025. Polaris Burmese Library Collection Vol 25 - New Version - 2011

8/7/2019 025. Polaris Burmese Library Collection Vol 25 - New Version - 2011

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/025-polaris-burmese-library-collection-vol-25-new-version-2011 1/211

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Friday, 16 November 2007 19:11 -

UN US





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(ILO) ILO

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Comments


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ay;xm;wJhEdkifiHwpfckjzpfawmh tenf;eJ@trsm;qdkovdkawmh em;axmifvdrfhr,fvdk@,lq&ygw,f?”jrefrmEdkifiHrSm'Drdkua&pDa&;jyKjyifajymif;vJr_awGudk t&SdefjrSifhvkyfaqmifygvdk@ w&kwfEdkifiHuajymqdkr_ eJ@ywfoufvkd@jrefrmEdkifiHtrsdK;om;nGef@aygif;tpdk;&&J@

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14

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tJ'DvkdrsdK;awG toHawGbmawGudk=um;awmh yxr tazu at;at;aq;aq;yJ/+idrf+idrfoufoufyJ &Sdaeao;w,f/ tJ'Dawmh ol qlqlnHnHawG =um;wmayghaemf/ =um;awmh tJ'gti,fruaexGuf+yD;awmh oGm;+yD; oGm;ajymr,fqdk+yD;

xGufoGm;wm? xGufoGm;wJhtcsdefrSmodyfr=umbl;/ taztJ'Dvdk tarmazmufovdk jzpf+yD;awmh qHk;oGm;wmaygh?”[kwfuJh? rjzLjzLoif; zcifuaq;&Hkwifxm;&wmb,favmuf=um+yDvJcifAs? -“aq;&Hkwifxm;&wmuawmh 5&ufavmufyJ &Sdao;w,f? tazu yxr

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15

cifAs? -“[kwfuJh? t&ifwkef;uawmh oluoljzpfwmu OD;aESmufeJ@tm&Hka=umjzpfwmaygh? tJ'D awmh olu todawmh&Sdw,f/ odyf usef;rma&;u qdk;qdk;&Gm;&Gm;qdkayr,fh

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17

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tDA&m[if *rfbm&D (Ibrahim

Gambari) eJ@ vl@tcGifhta&; txl;pHkprf;ppfaq;a&;rSL; ygarmuQ ay:vdk

qma*s,dk yifnJ&dk; (Paulo Sergio

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(Tiffany) eJ@ umwDtm

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20

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21

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16 Edk0ifbm 2007

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http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/november/NMSPstm.html





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Content Management & Community Portal / Network Google Freedom / Proxy Tools Google Tools & Service - gmail, blog, reader, picasa, youtube,maps, search, images and tools

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think local–

go global

No letting up on Myanmar





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Activists urge Asean to tighten screws on

Yangon as summit kicks off todayas summit kicks off todayas summit kicks off todayas summit kicks off today

Monday • November 19, 2007Nazry Bahrawinazry@mediacorp. com.sg CLIMATE change, an integrated economic community and the Asean Charter wouldbe the main issues on the plates of regional leaders as they kick off the AseanSummit today, but for others, Myanmar tops their agenda.Even before the Asean preparatory meeting got off last night, activists were busyover the weekend trying to convince the visiting heads of states here to tighten thescrews on Myanmar.Yesterday saw three events a mass prayer at the MangalaVihara Buddhist temple attended by about 1,000 Myanmar people; a forum on

Myanmar organised by volunteers from SG Human Rights group saw 100participants, while a peace concert at the Substation attracted less than 50.And on Saturday, the Overseas Burmese Patriots (OBP) a coalition of eightMyanmar groups comprising students, professionals and workers here drew about700 to its gathering (picture) that culminated with the group handing over a petitionsigned by 3,626 to Ms Irene Ng, the Member of Parliament for Tampines GRC. The petition to be handed by Ms Ng to Foreign Minister George Yeo today so that

he could submit it to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) urged the worldbody to encourage dialogue between the Myanmar junta and opposition and civilsociety groups. It called on the UNSC to take appropriate action, including sanctionsif necessary.In her speech, Ms Ng reiterated: "My own view is that it (Asean) shouldnot be slow to take Myanmar to task, including suspending it, if its military rulerscontinue to refuse international and domestic demands for reform." The MP, who was at the event because she felt strongly for the Myanmar cause and

raised the issue in Parliament last month, said that she was speaking in her personalcapacity as a parliamentarian.In an interview with CNBC Asia on Saturday, SingaporePrime Minister Lee Hsien Loong stressed that nobody on the continent wantedsanctions imposed on Myanmar. Sharing Mr Lee's perspective, Cambodian PrimeMinister Hun Sen, said at a business forum here yesterday, that doing so would hurtMyanmar's people and not its leaders.Meanwhile, Asean yesterday rejected a call bythe United States Senate to suspend Myanmar following September's violent





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crackdown on pro-democracy protests.Asean Secretary-General Ong Keng Yong saidthe resolution was not doable from the perspective of the 10-member regional bloc,reported DPA."Our approach is not to take such confrontational, drastic action,especially when it does not yield us any good results," Mr Ong said.

