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    TDSR V O L V NO I I 1 9 9 6 1 - 7 1

    ieldReport

    ARCHITECTURE WITHIN THE FOLI< TRADITIONREPRESENT TION FROM B NGL DESH

    s I F u L H A Q

    The roots of traditional Bangladeshi architecture are dug deep in to the psyche of the commo n

    peop le. In a land where poetry and philosophy are inherent in every person co mprehension

    of th is arch it ecture cannot be complete with only a partial analysis or a formal viewpoint . The

    social d imension of the architecture and the user s perspective are very important in th is

    regard . n the case of the t radit ional Bangladeshi built environment the user is also th e

    designer builder landscape specialis t artist and craftsman. However he or she is not the

    concept-giver. To grasp the r easo ns for design decis ions a partic ipator y methodology opens

    up n ew avenues of explorat ion . This ar t icle presents such a view. Its analysis of the

    Bangladeshi vernacular archetype from a lay perspective adapts the work of Bang ladeshi

    architect Rabiul Hussain .

    S A I F - U L - H A Q i an AJsistcmt P rofesS01 of Architectlo-eat Bcmg cldesh

    University of Engineering and T edJ11o ogy Dh aka.

    The comprehension and explication of any architectur e possibly involve the simultaneous understanding of wo things: th enature of the architectural artifacts themse lves and the manyforces that lie behind their production.

    For Bangladeshi folk architecture both kinds of studies exist.The first, concerned with morphology considers the ruraldwelling in iso lation and focuses on how its elements determine factors of identity . This discuss ion has led to a widespread belief in the bent toof shape as one of the mostimportant identif ying characteristics of Bangladeshi architecture . The approach toward the second factor is anthropological. With too ls developed from Amos Rapoport , thespaces and activ ities of the house are studied and differencesappear among spaces in functiona l , socia l , and religious terms .

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    6 T O S 5 2

    Such stud ies have led to the introverted court yard being considered the essential characteristic of Bangladeshi architecture.'Although the inferences deri ved from these two approaches arepraiseworthy, they leave man y issues unresolved.

    T H E B A N G L A D E S H I H O U S E: REFERENCES IN

    HISTORY

    Among scholars of architecture, Bangladesh is known s thepl a ce of origin of the bungalow type of residential building.As Anthony King explains, bungalow is a corruption ofthe word now internationally known in th e form of BangIaDesh. 3 For outsiders , the distinctive form of this structurehas had a particular impact, manifest in its numerous replications in many forms all over the world. 4 The bungalow is

    possibly the only dwelling type that can be found both in formand in name on every continent. 5 In fact, the word bungalowhas been incorporated into mo r e than seventeen major languages.

    An indigenous btmggolo is actually the common rectangulardwelling of he Bangladeshi peasant. It has a peculiar curvingroof that one observer has said resembles an upturned boat. 6Perhaps due to the characteristics of bamboo , the materialfrom which it is cons tructed , both its roof and ridge arecurved. Andreas Volwahsen remarks . . . [ir was] a type of roofwhich gave the impression that all its planes were curved. Theridge and the eaves were upturned; also the bamboo rafters

    placed perpendicular to the ridge were curved. 7

    Early references to this unusual roof form were seen inmosgues built in Bengal during the independent Sultanateperiod, from the mid -fourteenth to the mi d -sixteenth century(FIG . 0 8 Later on , reproductions appeared in the Hinduarchi tecture of the region . The Mughals were also influencedby rhis provocative bent form, and imported it to theircapitals, where they incorporated it into their im p er ial architecture. The form was also reproduced in many other parts ofIndia , and vivid images and descriptions of these houses madetheir way into the work of British writers, artists, and photographers in the nineteenth century.9 It was through the Englishthat the structure spread overseas. Such portentous prevalenceis but an indication of the symbolic value the structure holdsfor the people of Bang ladesh.

    In Bengal the bunggolo remained in its original form in therural areas, mostly ignored and unstudied by local professionals,for w hom Westernization became the sign of progress. Thelittle res ea rch that was undertaken took a socio -anthropological approach, and was related to the la yout of the house.

    FIGURE 1. hema lvlosqtte his brick stmetttre of he Sultanat e period has a bent

    orn e

    But recently the success of the Grameen Bank housing schemecan possibly be taken s an indicator of the continuing

    strength of the attachment of the Bangladeshi people to theirhouses. The Aga Khan Award served to reiterate the idea thatthe Bangladeshi h ouse is a powerful sign and stimulus in thesociety. In a certain way, this award exposed the associativeguali ties of an archi tecture which lies dormant in the landscapeof Bangladesh - and possibly in a remote corner of the mind.

    M A N A N D D W ELLI N G

    Writing about architectural forms has long neglected theimportance of he experience of common people. The researcherneeds to bring himself to their plane of mind and understand

    concepts in their terms.

