Apollo and Dionysus: Intersections1. Introduction 1.1 The point of departure Greek gods are not separate entities. Or, at least, to consider them as isolated figures, either historically or synchronically speaking, is not a correct method of analysis. Greek religion (or however we might label it) has evolved into a complex system of relations between what we (and the Greeks) categorize as gods/goddesses, in order, through concrete humanized beings, to articulate all possible paradigms of behavior, moral principles, intellectual and physical powers, vital force and so on, even including aspects that, from our point of view, are not always deemed positively. In other words, they are more immortal super-humans than what can be defined as a god in other cultures. However, this is neither a rigid nor an arbitrary system. It is subject to continuous dialectics, to a rich chain of interactions, coming from outside the system and, simultaneously, caused by strong internal forces. In the first case, the normal tendency is to assimilate the new elements. In the second, there is a search for internal balance. Under these circumstances, there is a creative conflict between old and new forces, or (as it is usually described), between tradition and innovation. I have begun with this theoretical reflection not only to concretize my general point of view on how a Greek pantheon works, but also to make the rich process of dialectics between the two deities mentioned in the title of my paper more understandable. In fact, according to the theoretical principles I cite above, even the isolation of two gods can be seen as an arbitrary one. The interactions among deities form a cluster: if you pick up one of them, others come together. Nevertheless, the interactions between Apollos and Dionysus spheres are of a very particular and persistent nature.1 And I hope to show by means of the following examples that they are

For a good abstract, see Graf 2008, 170: Both were sons of Zeus () Both were eternally young () Dionysus married Ariadne and was strictly heterosexual (), while Apollo remained decidedly bisexual. Both were connected with altered states of mind, Apollo with prophetic possession, Dionysus with ecstasy of dance and drugs. Both had their music, Apollo the stately music of the grand lyre (kithara), Dionysus more often the frenzied sounds of pipes and drums and of smaller string instruments.

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not the product of a natural process. Religion is not an isolated entity operating in a spontaneous manner. At each moment of History, somebody is spinning the threads... 1.2. The relation between Apollo and Dionysus in the scholarly research. What I call intersections between Apollo and Dionysus have been observed since Antiquity (see infra), every time a theoretical reflection has focused on them.2 What characterizes the analysis of the links between both deities in modern times is: (a) the use of this link as a symbolic instrument to illustrate an aprioristic point of view about the nature of Greek culture; (b) the no less aprioristic idea that every Greek god has a consolidated personality that determines the historical developments; (c) after Nietzsche, the role of Delphi as the main place where the encounter takes place. The two first characteristics are due to methodological reasons, but the third is but a natural consequence of the accumulation of testimonies concerning the relationship of the gods. I shall illustrate these ideas with some representative examples. (a) When treating these themes, modern scholars, not without some embarrassment, must inevitably cite Friedrich Nietzsches Die Geburt der Tragdie aus dem Geiste der Musik (The Birth of Tragedy out of the Spirit of Music, Basel 1872). The reason is easy to understand: this is not a philological work sensu strictu, not to mention the important fact that it is inspired by Wagners music (and dedicated to him)3. The author himself defined the book in 1886 as dubious, unpleasant, and strange. However, under Nietzsches passionate and even visionary style, a good amount of brilliant intuitions can be found. Unfortunately, a general trend to oversimplify his assessments has reduced his thesis to a mere contraposition between the Apolline and the Dionysian as a distinctive feature not only of Greek tragedy, but of Greek culture as a whole. Nevertheless, we must bear in mind, first, that Nietzsche had limited his analysis to Greek tragedy (including a particular vision of its antecedents), and second, that he emphasized the opposition as much as the complementary aspects of both deities. Allow me to select just a couple of lines that help illustrate this opinion:A useful summary of the points of contact between Apollo and Dionysus can be found in Gonzlez Merino 2009, 149-152. 3 On the polemics about Nietzsches work among his contemporaries, see Grnder (1989).2

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When Archilochus, the first Greek lyric poet, announces his raging love and, simultaneously, his contempt for the daughters of Lycambes, it is not his own passion which dances in front of us in an orgiastic frenzy: we see Dionysus and the maenads; we see the intoxicated reveller Archilochus sunk down in sleep as Euripides describes it for us in the Bacchae, asleep in a high Alpine meadow in the midday sun and now Apollo steps up to him and touches him with his laurel. The Dionysian musical enchantment of the sleeper now, as it were, flashes around him fiery images, lyrical poems, which are called, in their highest form, tragedies and dramatic dithyrambs.

After some years working on Archilochus you can imagine my retrospective satisfaction at seeing him as a representative (in an individual dimension) of the process that gave birth to tragedy. But this is a good theme for another article. I just want to underline now that Nietzsches pronouncements about Apolline and Dionysian intersections are not scarce in his work. He even asserts that the Apolline and Dionysian spirits reinforce themselves mutually. (b) The irruption of Delphi as a scene fitting the needs for the divine encounter finds a masterful example in chapter nine of E. Rohdes Psyche (1890/1894, 18972), where he studies the coming of Dionysus to Greece and describes the influence of the new ecstatic and orgiastic rites in the irruption of new kinds of in modern words altered state of mind, that is, the so-called inspired divination. (c) W. Ottos chapter on Apollo and Dionysus (1933),4 though including some references to Delphi, is mostly an analysis of the parallelism between the mythical couples Zeus-Semele and Apollo-Hiakynthos. As we shall see below, this parallelism reappears in the work of Guthrie on Orphism, though under a different perspective. (d) A fourth testimony of the irresistible attraction of linking both divinities, conditioned again by the theoretical principles of each scholar, can be seen in the clearcut description we find in Jane Harrisons Themis. A Study in the Social Origins of Greek Religion. Talking about the arrival of both deities in Delphi, she affirms: Were they, who seem so disparate, really the same? So far as they are Kouroi and Year-Gods, yes. But they are Kouroi and Year-Gods caught and in part crystallized at different stages of development (p. 443). And she will add that another important difference is that Apollo is an Olympian.4

Otto 1933:182-188.