In spite of these developments, OBP representatives, mainly students from tertiaryinstitutions here, are hoping to organise more peaceful gatherings. The group isnegotiating with the police and the National Environment Agency to obtain a permitto release some 100 doves in the Central Business District – either tomorrow orWednesday."This is a common Buddhist practise in Myanmar. The Myanmarcommunity here wants to signal its support for freedom and peace, and to show oursolidarity with those who are suffering back home," said OBP committee member JJEdward Su, a hotel manager working here.Another OBP member, National Universityof Singapore (NUS) student Pan Thinzar Myo, 28, stressed they would not hold theevent if they do not get police clearance.A group of NUS students from the US,Britain, Sweden, Germany, the Netherlands and Sri Lanka intends to go ahead withits planned vigil outside the summit venue – the Shangri-la Hotel -- despite a policewarning against any outdoor protests.In groups of four, they plan to dress in red insolidarity with the saffron-robed monks, who led the peaceful protests throughMyanmar's major cities. They would also hold candles and pictures of Aung San SuuKyi, the country's detained pro-democracy leader.Said its spokesperson JonnyWengrowe, 22, who is studying business and philosophy: "We are not here to cause

any trouble under any circumstance, so if the authorities tell us to disperse, we willdo so peacefully." While all these are happening in Singapore, what of the situationin Myanmar?One Myanmar monk, who had just arrived here on a two-month visit,told Today: "It is likely that there might be another mass street protest if thingscontinue the way they are."But another monk, who has been here for five years,said: "It is better to engage in peaceful dialogue than take to the streets again."





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2007.11.19

http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/19/china_support_un_afford/

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2007.11.18 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/18/kio_houses_raided/

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2007.11.18http://www.rfahttp://www.rfahttp://www.rfahttp://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/18/sanga_alliance_allow_local_chapter.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/18/sanga_alliance_allow_local_chapter.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/18/sanga_alliance_allow_local_chapter.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/18/sanga_alliance_allow_local_chapter

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PNLOPNLOPNLOPNLO

()/ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/november_2007/19-11-07_d.php

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http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/articles2007/November/06.html

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“” [Top]

How to

Save Burma's Future Generation?

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http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/news2007/November/nov_19_07.html

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Irene Ng Phek Hoong (Member of Parliament from SingaporeGovernment PAP Party)

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WE PERSUE PEACE AND JUSTICE www.overseasburmesepatriots.org

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Concern for Burma, Burma Action, DTASG (To avoid tax to BurmeseEmbassy), Bloggers and University, Poly student groups





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- “” http://soneseayar.blogspot.com/

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pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007





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pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007pifumyledKifiH 20.11.2007

pifumyledKifiHpifumyledKifiH pifumyledKifiHpifumyledKifiH 18181818.11.2007.11.2007.11.2007.11.2007





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Orchard Road sees redOrchard Road sees redOrchard Road sees redOrchard Road sees red

Wednesday • November 21, 2007 Nazry [email protected] THEY had played by the rules, holding gatherings at indoor venues to express solidaritywith their countrymen back home. And yesterday, they had planned to release doves in asymbolic gesture of peace. But the gameplan for the Myanmar community here changed after United Nations' special

envoy Ibrahim Gamabari's briefing to the East Asia Summit was called off andyesterday, they took to the streets without a police permit. Thirty-five in all students, professionals and workers donned red T-shirts and linedup in rows of three (picture), carrying flyers and a banner, outside Starbucks Coffee atOrchard Parade Hotel for nearly 20 minutes. Police arrived and after a five-minute exchange with the protesters, the latter, who

remained smiling and polite, removed their T-shirts and dispersed telling the media:"This is a peaceful protest, we don't want any trouble." Their one request to Singapore: Arrange a session with Mr Gambari, so they could get anupdate on Myanmar. On Monday, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong had said Singapore as Asean chair could"facilitate Mr Gambari's meeting with interested parties".

Earlier in the day at Orange Grove Road, near summit venue Shangri-La Hotel, fourmembers of SG Human Rights tried to hand over a greeting card bearing some 40signatures and a picture of Aung San Suu Kyi to Asean leaders. They were barred by police but after some discussion, it was agreed the group woulddisperse if a member of the Asean Secretariat came out to receive their card. This took





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place without incident. Others went beyond theatrics. At a press conference, regional civil society coalition Sapa Working Group on Asean said,

the grouping's acceding to Myanmar's request to scrap Mr Gambari's briefing was "a slap"to Asean and the hosts. But the group stressed that the "drama and activity" of street protests should not distractfrom what is important: The contents of the Asean Charter. The Sapa Working Group plans to submit its alternative Asean Peoples' Charter a codeof human rights principles to the Asean secretariat at the next year's Bangkok summit. Meanwhile, two members of the Singapore Democratic Party were escorted away fromShangri-La Hotel after repeated warnings not to enter the restricted area. One of them,Ms Chee Siok Chin, the sister of the party's secretary-general Chee Soon Juan, told policeshe had planned to have dinner at the hotel.

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http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/20/demostration_in_singapore/

(photo: AFP)(photo: AFP)(photo: AFP)(photo: AFP)

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2007.11.20http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/20/monks_movement_restricted/

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(Meg Mun - Parlimentary Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign and





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Commonwealth Office) Concern for Burma - -

Concern for Burma AN OPEN LETTER TO ASEAN SUMIJT 2007 (Download - www.monywa.org/witmone)





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2007.11.22http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/22/missing_universtiy_student/

2007.11.22 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/11/22/demostration_in_bkk/





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(Photo: AFP)

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Than Shwe Finds Burma’s Fate

in the Stars By Wai MoeBy Wai MoeBy Wai MoeBy Wai MoeNovember 23, 2007

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=9407

Burmese junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s wife Kyaing Kyaing recently visited thecelebrated Shit Myet Hna pagoda in her husband’s birthplace, Kyaukse, in centralBurma, but she wasn’t just sightseeing or calling on friends and relatives.

The revered site is known as the “Eight Faces” pagoda because it faces eight pointsof the compass. Kyaing Kyaing is reported to have prayed symbolically there forsupport from all sides for her beleaguered husband and his despised regime.KyaingKyaing and her husband, like many members of the ruling military, are deeplysuperstitious and rely on astrologers and other soothsayers to advise them.

