur revived the strike. In a meeting of 200 Bhils

on March 14, 1939, Pangarkar and Nanubhai Desai advised

them to continue strike and asked their women to boycott

their males if they failed to act according to their ad vice. 177

This small-scale agitation continued till May, 1939. On May

4, 1939, Pangarkar addressed 500 Bhils at Sengpur and asked

them not to pay a pie of their old dues and work only for

those who paid them 4 annas a day and two meals. 178

175. Weekly Report, DM, Surat, January 11, 1940.

176. Weekly Report, DM, Broach and Panch Mahals, 3 March, 1939.

177.

178.

Week! y Report, DM, Broach 1939; and Bombay Secret Week ending 25 March 1939.

Bombay Provincial Weekly 1939; and Bombay Secret ending 13th May, 1939.

and Panch Mahals, 23 March, Abstracts of Intelligence for

Letter No. 19, dated 12 Abstracts of Intelligence

May, Week

133

Mass Mobilization and Contention for Hegemony:

The different political streams were contending for gaining

influence among the tribal people the main groups among

these were the Congress, the Congress Socialist and the Commu-

nists. The Congressmen were active in providing certain philan-

thropic services to the tribals for a long period before the

arrival of the Congress Socialists and Communists on the scene.

When Kamala Shankar Pandya and other Congress socialist entered

into Panch Mahals villages, Congress was already enjoying

a considerable sway on the Bhil peasants through the work

of Bhil Sewa 179 Mandal. But there was no universal pattern

of supprt for a particular political stream among the tribal

people. They responded according to the hopes and expectations

generated by the various organisations and their own perception

of them.

A conference of Matar taluka peasants in January, 1936

under the leadership of local nationalist leader Dadubhai Desai

failed to attract the support of the poor Dharla cultivators

because the Conference was dominated by middle and rich

180 peasants. The Congress Socialist Conference of Peasants

of the Dohad taluka at Mirakheri under the leadership of

Ramanlal Seth, in January, 1936, ho:werer, attracted about

179. Kamalashankar Pandya, Oral Transcript, op. cit., pp. 7 9-8 0 . -"-!.:..-----=-:~

180. Congress Socialist, Vol.II, No.6, 25 Jan, 1936.

134

3, 000 Bhils. Both the conferences, however, raised similar

demands on abolition of existing land-revenue system, debts,

forced labour, oppressive forest and excise laws, etc.181

The Congress Socialist benefited from the fact that some of

their leading activists in Panch Mahals Mattabhai Damore,

Kittabhai, Gendabhai and Hirabhai hailed from the Bhil peasantry

and could express themselves in their own dialect .. 182

When

Swami Sahjanand was on his Gujarat tour in 1938, Congress

Socialists organised a large meeting of 3, 000-4,000 Bhils at

Limbdi (District Panch Mahals) on 11th February, 1938. Sahjanand

ad vised them to satisfy their needs first and then give produce

to the taluqdars and inamdars. 183

The assumption of power by the 11 popular ministry 11 raised

new hopes among the tribals. When B.G.Kher and Morarji Desai

went to Jhalod in January, 1939, around 5,000 Bhils from

many villages of Jhalod taluka assembled to welcome them.

A word had gone in the Jhalod villages that 11 Gandhi Mahatma

men 11 were expected in Jhalod and that all Bhils are receiving

them. Bhil women in rags with their babies in their arms

joined their menfolk in scorching heat to reach Jhalod. La1aji

Jejaji Munia, a Bhil teacher spoke on behalf of his brethern

181. Ibid.

182. Kamalashankar Pandya, op. cit., p.87.

183. Home (Special ) Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No. 800 (53)-B-Part II, 1938.

135

welcoming 11 people 1 s ministers 11 in the Bhil land and thanked

Congress ministry for their work for the Bhils. B. G. Kher

advised the Bhils to liquidate illiteracy and keep thei villages

184 clean. Bhil Sewa Manda! organised a conference of Bhils,

Pawaras and other tribals of the hilly tracts of Tapi valley

and Satpura hills at Dhadgaon, under Shankar kant Shet (Congress

MLA in Bombay Assembly) in May, 1939. Resolutions seeking

to improve the conditions of tribals were passed by an assembly

of 3, 000 Bhils and 1, 000 others. 185 In the same month, about

2, 000 Warlis and Dublas trudged long distances to attend Thana

District Political Conference at Bordi, along with their women

and children. Dubla children carried portraits of Gandhi and

tri-colour flags and sang songs in crude Maratrli. Ganga Dhar

186 Rao Despande addressed the Conference.

A meeting of 2, 500 men and women Katkaris was held

at Murbad in Thana district, on August 20, 1939. They were

mostly landless labourers who were facing starvation problem

because of withholding of payment of advances of wages by

forest contractors. Thr forest contractors were protesting against

the imposition of a fair wage by the Congress ministry. Katk.aris

discussed their problems in the meeting. 187

184. Bombay Chronicle, 13 Jan., 1939.

185. Bombay Chronicle, 27 May, 1939.

186. Bombay Chronicle, 29 May, 1939.

187. Bombay Chronicle, 26 Aug., 1939.

136

A Bhil Conference held at Dhavali in Chalisgaon taluka

threatened to launch satyagraha throughout Khandesh region

and sent a deputation under D.G. Jadhav, the leader of Indpendent

Labour Party, for demanding grant of forest lands for cultivation,

return of confiscated lands by government, abolition of forced

labour charged by government officials and stopping of compelling

them to report at Police chowkies every day for trivial offences

188 committed 10 or 15 years ago.