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These four examples are quite representative of some important scholarly trends, developed during the 20th century, which constitute the status quaestionis on that issue.5 But now it is time to go to the navel of the discussion.6 2. Apollo and Dionysus at Delphi and the links with Orphism That both deities were worshiped in the territory of the Parnassus at different moments of Greek history is a well known fact. The Corycian cave is but one of the many cavecults dedicated to Dionysus and the Nymphs in Ancient Greece, and was visited by many pilgrims of the Delphic sanctuary. However, it is not this well delimited coexistence that I want to consider now, but the question of their presence (in turn or simultaneous) at the oracular shrine. 2.1 Some important testimonies 2.1.1. Dionysus, the first Delphic prophet A radical expression on the chronological priority of Dionysus at Delphi can be found in a scholion to Pindars Pythian Odes (vol. II, p. 2 Dr.), where we read: ... . Later on, writing about a part of the Pythian nomos (dactyl), the scholiast adds: . This is an unusual proclamation of Dionysian Delphic precedence7, but I prefer to begin with a text that shows that traditions about Dionysus at Delphi assigned to him not only an oracular, but also a normative function, usually attributed to Apollo (see the verb ). 2.1.2. Peaceful shearing of the sanctuary8

For further illustrations of the current opinions, among others see: Amandry 1950, 196-200; Jeanmaire 1951, 187-8; 492-3; Guthrie 1950, 198 ff.; Burkert 1983, Detienne 1989, 1998, 2001, or Dietrich 1992. Dietrich resolutely argued for Dionysian precedence at Delphi. 6 For further details about some of the points to be dealt with in the next paragraph here, see my previous works: Surez 1998a, 1998b, 2002, 2005. See also Sourvinou-Inwood 19882. 7 Dietrich 1978 defends the antiquity of the Delphic Dionysus. 8 A situation reinforced in the 6 th century: see infra.

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This label alludes to the important series constituted by the enneateric rites known as septerion, herois and Charilla.9 Their periodicity (every eight years) points to an ancient date. The first festival is presented as an aetiological rite commemorating Apollos journey to Thessaly in search of purification after having killed the dragon, but it has some elements that point to an older and different explanation.10 The second is undoubtedly linked to Dionysus. It commemorates the descent of Dionysus to Hades, the rescue of his mother Semele and their ascension to Olympus: a kind of immortalization of the heroine, together with his son. This series is celebrated in the month Dadaphorios. They are interconnected in some way as quite a coherent ritual system.11 2.1.3. Some hints of a (possible) new situation in the 6th century Iconography can also help to find hints of the Delphic links between both deities. First, Orpheus and the Argonauts are represented in a metope of the treasure of the Sicyonians at Delphi (ca. 570-560: it would be the first sure image of the singer).12 Of course, it is not valid to support an early presence of Orphism at Delphi. Conversely, it is good evidence of the Apollinism of the singer. However, something seems to have changed between the date of this image and the construction of the treasure of the Syphnians in ca. 530-525 B.C. I am alluding to the probable identification of the scene on the polos of a Caryatis in the Syphnian treasure at Delphi13 with the awakening of the liknites (on this ritual see infra). It would be the first sure archaeological evidence of Dionysian presence at Delphi. 2.1.4. On the other hand, Athenian drama witnesses a variety of contemporary perspectives in the relationship of both deities. (A) In Aeschylus, for example, we find three apparently contradictory alternatives in the consideration of Apollo and Dionysus.9

Plutarch, Q.G. 12 = 293B1-F1. Brelich 1969, 387-438. 11 For a detailed analysis, see Surez 1998c, with other references. 12 Olmos 2008. 13 Themelis 1992.10

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(a) E. 22-26: Coexistence of the mantic sanctuary at Delphi and the Corycian cave, placed in the realm assigned to Dionysus and the Nymphs. The reference includes a short allusion to Pentheus death, serving as aition for the arrival of the Dionysian group. Previously (1-21) the Pythia has enumerated the list of divine owners of the sanctuary (Gaea, Themis, Phoibe, Phoibus, an outsider coming from Delos, described as prophet of Zeus). It looks like a formula for compromise, based on the local division of the territory; this is confirmed by the mention of Athena Pronaia (21) and Poseidon (27). (b) An important analysis of the conflict between both gods is illustrated by Aeschylus Bassarae (the trilogy about Lycurgus: Edonians, Bassarae, and Neaniskoi or Youths). The loss of this tragedy14 is also a regrettable loss for the understanding of Aeschylus religious concerns. At first sight, the tragedy brings onto the scene a spectacular exhibition of Dionysian powers, in a similar way that Euripides will display the essence of Dionysism at the end of the century. The tragedy appears to be full of religious novelties, presented as a dramatic resolution of cultic conflicts, and perhaps placing in Thrace what was apparently representative of more local religious concerns. Orpheus, after descending to Hades, ceased to honor Dionysus and began to worship the Sun, invoked as Apollo, on mount Pangaeus. Then Orpheus is dismembered by the Bassarae, the local version of the Bacchae, sent by Dionysus to punish this ungrateful15 apostasy. However, this terrible end has an important consequence. Orpheus, who has perished in the same manner as Dionysus Zagreus, will enjoy a particular mode of immortality, thanks to the oracular powers of his head.16 The short summary leaves open many questions, but I think that one point is clear: Orpheus was disappointed by what he had seen in Hades ( ). West makes an appealing proposal of reconstruction of the argument and elements of the trilogy and draws attention to the fact that a poem on Orpheus Katabasis was known to Aeschylus. He suggests that this was the poem entitled Krater, attributed to