They also indulge in yadaya , a kind of voodoo said to ward off ill-fortune, and aresaid to have employed its rituals in an occult bid to influence meetings betweenopposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the official appointed by Than Shwe to actas a go-between, retired general Aung Kyi.Than Shwe reportedly even attachessignificance to Aung Kyi’s name, combining as it does Aung at the start and Kyi atthe end. This combination is known in Burmese as “Ket’ Kin,” meaning the state of





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two names being diametrically opposite to each other and thus astrologicallysignificant.

There are others examples of ‘Ket’ Kin’ within the military junta. The names of ThanShwe, Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein and the official who signs government decreesand statements, Col Thant Shin, all begin with the letter T and end with S‘Ket’ Kin,” according to the superstitious.Than Shwe wasn’t always so subject tosuperstitious beliefone source close to the family says he was no strong believer inastrology when he was regional military commander in the Irrawaddy delta.

His wife Kyaing Kyaing, originally ethnic Pa-O, has long been a strong believer innats, or spirits, astrology and yadaya .

She is said to have been told by an astrologer in the 1980s that her husband would

one day head the government. The astrologer, a monk, also offered the delightedKyaing Kyaing the information that her husband had been a king in his past life.

After the first prediction came true, Than Shwe (not surprisingly) developed hisinterest in astrology and yadaya and began to seek the advice of astrologers andsoothsayersincluding Rangoon’s most famous fortune-teller, ET (also known as EThi).A Buddhist nun, Daw Dhammathi, is believed to be one of his family’s mostfavored astrologists, and Kyaing Kyaing is a frequent visitor to her temple compoundin Rangoon’s North Okkalapa suburb. Than Shwe’s efforts to neutralize the powers

of Suu Kyi are also said to account for his extraordinary initiative to force Burmese togrow physic nuts, which are intended to provide alternative fuel for the cash-strapped country. Physic nuts are known as kyet suu in Burmese, a combination of words that carry the astrological meaning of Monday-Tuesday. Suu Kyi’s own namehas the astrological meaning of Tuesday-Monday, and it’s said that Than Shwe’sastrologer suggested that by planting kyet suu throughout the country Suu Kyi’spowers could be neutralized.There’s no sign of that happening yet. Astrology andyadaya obviously have their limitations.





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Tales from the Land in Betweenby Bertil Lintner

November 1, 2007 The border frontier is a sanctuary for homeless refugees, Burmese spies, traders andThe border frontier is a sanctuary for homeless refugees, Burmese spies, traders andThe border frontier is a sanctuary for homeless refugees, Burmese spies, traders andThe border frontier is a sanctuary for homeless refugees, Burmese spies, traders and

people who dream of a bettepeople who dream of a bettepeople who dream of a bettepeople who dream of a better lifer lifer lifer life

In recent weeks, the world’s attention has focused onevents in Burma. The interest in the for now failedsaffron revolution was so great it pushed the newsfrom Iraq off the front pages of America’s newspapers

for the first time since the 2003 invasion.But for decades, people living along the border areashave been brutally beaten down by the regimemostlyout of the glare of media attention.

Richard Humphries, an American who teaches atuniversities in Japan, has been a frequent visitor to theborder conflict zones, and in this, his first book, he

provides firsthand accounts of the extraordinary peoplehe has encountered on both sides of the Thai-Burmesefrontier.

Among the people whose stories are told, in their own words and in Humphries’ narrative, is a deserter who describes how he joined the army at 16, well below theofficial minimum age limit for Burmese soldiers. Even so, he “was one of the oldestrecruits there as most were 15.”

“But, by no means is the Burmese Army the only employer of underage soldiers,” writes Humphries, who recalls meeting an 11-year-old boy serving in the Karen rebelarmy, because, “The enemy killed my parents. I am angry and don’t want to go to arefugee camp.”

Then there’s the tale of a traditional storyteller, who was harassed by authorities andarrested in 1991. After his release, he escaped to the border and ended up with the

Frontier Mosaic: Voicesfrom the Lands in Between,by Richard Humphries.Orchid Press, Bangkok,2007. P181





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strangest of all border groups: God’s Army, which was led by two young Karenbrothers, the cheroot-smoking twins, Johnny and Luther Htoo.

Their followers believed the twins possessed magical powers, were immune tobullets, and could make themselves invisible. The Htoo twins were associated with agroup of militants who, in October 1999, briefly seized the Burmese embassy inBangkok, and a few months later, occupied a hospital in the Thai town of Ratchaburi.

We also meet Nay Rayne Kyaw, now a member of the Mae Sot-based AssistanceAssociation for Political Prisoners (AAPP), who, during the 1988 upheavals, playedcat-and-mouse games with the authorities. He was twice arrested and remembers aBurmese captain who was “very fond of kicking and beating those under his care.” Having spent eight years in various prisons, Nay Rayne Kyaw was finally released

and made it to Mae Sot, where he and others created the AAPP, which documentsthe conditions of Burma’s many political prisoners.

There are also stories of homeless migrants, struggling mothers and striving artists,whose hopes and dreams are often dashed in the “land in between,” that is, inreality, neither Burma nor Thailand, but a volatile sanctuary for homeless andimpoverished people fleeing government repression.

It is not a safe place; technically people are living on Thai soil, but, lacking passports

and visas, they are classified as “illegal immigrants” and can be picked up by Thaipolice and detained at any time. For many, the only hope is a job in one of thesweatshops on the outskirts of Mae Sot, where they are often cheated of theirwages and abused in many other ways.

Mae Sot is an “ambiguous town,” writes Humphries, listed officially as having 42,000inhabitants although the actual number may be closer to 100,000, including“migrants but also insurgents, Burmese spies, NGO workers, traders, assorted

criminals and lost souls, for some of whom registering an official presence involvescomplications.”