Yagnik, Chandulal M. Bhatt, Laxmishankar, G. Pandya,

Ratilal Chandulal Bhatt and Pitamberdas Trivedi organised

a large meeting of about 2, 000 Dharalas of Thasra taluka ( Ahme-

dabad) in the compound of Mamlatdar's office on 15 January,

1940. They demanded reduction in the annewari valuation of

crops as they believed that the annewari prepared by the

petty revenue officials was arbitrary. They also demanded

implementation of the tenancy and debt relief Bills passed

by the Congress ministry and relief to the cultivators due

to scarcity conditions in the taluka. The Dharlas appreciated

that part of speech very much when Yagnik passed sarcastic

comments on government officers. 189 Mamlatdar not only listened

sympathetically to them but also provided spacious matresses


189. PSI, CID, Ahmedabad to DSP, Ahmedabad, Jan., 1940 in Home (Special) Dept., Govt. File No.1019, 1940-41.

dated 16th of Bombay,

within the compound of

Commissioner of Northern

137

the office

Division

for the 190

peasants. The

instructed the Collector

of Ahmedabad to make sure that such meetings were not held

in the Government offices and use police to prevent them if

191 necessary. In another march, about 3 , 500 Dharlas marched from

village Mujkuwa to the office of Mamlatdar in Borsad (Kaira

district). At 9 A.M. a drum was beaten in village Mujkuwa

to rally the peasants and a party of 300 males and 100 Dharala

women marched out of the village with the beating of drums

and playing of bands led by Yagnik, Fulabhai Mohanji and

Mohanjenaji Y agnik was taken on a special de cora ted chariot

drawn by 22 bullocks. The march passed through Asodar,

Ambav and Davol where thousands of Dharala cultivators joined

it from Asodar, Ambav, Narpura, Navakhad, Bheta.si, Kasumbawad,

Karwadi, Ambali, Amrol, Kantharia, Badal, Davol, Jantral

and neighbouring state villages of 192 Umreth. Throughout the

procession Kisans sang songs from a booklet 11 Kisan Ran Git 11

published by Thakorebhai K. Patel while the Dharala women

sang their usual marriage songs. Many of the processionists

were armed with lathis, spears and Dharias. Despite the instruc-

tion of Home Department, not to allow meetings inside the

190. Bombay Chronicle, 14 Feb., 1940.

191. Commissioner, Northern Division, Ahmed bad to the Secretary to the Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., 22 Jan., 1940.

192. Yagnik, op. cit., pp.192-195; and PSI, CID, Ahmedbad to DSP, Kaira, dated 16th Feb., 1940.

138

the Mamlatdar 1 s office, their meeting was held in the compound

of the office. Besides the usual Kisan demands regarding reduction

of annewari and rent in taluqdari villages by 50 per cent

and the implementation of the Tenancy Act and Debt Relief

Bill, the meeting demanded removal of Criminal Tribes Act

and its application to the Dharalas of Kaira district. 193

A large number of adivasis visited the Ramgarh session

of Congress , to the accompaniment of drums and carrying green

leaves and Congress flags, these adivasis paraded the Congress

Nagar and made offerings to the Rain-God praying him to stop

the . 194

ra1ns. But creation of their sphere of influence among

the tribal people while following the line of adjustment of

class-interests always remained a perpetual problem for the

Congress organisation. Because of acute class-conflict between

the tribals and the Sahukars, the adivasis readily responded

to the more militant forms of the Congress socialists and later

of the communists. The Adi vasi Sew a Manda1 was not very

effective in East Khandesh owing to a 11 continual disposition

of many of its members to compromise with Sowkars. 11195 Some-

times, even the local Congress cadres were not happy with

the 11 comprising tendency 11 of some of the leaders. A Congressman

193. Ibid.


195. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated 4th Feb., 1940, in Linlithgow Papers, vol. 54.

139

from Dohad criticised the role of Pandurang G. Vaniker, who

was Vice-President of the Local District Board, elected on

the Congress ticket, for mobilizing about 3, 000 Bhils for honouring

the Governor of Bombay during his visit to the area in December,

1940, and for inducing other members of District School Board

elected on Congress ticket to participate in ceremonies of

Welcom;,..,g the Governor. 196 0 · ll th lf b t ... u ccas1.ona y , e gu e ween

the Congress organisation and the tribal people became un-

bridgeable as happened in the case of the Dharalas. At the

height of the national upsurge, a conference of Rajputs, Girasias

and Dharalas attended mostly by Dharalas was inspired by

the Congress workers at Vadod in Anand taluka (Kaira district)

on 30th August, 1942 to gain their support for the Quit India

Movement. But contrary to the expectations of the organizers,

the conference resolved that they had nothing to do with

the political movement and that they would not do anything

to em brass the 197

government. But these were the exceptional

circumstances where class-conflicts were acute. Generally,

the Congressmen were able to use nationalism as a vital emotional

asset for overcoming localism and were able to intergrate

the peasant and tribal movements into the wider national struggle.

196. From Chandulal Mithalal Shah (Dohad, Panch Mahals) To the President, AICC, dated 22 Dec., 1940 in AICC Files, No.P-9, 1940-41.

197. Weekly Report, DM, Kaira, 7 Sept., 1942, in Home (Special) Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.800(74)(4)-III, 1941-43.

1934-1940 - Information and Library Network...

Documents

Transcript of 1934-1940 - Information and Library Network...