Fr. 83 Mette; Eratosthenes, cat. XXIV. See the reasonable remarks made by Pmias 2004, 170, n. 210 (on Orphism) and 211 (on Apollo and Helios). Note that in some way he anticipates the conclusions of Seaford 2005. 15 I use this term because the Eratosthenian summary underlines this fact: ... , . 16 But it is not clear that this motif was treated in the tragedy. West 1990 points to a conciliation in the third piece of the trilogy, Neaniskoi.

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the Pythagorean Zopyrus. More recently, R. Seaford 17 has gone a step further and has suggested an intriguing solution for some of the particularities of the story. First, he proposes that there is a ritual reality behind the theme of Orpheus search for the Sun light: the contemplation of a sacred light in mystic rituals. He also considers the possibility that this opposition of Apollo and Dionysus in fact reflects a conflict between concurrent groups representing different doctrines and interests: he emphasizes that whereas Apollo was an important deity for Pythagoreans, Dionysus was the god of Orphics. (c) Finally, in the Lycimnius (fr. 86 Mette) he makes a total fusion of both deities: . This testimony will be used by Macrobius in his henotheistic discussion of Greek gods (infra). (B) Some allusions to local (Delphic or Parnassian) maenadism appear in Sophocles (Ant. 1126) and Euripides (Ion 550-553; 714-718; 1122 ff.; I.T. 1143-1144). Moreover, it is Euripides who presents in more than one passage an unambiguous declaration of the mantic powers of Dionysus. It is not yet fully clear in fr. 477 Kannicht: . But in the Bacchae (297-300), he explains the mantic nature of the Dionysian mania: / , / . 2.1.5. The constant evolution of Dionysism at Delphi The witnesses of Plutarch and Pausanias on the Thyiades18 must be cited here. First, perhaps related to this ritual is the anecdote cited by Plutarch (de mul. virt. 13), when he narrates the maenadic solidarity of the women of Amphissa with those of Delphi, who arrived there ( ). Both authors (Plut. De primo frigido 18 and Paus. 10.4 and 32) give some details about the rites celebrated by the Athenian women on the Parnassus. They march from Athens to Delphi through Panopeus and meet their Delphian partners there. The liknites in de Is. 35: , , .17 18

Seaford 2005. Villanueva-Puig 1986. See now Gonzlez Merino 2009, 145-149.

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Note also that, according to Pausanias (10.32.7) these women .19 An important question related to these testimonies is: how old are both this double rite and its relationship with Dionysus tomb? 2.1.6. More traces of local Delphic (and non-Delphic) harmony in the 6th century - A small, though perhaps significant detail, is that a thysia must be offered to Dionysus in the month of Apellaios, according to the regulation and the ritual calendar of the Labyadai.20 - An important shift in the visibility of the local harmony between Apollo and Dionysus can be found in the Paean composed by Philodamus of Scarpheia in the 4th century B.C.:21 it is actually a paean dedicated to Dionysus. - This evolution is confirmed by local iconography and other testimonies since the reconstruction of the temple in the 4th century B.C. (destruction: 373 B.C.; end of the reconstruction, 320 B.C.) The east pediment now shows Apollo together with Leto and Artemis, accompanied by the Muses, whereas in the west pediment22, Dionysus is accompanied by the Thyiai. - It seems that the Theoxenia is a suitable ritual context for this harmonic coexistence of both gods.23 It is in the framework of this festivity that Philodamus Paean was performed. Moreover, there are some interesting iconographic testimonies which could be related to this rite.24 I would like to emphasize that both gods have a long history of collaboration. Or perhaps would it be more exact to say that Apollos voice has often reacted against the attacks suffered by Dionysus, as can be shown by the frequent oracles responding to the consultations about plagues and diseases resulting from an offence against Dionysus, as well as other concerning the foundation of cults.25

Thus, the worship of Apollo is not only partly superseded by that of Dionysus, but is contaminated as well (Newcomer 1907, 197). 20 Rougemont 1977, n 9. 21 Kppel 1992, 207- 287, Rutherford 2001, 131-135. 22 Croissant 1991. 23 Deneken 1881. On the Delphic theoxenia see now Kowalzig 2007, 188-201. 24 Ermitage 1807 or, probably, Marble Townley, London, British Museum 2190, where Apollo is peacefully hosting Dionysus. 25 The motif of the Xenia and the foundation of cults; cf. the case of Magnesia and the remarks by Detienne 2001.