Women are the unrecognized backbone of all the communities along the border,says Humphries. Without their strength, “the societies they are in would flounder.” They work in the fields, care for the children and run small, income-producing shopsfrom their bamboo huts where they sell soft drinks, soap powder and cheroots. The





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women teach in ramshackle schools where “illegal” children get a simple education.But the children get no acknowledgment for their studyno diploma or certificate toprove they have gone to school. One mother lamented: “My children don’t sayanything about what they want to do in the future.”

“Frontier Mosaic” has a very human touch, and Humphries has a deep sympathy forthe people he’s met along the border. All of the book’s royalties will be donated to“the border community, especially to the Mae Tao Clinic,” a makeshift hospitalfounded and directed by Dr Cynthia Maung, a Karen who fled to Mae Sot after the1988 uprising and who since then has provided health care and education toBurmese refugees and migrant workers.

Bertil Lintner is the author of numerous books on Burma that chronicle its ethnic minorities, the drug trade and the suppression of the 1988 uprising

Irrawaddy.org

http://www.irrawaddy.org/

OPINION / FORMALISATION OF REGIONAL GROUPOPINION / FORMALISATION OF REGIONAL GROUPOPINION / FORMALISATION OF REGIONAL GROUPOPINION / FORMALISATION OF REGIONAL GROUP

New Asean charter lacks visionNew Asean charter lacks visionNew Asean charter lacks visionNew Asean charter lacks vision

Southeast Asian government leaders will sign a document this week in Singapore that Southeast Asian government leaders will sign a document this week in Singapore that Southeast Asian government leaders will sign a document this week in Singapore that Southeast Asian government leaders will sign a document this week in Singapore that fails many testsfails many testsfails many testsfails many tests By JENINA JOY CHAVEZBy JENINA JOY CHAVEZBy JENINA JOY CHAVEZBy JENINA JOY CHAVEZ

When leaders of the member governments of the Association of Southeast AsianNations (Asean) meet for their 13th summit in Singapore today, the world's attentionwill be focused on what they will do on the matter of Burma.

The Burma question has become a yearly embarrassment and pressure point forAsean, and everyone is curious whether the collective global indignation after theSeptember violence will prompt Asean leaders to do something different this year.

The expectation that Asean will do something different also arises from itsannouncement three years ago that it will embark on building a charter to formaliseitself, establish the legal framework that would define the duties and responsibilities





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The charter reaffirms a government-centric Asean, defining rules of engagement formembers, and institutionalising age-old values of consensus and non-interference.However, it lacks clear mechanisms for dispute settlement, accountability andredress.

While the bodies themselves are given a mandate, the details are not to be found inthe charter, raising concerns that leaving them to ministerial bodies and instrumentsof Asean would dilute such a mandate.

Good offices, conciliation and mediation may be resorted to, but the default forunresolved conflicts is still the Asean summit. Considering the long years that theleaders have managed to ignore or dodge urgent but controversial issues in theregion, undefined dispute mechanisms that are eventually settled politically hardlyprovides confidence that disputes will receive speedy and proper resolution at all.

The inclusion of human rights in the charter's preamble and statement of principles,and the creation of the human rights body is a milestone for Asean. It is regrettablethat the charter leaves this article incomplete, with the body's operation still to bedefined according to the terms of reference to be determined at the Asean ForeignMinisters Meeting, which is another political gathering.

The charter talks about a people-oriented Asean, and upholds consultation andconsensus as basic principles in decision-making. Yet the charter does not provide

clear mechanisms for transparency and participation, and does not recogniseengagement and interaction with non-state actors and civil society. The charter isalso silent about how Asean's operations can be subject to independent scrutiny,how its processes can be accessed by interested groups, and how official informationshould be made public.

Other missing elements include the non-mention of migrant labour which makes upa substantial portion of labour flow in the region.

The only reference to gender and women's rights was in the selection of thesecretary-general and two of the four deputies.

Finally, the charter fails to celebrate the plurality of Asean economic experiences andrecognise its members' successes based on heterodox policy mixes, by explicitlyenshrining in the charter the principles of a market-driven economy.





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told his generals at an emergency meeting that they have to prepare for the worstand hope for the best.

He asked his men to launch a diplomatic, ''damage control'' offensive after the brutalcrackdown in September. But he is not prepared to surrender his seven step''roadmap''.

The sources also said that the regime's propaganda machine is running well at thehigher level and among the soldiers. The regime's spin on events is that the US andexiled media were behind the September uprising.

During the uprising, soldiers and officers were instructed to beat monks and to raidmonasteries, where they were told ''bogus monks'' had infiltrated the Sanghacommunity with the aim of destabilising the state.

Soldiers and their families were also ordered to watch state-run Burma televisionand to avoid popular foreign TV broadcasters like the BBC, CNN and Al Jazeeraduring the uprising in September.

This indicates that soldiers and their families, who are Buddhist, are not happy withthe crackdown on the monks. Rangoon's Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery, a prime targetof army raids, was frequently visited by the families of some army officers.

Some high-ranking generals reportedly received angry phone calls and complaintsfrom family members who regularly visit Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery and othertemples.

This increasing dissent and unhappiness within the armed forces is a seriousproblem that Snr Gen Than Shwe will have to tackle as a matter of urgency. He mayhave to reshuffle his cabinet and top leadership of the armed forces in order to quelldissent and possible schisms.

This isn't new, however. After the Depayin massacre, when Aung San Suu Kyi andher supporters were violently attacked, he introduced a ''roadmap'' and appointedGen Khin Nyunt to head the cabinet as prime minister. One year later Gen KhinNyunt was ousted and replaced by Snr Gen Than Shwe's trusted man, Gen Soe Win.