    The study of social relationships s a methodology in architectural investigation was probably first demonstrated byGottfried Semper. w In his search into underlying similaritiesand relationships , he hoped to uncover some synthetic unityin architecture. He started from w.hat Rosemarie Ha a g Blettercalls a communal preregu is i te- the hearth. To Semper, thefire represented a socia l nucleus, a gathering point for thefami ly and , hence, the germ of civilization . '2 From this angleSemper arrived at very different assumptions than were entertained in architectura l thinking at the time, and theacceptance of his theories gave credib ility to his methodology.In his manner of investigation, the beginning is a non -spatial,social-significance-bestowing component, from which architectural elements stem logically.

    The theory of Semper also established fundamental notions ofarchitecture from ideas about the basic hut. These ideas werefurther developed to include the concept of symbols andmeanings which could not be ignored or willfully alteredwithout loss of context. His source was a realistic instance

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    provid ed b y ethnolo gy . From thi s, co ncepts of higher architectur e were e volved.

    Sem per's notion of archi t ec tu r al beg inn ings was not far r emo vedfro m t hat of anoth er im p ort ant arc h itect ural theor eti cian , aco nt emp ora ry of hi s , Eu ge ne Vi oll et-L e-D u c. At th e e nd of afasc in at in g book d ealin g ex clu sive ly wi th dw ellin gs, Vi oll etLe-D u c w ri t es : Th e ti m e has co m e for us to say to hu m ani t y:' inv es ti ga te th y beg in n ings : th ou wi l t th u s lea rn th y aptitud es ,and w il t be a bl e to pu r sue th a t pa th of tr u e pr o g ress to wh ic hthy d es ti n y ca lls the e )

    F rom t hi s point of vi ew , th e approac h of archi t ec t R abiulHu ssa in to wa rd Ban g lad eshi arc hi tec tu r e is bo th uniqu e a ndp raisewo rth y. In hi s 1987 arti cle Bang lades h er Lokoj S ta p atyao Gr ih a nirm a n , in Ba nglad esher Sth apa tya Sa nskl'iti (Al 'chi -

    tecttwa f Tradition of Ban gla desh), he adop ts a p art icipa to ry a tt itud e a nd pr esent s a p ic tu r e of ex t raor di n ary m ag n itud e. Helooks a t vernacul ar archi t ec tu re with em otio n - no t as ade tached s pec ta tor or academ ic researc her, but as a n act ivepa rt icipa nt char g ed with pr id e and love of th e indi g enou s. H isd escrip ti ons are passion ate a nd t end tow ard the poetic. H eef for tl ess ly shift s his attitud e from th at of th e a rchitect to th at ofthe sensiti ve individu al. Hi s v ivid descr ip tionsoffolkar chi t ec tu reprov id e an im p ortant view long m issin g fro m th e sm all stock ofli terat ure av ail able on B ang ladeshi arc hi t ec tu r e. Such an attitud eis a comb ination anth ropolog ica l in ves tiga ti on and th e poeticapproac h of Gas ton B achelard. 4 Hi s s tance is ex tr emel y relevantwhen d iscuss ing th e a rchi t ec tu r eofwhat th e fam ous phil osoph erw ri ter R abindran a th Ta g ore has called t he e motional and th ed eepl y p hilo sophical citi zens of Bang lad esh. ' 5

    V E R N C U L R RCH I TECTU RE

    Before turnin g to a d escrip tion of th e Bang lades hi rur al architec tu r al arch etype, seve ral ge neral obse rvati ons o n th e na tu r e ofve rnacular archi t ectur e a nd f olk trad iti ons a re wa rrant ed .

    Th e term ve rn acul ar is mu ch m isun d ers to od . In referen ceto lang uage, it explicitl y d efi nes [th a r] w hi ch is spok e n or

    w ritt

    en n aturall

    y a t aparti

    cul ar peri

    od. ,

    6In archit

    ectur

    e,h oweve r, use of the word b eco m es diffi cult. What it normall yrefers to is an indi ge nous type of buildin g th a t i s large lyuntut ore d in th e conv ent i o nal se nse, b ut w hi ch i s thou g h t tobe of co nsidera bl e v irtu e . T o d ist in g uish th i s from hi g h a rchi t ec tu r e , Bern a rd Ru d ofs k y co in ed th e term n on-p edig reed a rchi t ec tu r e.'7 His proposed sy nony m s we re s uchwo rds as ve rn ac ular , a nony m ous, in d ige no u s, a nd ru r al.A m os R apo por t f urth er cl ass ified vernac ul ar as p a rt of th efo lk tr adi t ion :

    S A I F U L H A Q : B N G L D E S H 6

    Thefolk tradition , on the one hand, is the direct . . . translation intophysical form 0/a culture, its needs and values - as wellas thedesires dreams and passions. . . . It is the world view writ small,

    the ideal environment o a people expressed in buildings andsettlements. . . . The folk tradition is mUch more closely related tothe culture 0/the majority and life as it is really lived. . . . 8