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2.1.7. Dionysus death and Delphi and related traditions - Dinarchus (4th c. B. C.) affirms that Dionysus, escaping from Lycurgus, went to Delphi and died there: his body is in a srs and his weapons are hanging on the temple walls (FGrH 399 F 1); and Philochorus (4th/3rd c. B. C.) specifies that he has seen Dionysus tomb at Delphi (FGrH 328,7), in which an epitaph was written: Dionysus, son of Semele. Both references are in Malalas (Chron. II p. 44, 2).26 - According to Tzetzes in his scholia to Lycophron Alex. 208, ; he mentions the myth of Dionysus sparagms by the Titans and relates how they settled the bodily members of his brother into a lebes and put it beside the tripod. He illustrates his version by citing Callimachus (fr. 643 Pf.) and Euphorion (fr. 13 De Cuenca, 14 Van Groningen).27 Euphorions verse cited by Tzetzes is: 28 . In Euphorions description, Apollo collects the members and Rhea arranges them. According to Clemens of Alexandria (Protr. 2.18.1), Zeus gave to Apollo the disparaged corpse of Dionysus (except the heart, which had been previously snatched by Athena), he brought it to the Parnassus (not exactly Delphi)29 and buried it there. In later centuries, these versions undergo a development in which Apollo will be responsible for Dionysus resurrection (Damascius; see Graf/Johnston 2007).30 - To close this part of my paper, Macrobius (Sat. 1.16-18) can be a good representative of the late result of the historical evolution of the dialectics between both gods, under the influence of the late henotheistic and syncretistic tendencies. He finds a point of contact of these gods in their common identification with the Sun, which inevitably leads to a synthetic consideration of them as different manifestations of the same divine entity. He even cites Aristotle31 as an authority, because in his Theologoumena he wrote that Apollinem et Liberum patrem unum eundemque deum esse, as well as some examples of oracular cults of Dionysus or the bacchic form of theOn the myth of the sparagms of Dionysus, see Bernab 2002a. See frs. 34-39 Bernab. 28 Mller, Bernab; codd., Lobell, de Cuenca. 29 Bernab 1998 sees here elements of a modern version. 30 Graf/Johnston 20072: 73-80 analyze in detail the different versions of Dionysus dismemberment and resurrection. They detect 4 different versions. As for a detailed treatment of the theme of Dionysus death and resurrection, see Detienne 1977, Casadio 1991. 31 Arist. Pseud. p. 616 Rosi; cf. Arnob. 3, 33.27 26

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rites of Hiakynthus at Sparta and, finally, the Parnassian coincidence of both deities. Thereafter he adds some literary testimonies (some of which I have cited above) of Aeschylus and Euripides, and also of Orpheus. In the orphic name Phanes, he sees evidence of the solar character of Dionysus. As you are aware, his etymologies are really amusing, and they are profusely used to show the solar and mantic character of Dionysus. Having reached this point, one question remains unanswered. Is Orphism responsible for Delphian Dionysism or have Orphics profited from pre-existing, nonorphic traditions for their new dionysism? In my opinion the latter alternative is the right one, but I cannot deny that sometimes I find that we walk on quicksand. Moreover, an additional doubt arises immediately: must we also rely on a possible Delphic active part in this evolution of the local myths of Dionysus, aimed at controlling the new religious trend? And if this happens with the main question, similar dilemmas arise in each part of the story.32 2.2. More on Orphism and Apollo 2.2.1. Apollo and Dionysus in Orphism The relation of Orphism with Delphi unavoidably leads to the problem of the links between Apollo and Dionysus in Orphism. This is an old and much debated matter. As representative of quite an extended opinion, I would cite W. K. C. Guthrie, who, in his book of 1952, argued that Orpheus was a figure of Apolline religion.33 His theory was that some followers of this religion would have later embraced the Thracian (sic) cult of Dionysus and added some features that can be labeled orphic. In my opinion, it would be better to put things the other way round. As a matter of fact, the question about the obvious contradiction of choosing an Apolline singer as founder, model, and theorist of the new doctrine arises in a natural way. 34 Orphism is a kind of sub-system inside Greek religion, created with some old elements and other new trends incorporated in the Archaic period. On the one hand it is a revitalized and

32 33

See Graf/Johnston 2007: 77-78. Priest or in some other way satellite of the god (1952, 44). 34 See Bernab 2002b.

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particular form of Dionysism, activated by new beliefs concerning the soul and the After-life also shared with Pythagoreanism. On the other hand, the founders of this religious movement (allow me to describe them thus) have selected a very special figure, who synthesizes many aspects of traditional religion, culture, and folk-tale. They have chosen a poet endowed with very special abilities, almost magic, recorded in Greek literature since the time of Alcman. He has mantic powers, in his lifetime and even after. The conventional myth represents him as a suffering lover, who has had the privilege of descending into Hades and returning, though he could not achieve his purpose. Some of these traits belong in the traditional Apolline world: poetic inspiration and musical qualities, oracular power. Moreover, these are not the only Apolline characteristics showing links with Apollo: there was also the importance of purification and the knowledge of techniques of healing that need some experience in collective madness. This is the reason why not only Orpheus, but also Melampus35 have connections with the Dionysian world. Melampus, an exceptional figure in order to understand the multidimensional figure of the Greek mantis (who is at the same time a medicine-man and a priest), is deemed to have brought to Greece Dionysus cult (and even that of others), and in one of the versions of the healing of the Proetides (enlarged to the women of Argos), he achieves it by neutralizing her madness with a particular homoeopathic means: a choreia of youths.36 And one more idea: the instructions of the orphic lamellae remind an oracle of colonization: they are indications for the traveler to Hades. Whatever the reason for this interplay of opposition and complementarity may be, it becomes a distinctive feature of Orphism and has interesting manifestations related to the theme of this paper. 2.2.2. Apollo and Dionysus at Olbia The Milesian colony of Olbia and its neighboring territory is a fascinating place to study not only decisive aspects of Greek religion in general, but most specially the dialectics