Last week's reshuffle indicated that Snr Gen Than Shwe is still in control and hastightened his grip on power. After Soe Win's death, Secretary One of the ruling





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council, Lt-Gen Thein Sein, was appointed prime minister. The hardliner Lt-Gen TinAung Myint Oo, bearer of the title Thiha Thura (''Courageous as a Lion''), becameSecretary One.

The appointment of Labour Minister Aung Kyi to be ''liaison minister'' between DawSuu Kyi and the regime is seen as a ploy to buy more time and to create morebreathing space for the regime.

Indeed, Mr Aung Kyi's recent meeting with Daw Suu Kyi was clearly intended todeflect international criticism. Some government sources suggested that it wasaimed at appeasing China and Russia, the regime's allies.

Inside the army, top generals are restless amid persistent rumours that Snr GenThan Shwe's deputy, Gen Maung Aye, who is currently army chief and deputy

commander-in-chief of the armed forces, has been increasingly sidelined.During the uprising, there was a rumour of a possible counter-coup by Gen MaungAye against Snr Gen Than Shwe.

The example of Gen Ne Win, who resigned as head of the armed forces afterreaching the retirement age of 60, paving way for a younger generation to takeover, is being raised.

Of course, Ne Win left his trusted men in top positions in the armed forces.

Snr Gen Than Shwe, took over the reins of the military government in April 1992,when he replaced Snr Gen Saw Maung as head of Burma's ruling body, then knownas the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC.

Born in 1933 in Kyaukse, Mandalay Division, Than Shwe joined the army at age 20.A year later, he attended the Officer Training School and became an army officerbefore enrolling in the Institute of Central Politics.

In 1958, he was attached to the psychological warfare department. But sensingperhaps that his future would be brighter in the armed forces, Than Shwe asked hissuperiors to post him back to the army.

His rapid rise though the the army began with postings in the Karen and Shanstates. In 1978 he was promoted to colonel. At age 50, he became one of the





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youngest commanders in the Burmese army when he was handed the post in theSouthwest Region, and by 1987 his rank was elevated to lieutenant-general.

Now, Snr Gen Than Shwe _ whose age has been officially given as 74 _ doesn't darerelinquish his powerful position in the Tatmadaw (Burmese military). He trusts noone.

Enter Gen Shwe Mann, who bears the Thura (''Courageous'') title, and who is nowthe regime's No. 3 man and is joint coordinator of the army, navy and air force. Herose quite rapidly to the top ranks, and Snr Gen Than Shwe might now want tomake him commander-in-chief, bypassing Gen Maung Aye.

Informed sources told The Irrawaddy that Snr Gen Than Shwe now closely workswith Gen Shwe Mann and Lt-Gen Thein Sein. They are both known to be good

listeners and get on with each other. Lt-Gen Thein Sein is from Defence ServicesAcademy 9 and Gen Shwe Mann is from 11.

Faced with fresh sanctions and increasing international pressure, Snr Gen ThanShwe, the former psychological warfare officer, is expected to bring more dynamicsto the political landscape in Burma.

With changes and a reshuffle, more cosmetic changes can be expected to emergeon the horizon. This is a survival game for him and his regime.

A former army officer once noted that generals have a simple approach _ take overthe high ground in a battle and retain it.

Snr Gen Than Shwe has the high ground, and he's not likely to give it up.

Aung Zaw is the editor of ''The Irrawaddy'' magazine based in Chiang Mai, Thailand.





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EDITORIALEDITORIALEDITORIALEDITORIALhttp://www.bangkokpost.com/printthis.php

Asean dances to junta's tuneAsean dances to junta's tuneAsean dances to junta's tuneAsean dances to junta's tune

In its typical Asean way and for no good reason, leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have decided it is much safer to save the ugly face of theruling Burmese generals than to offend them in public. Thus, the myopic last-minutedecision to cancel the scheduled briefings on Burma by United Nations special envoyIbrahim Gambari.

In defending the about-face, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said Burmahad emphasised that Mr Gambari, who has visited Burma four times, "should onlyreport to the UN Security Council and not to Asean or the East Asia summit".

The tone this time was a far cry from the tough talk at the United Nations GeneralAssembly by the Singaporean representative and by Prime Minister SurayudChulanont against the junta's brutal crackdown on monk-led demonstrations inRangoon in September.

Without doubt, Asean has shamelessly vacillated and kowtowed to the junta - as ithas done before whenever confronted by the junta's defiance or intransigence. MrGambari, who had travelled from New York in order to brief Asean leaders, has

every right to feel disappointed.

More importantly, Asean leaders unwittingly lost a good opportunity, which thebriefings would have given, to engage Burma in a constructive manner. Sadly in thiscase, Asean did not even bother to follow its professed mantra of constructiveengagement. Instead, it plunged all-out to embrace the other catch-phrase, which isnot to interfere in the internal affairs of member countries.

Asean had a brief moment of triumph when the 10 leaders, including Burmese PrimeMinister Thein Sein, signed the Asean Charter, billed as a milestone for the regionalgrouping in its 40 years of existence since its inception in 1967. The rules-baseddocument gives Asean a legal entity, sets a goal on democracy, pledges the settingup of a regional human rights body and aims to turn Asean into an economiccommunity similar to the European Union, minus a single currency, by 2015. Theendorsement of the Asean Charter represents a major step forward, although much





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needs doing to realise the charter's goals. The practice of non-interference, forinstance, has to be removed if Asean is to be able to push Burma into restoringdemocracy. The regional human rights body which has yet to be set up would be asham if it is not given teeth to sanction member countries that violate human rights.

Pitifully however, the moment of triumph and jubilation was spoiled by the verypeople who enthusiastically endorsed the Asean Charter. The last-minute dumping of Mr Gambari represents a retreat for the grouping. It also constitutes a victory for theBurmese junta: the generals got everything they wanted, including a watered-downcharter.