    Ru ral ve rn ac ular t radi ti on h as no acade mi c s tylisti c aspirati ons.Fo r lay peo pl e, the word sugges ts som e thin g countrifi ed ,hom em ad e, t radition a i.e ., th e s m all- tow n dwellin g or thed we llin g of th e farm er or craft sm an . C ur r ent definition ssugges t th a t the verna cul ar d we llin g is usuall y d esig ned b y acraf tsma n and not an ar chi t ec t , and th a t it is built with loca ltech n iq u es , local m ateri als, an d w ith the loca l env ironm ent inmi nd . ].B . J ack son w ri tes :

    Such a d welling does notpretend to stylisti c sophistication. It isloyal to local orms and ra rely accepts innovations rom outside theregion. t . .. is little influenced by history in its widersense. Thatis why the word timeless is much used in descriptions o/vernacularbuildin gs.

    19

    A lthou g hJ ackson admit s th at th is concept ha s been r efut ed inco nsid eration of th e E ur opea n ve rna cul a r,l i t m ay still findvalidi t y in th e con t ex t ofBang ladesh. Thi s is prec isely w here th eideas of Hu ssain b eco m e relevant. In Bang ladeshi vill ages li fe hasalways been s low, brok en on ly by c hanges of seaso n , celebr ation sof th e life cycle, or calam it ies. M ajor po liti cal uph eava ls havem os tl y occ urr ed at a d istance. Eve n if th e vill age r has th e desi refor im p roved commoditi es in li fe , these a re mo stl y th wa rt ed b yth e neg lect of formal in sti tuti ons of soc iety.

    In th e v iew of Christi an No rberg-Sc hu l z, architectur e br ingsin t o p rese nce the im m edi ate m ean ings of th e local earth andsky . In hi s w ord s, it m atches th e G enius Loci of th e p lace.D esp ite bein g fun ction all y c ir cum sta nt ia l, a rchi t ec tu r e expr esses th e fun da m ent al inn er id ent ity of a peopl e . Th u s,ve rn acu lar tr aditi on u suall y h as onl y a few model s, whi ch areco nstant l y bein g adju s ted and rea dj u s ted. It is throu g h suchvariatio n th at individu al houses ga in th eir uniqu eness .

    In ve rnacular archi tectur e th e exp ress ive po wer of aestheti cs andof cor rec t formalization are ver y im po rt ant. Th ere is a lways arig ht and a not rig ht way o f d o ing thin gs . Th erefore,

    arc hit ec tu re follo ws a th eory. As out sid ers, we m ay onl y becomeaware o f th ese di sti nc ti ons w hen th ey become p art o f a g randreli g ious tr aditi on, as in Hi nd uism , or w hen th ey are p ubl ishedin a convention al mann er. Bu t th ey also ex ist orall y in folkcul t ure. Exam pl es of such b uild ing t heo ries m ay be foun d,among o th er pla ces, in Yemen , Sri Lank a, Ma laysia, J ava a ndBali . Th ey ma y be r elated t work o n th e un consciou s by Ca rl

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    6 4 T S R 5 2

    Jung. The existence of such a theor y of atchitecture in theBangladeshi unconscious is a central theme of Hussain.

    Recent research by the author shows that there has been verylittle change in this inner theory in more than a hundredyea rs .') The images , too, have remained remarkably constant

    FIG. 2). Without doubt , Bangladeshi architecture has experienced a number of transformations and the importation ofoutside concepts, ye t certain a ttitudes deep within the psycheof the people ha ve remained unchanged. New elements ofexperience, knowledge , value, will and behavior have simplybeen absorbed into the individual subconscious within theconstraints of collective condition s. Hussain aims not only tostudy this identit y , but to understand its formalizationthrough architectural elements .

    TH E V I LL G E

    Bangladesh is made up of many villages, and one characteristicof the rural people is their attitude of self-dependence. Formost necessities , especially everyday items such as food,clothing , shelter, education, and health care, people dependon local resources. Since prehi storic times villages have beencreated from necessity . They evolve spontaneously and cannot be created artificially FIG. 3 .

    The folk architecture of Banglad es h is primarily embodied invillage homesteads . These express characteristic ways of life,practical and spiritual needs, and tastes . Traditional villagebuilding techniques have gradually evolved into a uniquesystem of architecture. Although this system is not used incontemporary urban-based architectural practice , its application in rural areas continues unabated.

    Bangladeshi villages are generally situated on slightly raisedground,'4 a nd maintain a horizontal relationship with adjacentfields. Usually a river, lake, or swamp is nearby. A village mayfollow the serpentine path of a river as an equally continuousflow of green. Land, trees and water are the elementaryingredients of the village, and from these have evolved the

    main themes of rural architecture . Practical considerationssuch as climate, rain, solar incidence, and patterns oflight andshadow also determine the design of the village and thedwelling . The main intention of his architecture is ease of useand comfort. An old saying (Khaner bachan f) goes like this:

    Sottth facing is king of rooms,

    East is its 'vassal,West meets the wretched ones,

    North is belittle.2 f

    FIGURE 2. TOP) Bangladeshi mral hltt, Celltlll),-old deJrri/JtiollS eire still

    vctlid toe/ay_

    FIGURE 3 BOTTOM) Villa ges ctre { lie/lured extension of he crndJCtlpe.