See Surez 1992, 2009: 169-172, with bibliography. Hecataeus of Abdera (FGrH 264 F 25) considers Melampus responsible for the introduction of other traditions about Cronus, the Titanomachy and all the of the gods; eventually Clemens of Alexandria (Protr. 2.13.5) assigns him the Demetriac rites.36

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between the inherited ancient elements and the new foreign ones in a particular environment.37 Among many other features of the local religious practice, some epigraphic documents have revealed the importance, among others, of the Apollinean and Dionysian cults. First, despite the fact that the most important local epiclesis of Apollo is as Delphinios, the spectacular bone plaque with an enigmatic oracle first published by Rusyayeva in 198638 and masterfully analyzed thereafter by Burkert,39 puts before our eyes a surprising Apolline and oracular element40 in coexistence with the no less particular Orphic testimonies, also written on bone plaques,41 which throw new light (and open no less new questions) on the multiple manifestations of Orphism42. Dubois has postulated that the name of the city, Olbia, is due to Orphic influence.43 Moreover, the contamination of the Apollinean and Dionysian-Orphic trends has a remarkable example in an inscription engraved on a circular surface (parallel to the borders) of a vase dedicated by the thiasos of the Boreikoi.44

See Vinogradov 1981, Rusyayeva 1992, Vinogradov- Kryzickijl 1995. The documents commented here are edited by Dubois 1996, 107-157. 38 A. Rusyayeva VDI 2, 1986, 25-64 (SEG 36, 694). 39 Burkert 1994; see text in Dubois 1996, n 93. 40 () , () (). () () ()() () () () Then sinistrorsum: () () On the verso: ()() () () 41 See ns. 94 a-b-c Dubois. All of them contain series of substantives opposed by their contraries: (a) / / () ; (b) / /(); (c) () / / . 42 Bernab 2008, 537 rightly qualifies the Olbian tablets as textos breves con contenido muy profundo. 43 Dubois 1996, 152. He observes the proximity of the name of the city and the verb in the first lines, as in one of the tablets from Thourioi ( , ). 44 N 95 Dubois: -, - , []-, -[], -. See Dubois, p. 156, who postulates a possible link between this group and the orphics.

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We detect, then, some hints of a situation that fits well in the general frame of dialectics and complementation between Apolline and Dionysian realms that we are now gathering. Olbia presents all the elements of the precedent testimonies commented in this paper: there is a particular Orphic group, with deep beliefs in rebirth after death45, in coexistence with a no less particular version of oracular Apollo,46 invoked also as healer.47 2.2.3. From Olbia to Elea The Olbian Apollonian oracle is not the only surprise offered by the Olbian texts related to the theme of this paper. Among the members of that peculiar community, was a physician from Elea, identified as an Ouliades. This fact allows us now to cross the sea and to travel to Elea, where some inscriptions of the first century B.C. have helped to enrich the Parmenidean local tradition with new, and in some ways intriguing, aspects. These inscriptions show the existence of a group of physicians who have adopted as patronymic what is in fact a theonymic. They are the Ouliadai, that is, they name themselves after the Apolline epiclesis Oulios, interpreted by Ancients as healer. The testimonies point to Parmenides as a kind of hero founder of this group, organized in a hierarchic manner: they are presided by a pholarchos, a debated term that has aroused all kinds of speculations as to the secret and mystic character of the group. It would be imprudent to retrace the particular traits of this group to the life of Parmenides, but it is at least quite reasonable to accept that the characteristics of Parmenidean philosophy and life, as much as the form and features of his Poem, give us a good hint as to how the process could have begun. Elements of Pythagoreanism,48 Orphism,49 and Apollinism are easily detected in Parmenides. As I have tried to demonstrate in a forthcoming article, Parmenides has created a special model for the transmission of wisdom and

A good assessment on the value of these texts can be found in Bernab 2008. Now is not the time to analyze the particularities of this prophecy, based on number calculations reminding one of the Apocalyptic techniques found in other ancient texts. 47 I refer to Ustinova 2009, espec. 249-253 on the Olbian cult of Apollo Ietros. She postulates that this cult originated in the Ionian colonies of the Western and Northern Black Sea littoral by assimilation to local cults and traditions, and not as an import from the Milesian territory. 48 Bernab 2004. 49 Burkert 1969.46

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philosophical theories, endowed with a complex combination of myth, poetic experimentation, and religious features.50 3. Athens. And some stories about figs, rituals, oracles and calendars51

3.1. Athens and Delphi: some historical data The relationship between Apollo and Dionysus has sometimes been locally conditioned by certain historical circumstances.52 This can be illustrated by the Apolline policies of Athens regarding the Delphic sanctuary. The historical evolution is well known. The aftermath of the so-called First sacred war, an event whose historical entity as such is unclear, but is not an empty invention, has brought about some important consequences: - A period of Thessalian hegemony in the 6th century (with deep historical roots: see the Septerion). - New links with Sicyon. - A Delphic shift in Solonian politics. - The beginnings of the Pythian Games and the consolidation of the Amphictiony as a very influent institution, controlling the economics and politics of the sanctuary. Subsequently, the Athenian influence becomes greater. It can be detected in two contrary directions: Athens strengthens its control on Delphi and, at the same time, Athenian religion experiences some modifications, mostly noticeable in rituals. A list of some facts related to those trends must include: - The role of the Alcmeonids in the rebuilding of the Apolline temple after its burning in 548 B.C.53 - The creation of a particular local mythology, presenting the actual state of things as a new order.54 - The clearly Athenian design of the religious buildings of the Marmaria zone.