Asean, whose effectiveness and credibility was already in doubt vis-a-vis the Burmaissue, now definitely looks worse in the eyes of the international community and civilsociety. Once again, Asean has missed an opportunity to redeem itself. And, once

again, Asean has shown the world that it lacks the dignity and moral obligation to dothe right thing.

US Trade Representative Susan Schwab said in Singapore on Tuesday that thecurrent situation in Burma makes a free-trade deal between Asean and the USimpossible in the near term. She also said Asean has a special responsibility for thesituation in Burma. Whether her statement was meant as a warning for Asean tochange its attitude on Burma is debatable. But the message is clear: the UnitedStates is not happy with Asean's handling of the Burmese issue.

Asean made a mistake in 1997 by admitting Burma into the group, hoping it wouldbe able to effect a change in the attitude of the Burmese generals. Ten years later,the generals remain as stubborn as ever. Sadly, Asean has not only not learned itslesson but continues to make the same mistake with regard to Burma.





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NEWS THINK NEWS THINK NEWS THINK NEWS THINK

ASEAN MISSES ITS OPPORTUNITY ASEAN MISSES ITS OPPORTUNITY ASEAN MISSES ITS OPPORTUNITY ASEAN MISSES ITS OPPORTUNITY

Pressure from Burma ensures new charter is just a toothless tiger Pressure from Burma ensures new charter is just a toothless tiger Pressure from Burma ensures new charter is just a toothless tiger Pressure from Burma ensures new charter is just a toothless tiger http://www.bangkokpost.com/printthis.phpACHARA ASHAYAGACHATACHARA ASHAYAGACHATACHARA ASHAYAGACHATACHARA ASHAYAGACHAT

With the end of the 13th summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(Asean) in Singapore yesterday, Thailand's next government inherits a big mess overwhat to do with the hot potato of Burma after the regional grouping failed toconfront the problem squarely.

Despite plaudits from United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the UN HighCommissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour and the UN High Commissioner forRefugees Antonio Guterres after the signing of its charter, Asean in fact has becomeless united.

Due to Burmese pressure, Asean's plans to create a region-wide human rights-checking mechanism turned into a disgraceful flop, as the new body will have nopowers to investigate any human rights abuses in the region.

The agreement in Singapore has already drawn criticism from many civic societyorganisations as they see that it actually protects human rights violators such as theBurmese junta.

Debbie Stothard of the Alternative Asean Network on Burma said the summit'sresults would be a headache for Thailand in the year ahead.

If there had been any significant step forward on the Burma issue at the Singaporesummit, Thailand would have had an easy job as the next Asean chairman.

Sadly, there was no unified voice and the leaders all succumbed to Burmeseobjections to any form of intervention.

Not only Singapore is at fault. Indonesia and Malaysia also failed to agree on aproductive approach.





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The Philippines says its parliament will not ratify the charter unless democracy isrestored in Burma and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is released.

Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont did not play an active part in resolving the issue,as he seems content to let the next government deal with the dilemma.

With Asean fragmented, Burma's generals can be expected to be even bolder indoing whatever they believe necessary to shore up their power internally.

Now they have been able to block UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari fromupgrading the Burma issue to talks at the East Asian Summit _ with the presence of leaders from Australia, New Zealand, India, China, Japan, South Korea _ as plannedearlier by the Singapore host.

With only words and no action emanating from Asean to restrain the Burmese

government, the generals need not fear any interference from their neighboursshould they again deal harshly with any future opposition.

The situation will remain unchanged, with China and Asean serving as buffers whilethe junta does as it pleases.

Thailand's next government, which will be closely watched to see how it handles thetransition back to democracy, will also face international scrutiny over how it dealswith pressure, including that coming from anti-junta protesters inside the country, todo the right thing for Burmese democracy as well.





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OPINION / HUMAN RIGHTSOPINION / HUMAN RIGHTSOPINION / HUMAN RIGHTSOPINION / HUMAN RIGHTS

Toothless charter will hurt AseanToothless charter will hurt AseanToothless charter will hurt AseanToothless charter will hurt Asean

credibilitycredibilitycredibilitycredibilityhttp://www.bangkokpost.com/191107_News/19Nov2007_news18.php

By JEREMY SARKINBy JEREMY SARKINBy JEREMY SARKINBy JEREMY SARKIN

It is encouraging that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is introducing ahuman rights charter and will establish a human rights body to promote humanrights and democracy in this part of the world.

While Asian countries have for many years discussed ways of redressing the absenceof a regional human rights instrument and institution, this is the first concrete steptaken to put a treaty in place and develop a human rights structure that will governsuch issues.

There are already such regional arrangements in Africa, the Americas and Europe forhuman rights promotion and protection.

While each of these systems have their individual strengths and weaknesses, and

some are more developed than others, having such a system is better than nothingat all.

Problematically, however, the Asean charter to be adopted by member statestomorrow has to be ratified by all members before it comes into force.

Furthermore, it has no punitive measures that could be taken against states that arenon-compliant with the human rights and democracy provisions of the charter.

It will be left to the leadership of Asean countries to determine what if any stepsought to be taken against a delinquent state.

The charter would have been strengthened had it contained the recommendations of a group of 10 statesmen from the region. The statesmen suggested that memberstates which do not comply with the charter on issues such as human rights shouldbe censured, suspended or expelled from the organisation.





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While the charter aims ''to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance andthe rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamentalfreedoms'', it also contains the principle that there shall be no interference in thedomestic affairs of states. This principle, as it has in the past, will severely hamperthe ability of Asean to deal with issues in member states.

This principle has already severely limited what Asean has been willing to do inrelation to Burma.

Another limitation of the charter is the fact that decisions have to be arrived at byconsensus.

It is, however, clear that Asean's credibility is on the line.

It has failed to deal with Burma and a host of other problems in the region

adequately.