    Another old saying is Ducks in the east, bamboo in thewest. This implies a pond in the east and bamboo groves inthe west. The reasoning is quite rational: wind from thesouth and southeast will be cooled by the water, and will thencool the house , while bamboo groves in the west protect thehouse from intense solar radiation . These are instances ofcorrect climatic planning incorporat ed into folk buildingpractice. With this essence, rural architecture has remainedunchanged for centuries, showing genuine sensitivity tonature and its elements ,

    Families living in villages are joint in nature ,' ? The age-oldpicture is of a storehouse full of rice, a pond full of fish, and

    a house full of relatives, A simple approach to li fe, agriculture-based comparable production capability, religious consciousness, and a peace-loving nature - thes e qualities ofpeople's liv es have remained unchanged, leading to a specifictype of architectural layo ut , In brief, the p lac e 's formationof th e courtyard-centered layo ut and its relat ed architecturaltheory is only possible from this point of view.

    When a homestead is constructed, ponds are excavated firstand a mound raised with the soil obtained . A family starts

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    living on the site in a simp le hut, but gradually their requirements increase and their hut becomes insufficient. Morestructures are then added, keeping a courtyard, or ttthan , in the

    center. The owner of he house , usually the farmer or his eldestson, is given the best lo cation beside the ttthan . This is usuall ythe northern structure, whi ch faces south . According to ageand position in the family, each person is assigned ot her huts.If there is need for more than four structures, a larger courtyardis creared, wi t h two huts on either side.

    Under the open sky, every bit of the uthcm is usable space. Thequadrant has many purposes: it is a place to dry clothes orcrops, a p lay area for chi ld r en, a location for elders to converse,an arena for story-telling or musical events, and a site forceremonies marking birth , marriage or death FI G . 4 . It is alsothe ring where petty family quarrels occur and where their

    solution is arbitrated. During the monsoon, when water iseverywhere, the courtyard may become a poo l, and residentsmay throw a line from their door and wait patiently for a bite.It is also here that the chi ldren may float banana leaf rafts or

    get their first lessons in swimming. These are perhaps someof th e reason s w hy courtyards prevail in the architecture of allcountries w ith warm climates, be they dry or humid. Thecentra l courtyard is the element whic h successfu lly establishesand enriches human relationships.

    When houses are complete on th e four sides of th e uthan, akitchen structure is constructed on th e northeastern corner.All around the area are p la nt ed coco nut and betelnut trees,and demarcation is completed by a jut e straw, bam boo , or beanvine fence, which also ensures the privacy of wome n . Insid e is thedheki , 29 lookin g like a huge woode n croco dile on two leg s FIG. .At the north west corner of the uthan is lo cated a women s privyand we ll , and similar features for m en can be found in a nearbydense growt h of cane. Beyond the kitc hen is a sma ll pond, a we ll,

    S A I F U L H A Q B A N G L A D E S H 6

    or a tubewell. Near the kitchen is a sma ll structure w hi ch is usedwhe n necessary as a place for giving birth. In Hindu homes thereis also a hut for the deity near by .

    When the sun sets, the women go bathing, ei t her in the ghatsof the pond or the river. Privacy is needed h ere, too, an d thecoconut-trunk st eps that go down to the wate r are screenedon both sides by bamboo fencing. Just beside this ghat is ahuge hog-plum or tamarind tree, the fruit being a specia ldelicacy for expectant mothers. A ll these elements - water,trees, huts and courtyard - are the necessary constituents ofa rural home.

    Just at the entrance of the homestead is a large hut in an openarea, called the katchari ghar FIG. 6 . In the Western sense itis a reception structure, and it is sparse ly furnished with a few

    benches, one or two chairs, and possib ly a wooden chowki3

    Asm a ll room in th e corner is used ei ther as a guest accommodation or as a study for children . The cattle shed is nearby , andbetween it and katchari ghar is a series of earthen jars set in

    F I GURE 4. TOP LEFT) Co rtymod of an ordinary mral homestead.

    F I GURE 5. TO P RIGHT) The dekhi is a hmking instrument.

    F I GURE 6. BOT TOM RI GHT ) A katchari ghat seen behind a sCC f oldfor

    ndian spinach.

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    T D 5 R 5 2

    bambo o frames to store fodder. There is also a bamboo-framedstructure supporting an earthen cont ainer or a huge pail, bigenough so that two or three cows can drink together ftom it.