50 51

Surez 2010 (forthcoming). This is in part an implementation of some aspects dealt with in Section 2.1. 52 Dealt with in greater detail in Surez 1998a. 53 See, for instance, the iconography of the pediments, underlining Athenian influence. 54 Quantin 1992, Surez 2002.

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- The scandalous manipulation of the Pythia (notably by Cleisthenes). However, it must be taken into account that this is only a symptom, among many others, of the importance given by Athens to the guiding role of Delphi in delicate situations or even in the sanction of political decisions in religious matters.55 - The organization of the above-mentioned Dionysian rite of the awakening of the liknites. - Some theatrical influence that could reflect bidirectional interchanges in performing rites.56 - The association of Athena with Apollo in legendary accounts involving the arrival of Apollo in Delphi, as well as many functional parallelisms between both deities elaborated in literary texts, from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo to the Aeschylus and Euripides or to the later Paeans of the 4th century.57 - The beginnings of the Pythaid.58 3.2. The mirror effect and the calendar Yet, besides those general points of contact, it is possible to detect a kind of mirror effect in some aspects concerning Apollo and Dionysus. First, I should like to call your attention to the fact that in the Athenian calendar, Apolline and Dionysian rites cover alternatively a good part of the year, even with more intensity than in the Delphic one. Indeed, the orthodox tale is that Apollo travels in winter to the Hyperborean land, whereas Dionysus becomes the epidemic god of the sanctuary for these months. Surprisingly, this rotation in the presence of the gods is best recorded in the Athenian calendar:59 (a) Apollo is worshiped in Athens as hekatombaios, metageitnios and boedromios in the homonym months. The corresponding Delphic months are also Apolline: Apellaios (June/July, with the important civic assembly of the Apellai and the ritual of the septerion), Boukatios (July/August, the month of the Pythian Games), and Boathoos

55 56

Bowden 2005. See Cavalli 1994. 57 See Surez 1998b and Vamvouri Ruffy 2009. 58 Boethius 1918. See also Parker 2005, 80-87. 59 See table at the end (Appendix).

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(August/September, a synonym of the Athenian one). However, it must be noted that in the calendar of the Labyadai, a thysia is offered to Dionysus in the month Apellaios. (b) Thereafter the discrepancies are significant. In Delphi, the apparently more Dionysian month is dadaphorios (October/November), whereas, against all expectations, winter months are again Apolline: thus, Bysios (January/February) was purported the month of Apollos birth, whose anniversary (the 7th day) was originally the only day on which consultations were allowed. In the next month, Theoxenios (February/March), we find a new conjunction of both gods: the main ritual is the theoxenia (partly also a heroxenia; see above for the iconography): but the main god is again Apollo. Conversely, winter is in Athens a fully Dionysian season, starting with the Anthesteria in the eponym month (January/February) and followed by the Great Dionysia in Elaphebolion (February/March). (c) Finally, Apollo reappears in the Thargelion month (April/May) as a protagonist of the thargelia. I would dare to say that this rite could be accepted as a new territory of intersections between Apollo and Dionysus, though I acknowledge the difficulties to persuade you of this The border line60 would be the ritual of the pharmaks, at least in its Athenian version. Among the distinctive features of this adaptation are, on the one hand, the fact that there are two pharmakoi, representative, respectively, of the men and the women of the polis.61 And, on the other (and this is what I wish to emphasize), that they bear a necklace of figs. This couple receives the name of , most probably a syncopated form of *. I confess that the coincidence of both terms in this word-composition is for me especially appealing, as much for the figs as for the second element (even if the etymology is wrong, the figs are real in this ritual).62 Some years ago, in the Hommage dedicated to Andr Motte,63 I revised the literary testimonies concerning the wild-fig-tree (Gr. , (!); Lat. caprificus). This study allowed me to see that, besides the narrative function and symbolism of this tree (and of fig-trees in general), it was an important symbolic element to understand the interconnections of Apollo and Dionysus. And I concluded my analysis with these words:Perhaps together with some vegetable offerings to Apollo. Harpocr. (= Sud., Et. M. 787, 55 ff.), s.v. ; Hellad. in Phot. Bibl. 534a 3. 62 Gebhard 1926 rejects the Dionysian alternative and postulates that there is here a cultic representation of an Augenblicksgott (contra, Widengren 1969, 301, n. 67). 63 Surez 2001.61 60

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L reflte dans la culture grecque, avec plus de force encore que la , certains traits de Dionisos. Pensons son ambigut sexuelle et aux diffrents masques du dieu, qui se matrialisent en des oppositions bien connues: mort et rsurrection, ordre et dsordre, monde animal et monde vgtal, nature vs. culture. Le dieu ambigu, qui partage Delphes le sige prophtique avec Apollon, ne se laisserait-il pas entrevoir dans la tradition oraculaire, sans tre nomm, tel un quivoque et double visage?