The fact that it now will have a charter with human rights provisions will be seen tobe a further test of Asean's resolve and ability to deal with the ongoing crisis inBurma.

While Asean has in the past been reluctant to deal with Burma, it has recentlyindicated that it is willing to play some part in dealing with the situation. But it hasindicated that it is unwilling to impose measures such as sanctions.

While the charter makes provision for a human rights body to be established thatwill seek the ''promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms''in the region, what the structure will be is unknown and the fact that it will beestablished by the foreign ministers of the various states implies that it will be givenlittle teeth to deal with the various problems it will have to contend with.

While Burma initially opposed the creation of such an institution the fact that it now

has dropped its opposition may mean that it no longer fears the creation of such abody. It seems as though Burma was given assurances that it could play a part inthe process to establish the human rights body and ensure that the mechanism hadlimits on its powers.





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If Asean is keen for the charter to be more that an exercise in internationaldiplomacy it will need to create a human rights oversight institution that is truly ableto ensure the promotion and protection of human rights in the region.

A paper charter and toothless human rights institution will cause Asean to lose morecredibility and legitimacy.

Jeremy Sarkin is visiting professor of international human rights, Fletcher School of Law and

Diplomacy, Tufts University, Boston.

OPINION / BURMAOPINION / BURMAOPINION / BURMAOPINION / BURMAhttp://www.bangkokpost.com/191107_News/19Nov2007_news21.php

Junta wins by playing Suu KyiJunta wins by playing Suu KyiJunta wins by playing Suu KyiJunta wins by playing Suu Kyi cardcardcardcardeffectivelyeffectivelyeffectivelyeffectivelyNLD leader has been repeatedly used by the generals to cling to power, and NLD leader has been repeatedly used by the generals to cling to power, and NLD leader has been repeatedly used by the generals to cling to power, and NLD leader has been repeatedly used by the generals to cling to power, and perhaps perhaps perhaps perhaps the current 'dialogue' is more of the samethe current 'dialogue' is more of the samethe current 'dialogue' is more of the samethe current 'dialogue' is more of the same By KYAW ZWA MOEBy KYAW ZWA MOEBy KYAW ZWA MOEBy KYAW ZWA MOE

Believe it or not, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has prolonged the lifespanof Burma's repressive junta.

Provided that history repeats itself, and the current preliminary discussions for adialogue fail, she will again have served her purpose. Her sincere statements andpictures of her with the generals are all the junta needs to keep itself in power.

Something as simple as Mrs Suu Kyi's recent public statement has raised hopes for agenuine dialogue, while also prolonging the lifespan of the generals. Perhaps her

statement alone can give the junta another five years to manipulate events to itsadvantage.

For example, in 1994, when she was under house arrest, the generals, includingjunta chief Senior Gen Than Shwe, met with her. It was their first encounter sinceshe had been put in detention in 1989. Later the state-run media ran pictures of Mrs





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Suu Kyi with the generals, giving the world the impression that talks were takingplace.

In 1995, she was released from house arrest after having completed the full term of her six-year-detention. No talks ever occurred.

In September 2000, she was again arrested for attempting to make a political trip toMandalay. On May 6, 2002, when she was released, everyone thought a politicalbreakthrough was imminent.

The junta released a statement, titled ''Turning of a New Page'' which said: ''Todaymarks a new page for the people of Myanmar and the international community. Aswe look forward to a better future, we will work toward greater international stabilityand improving the social welfare of our diverse people.''

Mrs Suu Kyi said in her statement: ''Both sides agree that the phase of confidence-building is over. We look forward to moving across to a more significant phase.''

The word suggestion of dialogue raised people's hopes. Sadly, any dialogue hadevaporated by May 2003 when her motorcade was ambushed near Depayin byjunta-backed thugs and hundreds of people were killed.

After that, she was again sentenced to house arrest.

Later, the world clearly learned that the proposed dialogue of May 2002 was a fraud.Former UN special envoy Razali Ismail, quoting Mrs Suu Kyi, wrote that ''the dinnerwith the generals was in fact a monologue with the senior general doing all thetalking''.

Fast forward to November 2007, following the junta's bloody crackdown on themonk-led demonstrations. The generals have again manipulated events to getpictures showing Mrs Suu Kyi, the junta's liaison officer Aung Kyi and UN special

envoy Ibrahim Gambari together, again raising hopes for a dialogue.And, again, she herself raised hopes in her most recent statement, released on Nov8.

''In the interest of the nation, I stand ready to cooperate with the government inorder to make this process of dialogue a success and welcome the necessary good





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offices role of the United Nations to help facilitate our efforts in this regard,'' shesaid in the statement.

Mrs Suu Kyi is said to be ''very optimistic'' about the prospects for nationalreconciliation between the military government and pro-democracy groups. An NLDspokesperson said that she believed the generals now have the will to achievenational reconciliation.

If history repeats itself, her pictures and words will again give the generals moretime, and time for the UN and the world to forget.

It's really a game of doubles, as they say in the world of spies. In other words, sheis using the junta, trying to achieve her goals.

And the junta is using Mrs Suu Kyi, trying to manipulate her _ and all the people

who want change in Burma.

Undoubtedly, she is willing to be used if there's a chance the Burmese people willbenefit. But by taking that chance, the junta is given more time to draw out theprocess that may _ or may not _ lead to genuine dialogue.

Time is all the junta really wants.

Another example: the junta's self-appointed National Convention was tasked to draft

guidelines to write a constitution. Amazingly, it has taken 14 years to accomplish thetask, finally completed in September.

Being aware of the time issue, Mrs Suu Kyi emphasised a timeframe in her mostrecent statement.

''I expect that this phase of preliminary consultations will conclude soon so that ameaningful and time-bound dialogue with the SPDC [State Peace and DevelopmentCouncil] leadership can start as early as possible,'' she said.