    Goats and their kids may be found an ywhere , even under thebench of the katrhar i ghar . In front of thi s hur is a low bamboofence, and within it a flower garden with enchanting smell sand lovely colors. Some typical flow ers are marigold, rose,tube rose, china rose , red china ros e, jasmine , cockscomb, andglory of Japan. A sweet plum or perhaps a guava tree, heavywith fruit, is at one side, and at th e ext r eme south is amargosatree . A southern wind flowing through this last comes as acomfort to the homestead. Oth er tr ees that create a g reenentry are the woodapple , coconm, be telnut, and grapefruit.Th ere ar e a lso aloe and ba sak A dhatoda basira ) plants. Th ealoe s thick leaf is soothin g to th e temple and scalp in ho t

    wea th er, while the juic e of basctk leaves mi xed with hone y is aremed y for coughs and cold s in wint e r. Likewis e , mar g osatw igs a re used to clean t ee th; mottl ed ebony g ives color tofishin g nets ; j ika (L amzea grandis) g ives g lue; and schoolchildr en u se the flat ends of th e s ilk cotton tr ee s thorns to mak eplay stamps.

    N ea rby are bamboo g rov es, w hi ch brin g a p leasant murmur toth e ear s w hen the w ind bl ows, w hil e th e fall en bamboo leavesma k e a soft blanket over th e mud. P erhaps th e re a re al soorchard s filled with man go, Indi an bl ac kb erry, li t chi , a ndjackf ruit tr ees, and a vege tab le ga rd en w ith egg pl ant , chili es,ca ulifl owe r , a nd p apa ya, and so m e ti m es a s caf fo ld for Ind ian

    spina ch or cucumber. In th e b ranches of th e fruit t rees is ano isem aker to scar e bird s , w ith a long rop e reachin g to th ekcttchari gh m '. Scarecrow s m ad e w ith saw du s t and straw p erchin th e vege table gard en dr esse d in old cl othe s, th eir paint edfaces riv alin g the work of any ur ban ar ti st. B eyond lie th efie lds, dry a nd c rack ed in the s um me r, wate rl ogge d and softd uri ng th e mon soo n.

    T he fina l elem ent of th e co m po un d is th e fa mil y g raveyard,ly ing ju st b eyond th e g arde n. T he d iffe rent elem ent s need edprog ressiv ely in a lifetim e c an b e a ll b e fo und in f olk architec tu r e in an a stoni shi ng ly sim p le ma nn e r. Toda y s in s titu-ti onali zed archite c tu r e do es not st r ive to fulfill all th ese need sor b e so deepl y connect ed to man. Folk a rchitecture is cr eat edfor a ll th e needs of li fe - from b irth to death. Lif e a ndarc hi t ec tu r e a re comp l e tely unit ed .

    T H E S T R U T U R E S

    Th e p l inth s on w hich d we lli ngs res t are hi g h so that stru ct ur esare not flooded durin g th e m onsoo n , or th a t snakes, frogs, or

    other undesirable creatures do not come inside at night. Thefront of each hut contains a full-l ength or partial verandah. Toreach the door, one has to climb mud st eps and cross it. At oneside of the verandah is a bamboo platform supported by a mudmound or bamboo stilts . Th i s provide s a place for guests to sit,for family members to sleep on hot nights , or to store paddyor ju t e in heaps .

    In side th e house there is ge nerally on e lar ge space that serv esmany purposes; there are few or no partition walls and noseparate rooms . To on e side the b ed platform is raised high onbamboo posts, level with the window so that breezes will cooltho se sleeping there at nig ht. Below it are stored onions ,p ot a to es, chilies, and oth er small necess ities FI G . 7) . On th eoth er side of the room is a hig h p latform , on which are keptseed s prepared from th e p rev io lls yea r for plantin g in th e

    co mi n g season . Som e ti m es th ere are a lso lin es of earth en jarsfill ed w ith molasse s.

    A roun d the walls are bamb oo shelves, and below th ese arehun g s uch items as mirror s, co mb s, and lamps FIG. 8). Th ereis al so a small clos et , a tabl e, and a chair - perhap s ofyellowi sh jackfruit wood. From dia g on al bamboo bracin gm ay hang a cane or reed sw in g . In it s ce nter may be a colorfulpape r flower or a rattl e - so methi n g brou g ht from th e m ark etfor a yo un g c hild . A sickl e, a hookah, or pe rhap s an old colore dp ic tu r e ma y be tu cked in on the ex terior side of th e wove nba m boo wa ll s , and l ea nin g o n anoth er side m ay be two or th ree

    FIGURE 7 L EF T) I Il/ e-

    rior view oj / / fIred hilt.

    F C I N G P GE )

    FI GURE 8. LEFT) B(I I I1 -

    boo shelves eire hllllg }; Olll

    the walk Illterior of l

    II/lid hilt kilrhell.

    FIG URE 9. (TOP

    RI G HT ) Aft er hllildillg

    to tl c-ertclill height. the

    lillie {{lelll: e re dried/or

    { day or tll/D .

    FI GU R E IO. (BO T TOM

    RIGH T ) A 11I 0 -S/0I)

    l i l l i e hOllse.