On the Athenian rite, following Deubner,64 Widengren said that sowohl die bereinstimmung mit der Ausstattung der Dionysosgestalt als auch die Bezeichnung Feigenbakchoi deutet darauf hin, dass diese pharmakoi als kultische Reprsentanten fr den Gott Dionysos aufgefasst warden konnten (p. 301). On the other hand, Bremmer, in his study on scapegoat rituals,65 adhering to Burkerts description of figs as a marginal fruit,66 observes that marginal persons are connected with marginal plants (p. 313). To sum up: the contacts observed between Apollo and Dionysus have their origin in a particular aspect of these purification rites, added to an Apolline feast of vegetation and renewal, invading in some way the realms of Dionysus (and of Demeter!!), in which the katharms includes the use of a fruit endowed with rich Dionysian connotations and in which the victims are considered (to judge by their designation) representative of the Dionysian marginal and liminal aspects.67 4. Another two mythical intersections: the genealogy of Dionysus and Ariadne 4.1. Maron an the wine of Ismaros Little though it is, we must not ignore the evidence that the alliance between Dionysiac and Apolline cult existed from an early date.68 Guthrie thinks that this alliance is found in the figure of Maron (eponym of Maroneia), priest of Apollo at Ismaros, according to Homer, living in the gods grove (Od. 9.197 ff.), who gives to Odysseus the wine with which he will drug the Cyclops. This Maron is in Homer (197) the son of Euanthes,Deubner 1969, 179-198. Bremmer 1983. 66 Burkert 1985, 140. 67 Among other possible links between Apollo and Dionysus at Athens (as the Athenian scene and some musical innovations could show), it is not out of place to include here the particular Platonic reflection about the role of both gods in the building of the ideal polis: see Leges 653a6-654a 7 + 664b672d + 945b-947c and cf. Detienne 2001. 68 Guthrie 19932, 46.65 64

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who is the son of Dionysus and Ariadne, according to the scholiast of Homer or, as it appears in Euripides Cyclops, a son of Dionysus who nurses Seilenus. In Hellenistic and Roman iconography, he is often confounded with Seilenus. Returning to Homer, it is worth noting the features of the wine served by Euanthes. It has exceptional qualities and a divine smell ( , 210-211). Anticipating in some way the Theognidean or even Plutarchean reflections about the advantages of moderation in the symposium and the dangers of excess, we see that on the one side, Maron and his wife drank it mixed with twenty portions of water. Even so, it was irresistible because of the sweet aroma, and had an effect similar to that of the Sirens: (211). However, in the wine lurked less positive potentialities. Odysseus envisioned at that moment the possibility of using it to overwhelm a giant like the Cyclops, who knew neither dikai nor themistai. This wine acts, then, as a kind of ambiguous tool, as a symbol of the dual nature represented by Apollo and Dionysus, between the medn gan and the mania. Additionally, I would like to call your attention to the fact that the wine of Ismaros was on Archilochus boat, as he himself has taught us,69 and that his life and poetry is colored by both Dionysian and Apolline tones.70 Finally, and to complete the links of the chain, the adjective (from which Euanthes derives) is an epithet of Dionysus. Athenaeus (9.165a) quotes this text of Phanodemus: (The Athenians) , . It belongs to the same lexical family as ; and it is no random coincidence that at Phlya, the deme of the Lycomidai in which important mystery rites were practised, Apollo and Dionysus, along with other deities, were worshiped under the epicleseis, respectively, of Dionysdotos and Anthios (Paus. 1.31.4).71Fr. 2 West. Surez 1999. 71 See Newcomer 1907, 199: Phlya was a rich Attic deme situated some five miles northeast of Athens in a fertile district capable of supporting a large population. This was the birthplace of Euripides, and, I think, the home of the old Attic family of the Lycomids, who performed mystic rites here. The orgies of the Great Goddess, Earth, with Bacchic mysteries, were said to have been celebrated here even before the mysteries were instituted at Eleusis. Here were altars and temples of many gods and goddesses. Pausanias (i. 31. 4) mentions altars of "Flowery" () Dionysus and of "Dionysus-given" () Apollo. This Apollo has been identified with the "Laureled" () Apollo at Phlya mentioned by other writers; cf. Plut. Them. 15; Herod. viii. 11. Just what relationship this Dionysus-given Apollo had to Dionysus himself may not be evident, but the epithet proves some association of the two gods. See also 1988, 48.70 69