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    plows of Acacia timber. Sometimes the house may contain anextra, portable stove, perhaps in a broken pail, for use duringwinter or the monsoons. The stove is also used on special

    occasions , suchas at birth or at

    atime of

    illness,when

    itis

    necessary to heat water or milk .

    Rural architectur e never contains unnecessary or unused spaces .Construction is simple, efficient and economical. It is notpossible to create a lo w-cost structure using high-cost materials, even by reducing floor area. Bangladeshi village architecture is created using the most readily available buildingmaterials, and most elements are produced by the resident .

    The hut is of rectangular shape. According to the capabilityof the householder , its wa lls are made with jute straw, mud,bamboo, wood, or plain or corrugated iron sheet; its floor

    with bricksormud; its roofwith straw mp golpata or metalsheets. People generally build their own houses with assistance from family members and the spontaneous help offriends and neighbors.

    Typica ll y, wood or bamboo posts are inserted in the ground ata spacing of about three meters. To prevent decay, their endsare either burned or painted wi t h bitumen. On top of theposts are p laced triangular wooden or bamboo trusses REFERTO FIG. 7 . Thes e trusses are joined by bamboo purlins ofsmaller section, and the wh o le structure is covered over bylayers of straw. The pitched roof may have two, four , or ~ v n

    eig ht planes so that water runs off easily. Roof members aretied to one another w ith coconut fiber, ju t e rope , or metalwires. Sometim es cane may also be used. The knots are neatand skillful, developed b y experience and extremely strong .Since the roof is pitched, a false ce ilin g is sometimes madeinside. This too is done with bamboo or wood, and theresulting attic is llsed for sto rage.

    S A I F- U L H A Q B A N G L A D E S H 7

    Sometimes mud walls are used instead of posts. Such walls areoften very thick. In some cases cow dung, chopped straw, orother materials is mixed with the earth to make the walls

    stronger. Sometimesthe

    stabi li zedmud is

    formedinto

    bricklike or square blocks, which can be laid up into a wall. In thisptocess, after building to a certain height, the earth is allowedto dry for a day or two before construction continues FI G . 9 .The roof truss with all its covering material is placed directlyon top of a mud wall. To produce two-story structures, woodenor bamboo platforms may added FIG. 10). In some areas analternative to all-mud walls are thin strips of bamboo woventogether, placed upright , and covered with mud-straw mixture.

    To protect the house from strong winds, a piece of bamboois inclined against the bamboo posts as a brace. Thick wiresmay also be used for this purpose , tied to wedges buried inthe ground. Windows are genera ll y kept in the south, east,and north sides of the dwelling. Window panels are mostlyof bamboo or wood, and are hu n g from the top, and door sare made of the same materials . Eaves usually project far

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    6 8 T O S 5 2

    outside the wa ll li n e to protect the walls from sun and rain .The pitched roof structure, with its many angled planes ,resembles a series of littl e pyramids.

    The finishing step in house building is to spread amixture of mud and cow dung over the mud walls andfloor. A rag or jute fiber is used to ap p ly the mixture. Itis dipped into the slush, and a di s tinct design of semicircular arches appears, made to the diameter of the humanh a nd REF ER TO F I G . Because of i ts fibrous properties,cow dung acts as a sea lant that helps keep the premisesclean. Sometimes borders are made around the doors andwindows, and niches are used to keep lanterns and otherhousehold items FIG. I I ) . These borders and niche s aredecorated with flowers, birds , butterflies , and other des igns using a white paste made from t p rice FIG. 12).

    F IG URE II LEFD Niche in the thick IIllid wd . Petlterm

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    Technically, village structures require only a basic knowledgeof post and lintel. Their real beaut y comes from accumulatedwisd om . Nothing is impo sed in th e landscape created in thevillage. The planning procedure is natural , related w ith therural way of li fe . Appropriate use of materials is the mainth em e of folk architecture. The philo soph y is harmoniou slyrelated with the people s life-style.

    Villages may today be ig nored b y urban d we ller s . Butvillages were th eir birthplace , and their cultural roots liethere. Today folk practices a re hamper ed by poverty and bythe imposition of un s y mpatheti c arc hite ct ural styles.However , at one ti m e folk construction t ec hniqu es were soadvanced that th e s moothn ess of a mud wall was put to testusin g ants. If th e ants could climb the wall eas ily after it wasbuilt , the wo rk was only of co m mon qu ali t y If th ey co uldno t , it was of a very hi gh standard. Similarly, after the st r awof a roof was done, the excess materials burnt off, and the roofmade neat and smoot h , a silver coin was tossed onto it. If theco in came do w n easily , th e wo rk was cons idered excep tional ;otherw se , not.

    S A I F U L H A Q B A N G L A D E S H 9

    FIGURE 13 . L EFT) Horn ing s elle in l r/llt:d l rket-

    place The strt ttllres resemble the residelltict/ hilts.

    FIGUR E 1 B OT TOM LEFT) D eteri of balltvoo

    tuet/ .FIGURE 15 . BELO\ V) Terra-cotta lUork Oil the 8m/

    dhist 1Il0tlaJtelJ at Perhmpllr ll North B ang erdesh.

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    7 T S R 5 2

    N E G L E C T O F T R A D I T I O N

    Today in Bangladesh lack of practice and patronage have

    allowed these techniques to be neglected. To create anidentity for the region, however, a search for the folk heritageis vi tal. The material for such a revival is in evide nce all acrossthe country . Even today the peasant homes of North Bengalare almost entirely built with earth. Walls, floors , and stairsare all made of this material. Decorations in the walls andaround the openings represent beliefs and life-style.

    The terra-cotta work in Kantaji temple is an extraordinarysample of his tradition. Similar work is also seen in numerousedifices of the country (FIG. 15). From the north, s onegradually approaches southwest, terra cotta roofing tiles areused more widely in place of straw or corrugated sheets. And

    s the mud walls of the north are replaced b y bamboo andwooden structures, engraved patterns of flowers, vines andbuds are also seen in wooden walls, doors and w indows. Incertain areas, especially in the south, a pitched roof of golpataalso appears. The change of availability of building materialsis the main reason for this variation. Construction systemsdepend on available materials, ease of procurement, andtraditional techniques.

    In the ideal village of yesteryear the division of labor was suchthat there were experts in education, health , religion , festivals,and other topics. Potters and ca rpenters worked with theowner on specialized tasks of house building in exchange forcrops or coins . When the house was finished, a creeper ofsquash or pumpkin planted by the eldest member,perhaps thegrandmother, was allowed to climb to the roof and cover itwith green leaves and w hite fruit. Later, this fruit or vegetablecould be used to make a single- or a double-stringed instrument for a famil y mem ber. Nothing in the village was wasted;everything was for man - for life . Such was the structure ofthe village ideal.

    Villagers in former times also had zamindars - a classspecifically created by industrialized Europe primarily forthe collection of revenue. But zamindars were also used tokeep industrialization from the Indian subcontinent, and somake it a convenient market for European commodities. Towa lk in ftont of the zamindar s palace with shoes on, anumbrella in the rain, or even dressed in a shirt was considereda serious crime. Any peasant who dared do so was immediately subject to harsh punishment. There was also a lawrelated to building . No one was allowed to build a housewith bricks, because the go d -like zamindar s palace wasmade of this material. If anyone still cared to do so , he orshe had to receive permission from the lord. In a curious

    way this regulation contributed to the preservation ofindigenous architectural traditions.

    The natural state of rural architecture , that which existedbefore the colonial period, however , is not seen toda y. Onereason is that joint families no longer exist. Poverty, villagepolitics , petty squabbles, and economic depression have allcombined to destroy the Platonic ideal of living together.The colonial education system also h ad a hand in thedestruction of the joint family. Imagine a father who tookhis plow every dawn and walked with his two buffaloesthrough the mist to the fields . Imagine also a son, ladenwith books on his way to school, still finding time to deliverhis father's lunch . Such domestic interdependence existedat one time; but now, as soon as the son grows up andbecomes educated, he gets a job and leaves the village.

    Marrying an urban girl, he enters urban li f e and leavesbehind his village, parents, brothers and neighbors. Storiessuch s these abound. Whenever a brother or sister getsmarried , immediately a new house, new utensils, a newstove, and newly divided land appear. But the eternal

    layout offout huts around a courtyard does not appear. Twohuts - one for li v ing and one for cooking - and anassociated yard are the only architectural elements the newfamily creates. This new code is apathetic and lacksspontaneity. It is an artificial construct, devoid of meaningbecause it stems ftom an act w hich negates tradition.Nevertheless, the contemporar y rural family and its relatedarchitecture lies dormant in every urban dweller s acommon heritage .

    Tradition, heritage , and other such elements of pride inBangladesh originate from the villages. The activities of thepeople are very much entwined with nature and life. Thisfinds expression in many curious ways. One is the serialnaming adjacent villages. Near Bikrampur of Dhaka are fourseparate , adjacent villages called Taka nai, Paisa nai, Ratbhor,and Kandunisaipride. Together these sound s taka nai , paisanai , ratbhor , kandttnisctr. In Bengali this means No notes, nocoins, futile tears all night long .

    To these village-based, river-nourished, humble people aprevailing and popular philosophy has been carried downftom ancient times. It has developed from poverty , socialinjustice, and inse curi ty in life. Life is like the riverbankdwellings that are once there , once gone - everything is

    temporary. This philosophy is perhaps a way of obliteratingpoverty, pain and injustice. Earth, river, water and landscapehave taught man from th e beginning , and today the result is

    seen in the writings of philosopher poets such s Lalon andHason Raja. What house shall I make in the middle of

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    naught? These words can only be uttered by someone whois truly a descendant of nature. Similarly, Everyw here is myhome, yet I perish in search. Such philosophy incorporating

    a deep sense of unity with nature is quite rare. But in a landwhere poetry and philosophy are inherent in every person itis not only natural, but effortless and spontaneous. In thevillages everyone does their own work and is self-sufficient.Since they make their houses wi t h their h and s and live inharmony with nature, it is hardly surprising to encountersuch philosophical apothegms.