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4.2. Anius and the Oenotropoi This is an interesting case to show the role of myths in: (a) the search for cultural identities; (b) the aetiological function, as an explanatory tool for a territory; (c) the trend to link local traditions with the Panhellenic epic ones; (d) and, to some extent, the Athenian colonization (or appropriation) of traditional myths. The main priest and prophet of Delos, Anius, is a son of Apollo and a great-grandson of Dionysus. Thus, not only the Apolline, but also the Dionysian local cults find their justification in the mythical tale. Note that the mantic powers are assigned to Anius and to his son Andros (the male lineage), while women represent the fertile and prodigious potentialities of Dionysus (basically) as a god of vegetation.72 The whole genealogical tree is full of personifications of elements of nature and vegetation: Staphylus, the son of Dionysus and Ariadne, begets Rhoio (pomegranate), who becomes pregnant by Apollo and is the mother of Anius. Anius daughters have also speaking names, starting with the collective one, (v. l. in manuscripts of Ps.-Apollodorus): they are , , . Trojan epic exploits both sides of the family. Anius predicts that Troy will not fall until ten years have passed and (in the Cypria and Pherecydes) he offers the marvelous qualities of his daughters to feed the Argive army for nine years (which they obviously do not accept). Later, starved by famine, Menelaus and Ulysses go to Delos asking for help; or Agamemnon forces them to help the army and they are finally turned into doves (Ovid). Other developments of this myth include elements revealing Athenian influence. For instance, according to Apollodorus of Athens (FGrHist 244 FIIIb), the Acheans, following the advice of Anius, disembarked at Andros and founded the cult of Athena Tauropolos. Finally, Diodorus of Sicily (5.62) uses the stories about the descendants of Anius as aitia for different local cults and rites. All the aspects underlined in the myth have a correspondence in the historical reality of the island. First, Anius became a local hero and archaeology has revealed that there were two hiera dedicated to him. As can be inferred from the inscriptions, in one of these sanctuaries he received honors as archegetes of the island, and in the other just72

In similar terms, Gallet de Santerre 1958, 268-271.

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as a hero.73 They were placed in the East zone of the lake. As for Dionysus, since Vallois,74 the date of the 7th/6th centuries B.C. is accepted as probable for the beginnings of the cult, which grew in importance from the 6th century on,75 partly because of the celebration of theatrical performances. The specific Dionysian monument was known as the stoibadeion, not far from the lake. Of this zone remains a platform with statue of the god flanked by actors disguised as Paposilenoi and a couple of pillars. One of them supports an enormous phallus and has relieves with Dionysus, a Maenad and a Silenus, whereas the other is decorated with Dionysian scenes.76 As we can see, both myths link Apollo and Dionysus in stories about legendary rulers of the Aegean islands. Moreover, the cults of both gods at Delos are no less important than at Delphi. A feature shared by both sanctuaries is the importance of Athenian political control and even the manipulation of local traditions. The interest of Athens in Delos is well attested since the time of Peisistratus. Once again, the convergence of Apollo and Dionysus, despite an ancient origin, reappears at a given moment under the influence of Athens. 5. Conclusions: the spaces of intersection

The interconnections we have analyzed between Apollo and Dionysus are not the result of a natural process, nor are they born as the consequence of an abstract global tendency of Greek religion towards a negotiation of spaces of concurrence among different gods, but have specific protagonists, landscapes, and quite definite dynamics. In the main territory where the intersections take place, Delphi, the archaeology and the literary evidence neither point to a primordial or ancient conflict nor support the possibility of a Dionysian precedence. Apolline antiquity is beyond all doubt, and a date for the arrival of Dionysism (under whatever form) prior to the 6th century lacks firm support. On the contrary, a Dionysian presence since that century is also incontestable. However some questions remain open:

At least, this is the conclusion of Gallet de Santerre 1958, 269. Vallois 1953; see Gallet de Santerre 1958, 157. 75 For this period see Bruneau 1970. 76 The inscription says that it was erected by Carystios in 300 B.C., to commemorate a victory in a theatrical contest.74

73

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- To which point is this local Dionysism independent or not of the Dionysism of the surrounding territories or of those composing the Amphictyony, and most conspicuously of the Athenian religious policies? - Is Orphism a secondary local development or was it linked to Dionysism at Delphi since the beginning? As for Athens, similar problems arise concerning the issue of the Delphic influence. The moral authority of Delphi was sometimes no less strong than the Athenian political power, and if we put the question in terms of priority, we can fall into a circular argument (the chicken and the egg). However, there is no doubt about the efforts made by Athens to project its historical vicissitudes into the Delphic scenario. Under this framework, the orientation of Delphic Dionysism and maenadism have surely been strongly affected by Athenian influence. Conversely, Athens has developed a complex thread of intersections between both gods, enhancing their functions as substantial deities in the development of the polis, the education of citizens and their social cohesion. Thus, in the history of the links between Apollo and Dionysus, a decisive complex of interrelations appears as a key to understanding the evolution. There are four different forces at play: Athenian Dionysism, Delphic Apollinism, Orphism (with its manifold manifestations), and more general trends of Dionysism and Apollinism. The balance of power is different depending on places and periods, but it does not alter the fact that opposite results can coexist (an otherwise typical feature of Greek religion). On the other hand, Dionysus often appears concealed and intermingled in rituals and myths of other gods, as can be seen in the case of the Thargelia, the oracular traditions and so on. Finally, ancient Epic poetry bears witness to the old at least mythical intertwining of both deities in some narratives about territories of the Aegean. These myths explaining the old stories about Maron and Anius again throw a special light on the peaceful coexistence of both deities and illustrate the possibilities of ancient myths in explaining a historical state of affairs, inserting local traditions into a Panhellenic framework and contributing to a particular vision of nature and of the role played in human culture by the gods and their mediators.

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Emilio Surez de la Torre Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona

Appendix A comparison between the Athenian and Delphic calendars: cults and rites of Apollo and Dionysus.Athenian month Hekatombaion Metageitnion Boedromion Anthesterion Elaphebolion Cult or rite Apollo Hekatombaios Apollo Mategeitnios Apollo Boedromios Anthesteria Great Dionysia Delphic month Apellaios Boukatios Boathoos Bysios Theoxenios Apollos birth (7) Theoxenia Cult or rite Apellai, septerion; thysia to Dionysus Pythian Games

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