    The searc h for tradition, cu l ture, architecture and art innewly independent and once -colonized countries is a continuing struggle. In architecture this task is extremelyperplexing, especially when there exists in a country acontemporary trend of modernism which blindly follows

    Western models. In the evo luti on of architecture onceflourishing folk models are on the verge of decay. This trendcontinues perhaps due to the lack of interest and patronage ,perhaps because of poverty . But it is extremely important tolearn from the traditional heritage and gain from the accumulated wisdom of the ancestors . If the residual thin streamis nurtured , a new and powerfu l chapter may be added in thequestion of overa ll identity. The spread of interest in thesematters is vital to the task of retaining traditions and distinctways of existence . In today's context, it is not unreasonableto be undeterred in such an effort.

    S A I F U L H A Q B N G L D E S H 71

    FINAL REMARKS

    The premise of this article has been to look at on ly one aspect

    of an all -encompass ing study. In this regard, one cannotconclude, but only observe and possibly infer.

    What ca n be understood from the foregoing discussion is th atnature and man were once in harmony. This relationship notonly concerned dwelling construction, but it pervaded muchmore deeply into the psyche of the rural people. Speakingabout popular rural songs of Bengal, Ta gore has said:

    Their religious emotionshad ts spring in the depth ofa philosophythat deals with fundamental questions - with the ultimatemeaning of existence. That may not be remarkable in itself; but

    when we find that these songs are not specially meant for some

    exclusivepundits' gathering but that they were sung in villagesand istened to by men and women whowere illiterate, we realize

    how philosophy has permeatedthe life of he people in India, howit has sunk deep into the subconscious mind of he country. 3

    2

    The other factor of significance is social cohesiveness. This playsa major role in the building process, which in turn influencessocia l balance. Such observations are eno ugh t draw attentiont the insufficiencies of partially concluded theories. Social,anthropological, political, formal, material, technical, and othersuch issues need sim ult aneous deliberation. Hopefully, in thatdirection lies proper comp reh ension of Bangladeshi architecture and the formation of an applicable theory.

    REFERENCE NOTES 1. Among the scholats who developed thi snotion are P Brown ndi all Arcbitectllre

    (Bombay, 1956) ; and A.D. King, TheBungalow , Part I II , ArciJitectlfrct AJJOC;Cltioll

    QlIarterly Vol.) NO.3 (July lSeptember 19 73) andVol.) NO-4 (October/December 19 73) .

    PP17 8-7 9 8. See P. Hasan , Sultanate Mosque-types ofBangladesh: Origins and D eve lopm ent (Ph.D.diss., Fine Arts and Middle Eastern Studies,Harvard Universiry, 1984).9. See, for exam pl e , G. Mich ell, ed ., TheIJ/ctmic Herita ge 0/ Benga l (Paris: UNESCO, 1984);and Brick TelilpleJ 0/ Bengal (Ptinceton: Princ etonUn ivetsity Press, 1983). Also, G. Colesworthy,Rared Life i l l BCl/gal (re printed from the 1864edition; Micrographjc edition, Calcutta , 1984).

    All rhese books have excellent visual matetials .1 0 . See G. Semper, The Fot(/' EleJllents 0/Architectllre ane other Writingr (Cambridge:

    2 . l M Khan, A lte rnative Approach to theRed eve lopmenc of Old Dacca (Ph.D. d iss.,Facult y of Applied Sc iences, KatholiekeUniversireir, Leuven , 1982); and D. M . Hasan, "A

    Study of Traditional House Forms in

    Banglad es h (M .Arch. th es is, Deparrmenc ofArchiteCture, Bangladesh University of

    Engineering and Technolo gy Dacca, 1985) both

    refer to this idea.

    3. Kin g, Th e Bun ga low , Part I.

    4- For a detailed account, see A .D. King, Th eBungalow: The Prodlt ctioll 0/a Gl obal CltltMe(London: Routledg e and K ega n Paul, 1984).). Ibid. , p.2.6. Quote by Francis Buchanan in King, TheBllIlgc lOW.

    7 . A. Vo wahsen, i villg Architecture: Islamic

    I didll (London: MacDonald Co. , Ltd., 1970),

    Cambridge Universiry Ptess, 1989).I I . R.H. Blerter, On Martin Frohlich's

    Gottfri ed Sempet, O/J/JOJitiollS 4 (1975), P14712 . Ibid . P.147.13 . E. Violler-le-Duc, The Habi tcltiollS0 Mall inall AgeJ, Benjamin Bucknall, trans. (New York:

    Benjamin Blom , 1971).14- G. Bachelard , The Paetin o/Spelee (Boston:Beacon Papetback , 1969).15. R. Tagor e, The philosophy of our People,

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