This time around, there is more scepticism within the international community aboutwhat the junta says and does. When the UN special envoy briefed the UN SecurityCouncil on Tuesday and credited the regime with taking positive steps toward adialogue, many Western diplomats expressed doubts about the regime's sincerity.

In fact, the ball has been in the junta's court for decades.





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They have simply never wanted to engage the other side. They just want the clock to keep ticking.

Mr Razali expressed shock in his account of his meeting with Mrs Suu Kyi while shewas detained in Insein Prison just after the Depayin attack on her motorcade.

''She said, amazingly, that she was prepared to turn a new page for the sake of thepeople and reconciliation, saying she was still prepared to talk to the government,''he said.

Yes, she still waits in her lakeside home. And hope springs eternal. This time, maybethe generals actually see a longer future _ and a more economically prosperousBurma _ if they seriously engage Mrs Suu Kyi and take concrete steps toward whatshe has referred to as ''democratic solidarity''.

If the generals play that card, everyone will win.

If they don't play it, more bloodshed lies ahead.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of the Irrawaddy Publishing Group.Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of the Irrawaddy Publishing Group.Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of the Irrawaddy Publishing Group.Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of the Irrawaddy Publishing Group.

FOCUS / BURMAFOCUS / BURMAFOCUS / BURMAFOCUS / BURMAhttp://www.bangkokpost.com/171107_News/17Nov2007_news14.php

Will the generals dare release the Lady?Will the generals dare release the Lady?Will the generals dare release the Lady?Will the generals dare release the Lady?The Burmese junta is sending out mixed messages, raising hopes that Aung San Suu The Burmese junta is sending out mixed messages, raising hopes that Aung San Suu The Burmese junta is sending out mixed messages, raising hopes that Aung San Suu The Burmese junta is sending out mixed messages, raising hopes that Aung San Suu Kyi may be freed soon Kyi may be freed soon Kyi may be freed soon Kyi may be freed soon By LARRY JAGANBy LARRY JAGANBy LARRY JAGANBy LARRY JAGAN

Tentative talks between Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and thecountry's military rulers have begun, raising hopes that progress may now be madein breaking the country's political deadlock. ''If the talks go well, Aung San Suu Kyimay be released soon,'' a spokesman for her party, the National League forDemocracy (NLD), told journalists last weekend.

The military authorities have eased the restrictions on Daw Suu Kyi, allowing her tomeet key members of her party. She has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house





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arrest, and in the past 3-1/2 years has been in virtual solitary confinement, beingallowed only to see her doctor irregularly and the couple of visits by the UN specialenvoy Ibrahim Gambari. Last week she also had a further meeting with the recentlyappointed government liaison official, Aung Kyi.

But analysts warn that it is too early to tell whether this is a real change of heart ormerely a delaying tactic by the regime. Many hope that the meetings betweenLabour Minister Aung Kyi and Daw Suu Kyi are part of a new process that could leadto fresh talks between the NLD and the military government. ''These are pre-talksrather than the start of a serious dialogue process,'' said Win Min, an independentBurmese academic based at Chiang Mai University. ''But in any negotiation, bothsides have to show goodwill _ so far that seems to be happening.''

The apparent breakthrough to the current impasse between the two sides came

immediately after the latest visit to Burma by Mr Gambari. But diplomats in Rangoonbelieve the visit was not instrumental in bringing about the new initiatives; rather, itwas a way for the regime to deflect international criticism and pressure to introducepolitical change.

''It is too early to tell whether the top generals are serious about political dialoguewith the opposition or whether, as I fear, they are just using this to buy time whilethey press on with their own 'road map', which will effectively exclude Aung San SuuKyi and her party from politics in the future,'' said a Western diplomat based in

Rangoon.

But Mr Gambari did play an important role when he became the vehicle throughwhich Daw Suu Kyi was able to make her views publicly known. ''In the interest of the nation, I stand ready to cooperate with the government in order to make thisprocess of dialogue a success and welcome the necessary good-offices role of theUnited Nations to help facilitate our efforts in this regard,'' she said in a letter MrGambari made public at the end of his trip. ''I am committed to pursue the path of

dialogue constructively and invite the government and all relevant parties to join mein this spirit.''

There was no reference to any pre-conditions for such talks. Immediately after MrGambari's previous visit to Burma at the end of September, Burmese junta leaderSenior General Than Shwe announced his willingness to meet Daw Suu Kyi if she





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was prepared to ''end confrontation'' and her support for sanctions and the ''utterdevastation'' of the country.

''These pre-conditions are unacceptable as it is tantamount to admitting guilt tocharges which are totally unfounded, just to meet Than Shwe,'' a leading NLDmember said.

Daw Suu Kyi's position has always been that everything is negotiable provided thereare genuine political talks between the military regime and the pro-democracyparties.

Although she did not spell this out in her letter, it is something which remains thebedrock of her position, though she did make clear that she regards the ethnicgroups as an essential part of any dialogue process.

The release of several hundred political prisoners before Mr Gambari met Daw SuuKyi and the meeting between the top four NLD leaders and Daw Suu Kyi are clearconfidence-building measures. This was something Mr Gambari stressed should bepart of the process when he offered the UN's services to help facilitate dialoguebetween the two sides, according to UN insiders.

Now that there are tentative steps towards resuming contact between ''the Lady''and representatives of the regime, hopes have been raised that more political

prisoners, including the Nobel Peace laureate, will be released soon.

The UN is, of course, keen to present Mr Gambari's visit as a success in starting aprocess that could lead to genuine political dialogue. ''We now have a process goingwhich will lead to substantive dialogue between the government and Daw Aung SanSuu Kyi as a key instrument in promoting national reconciliation in an all-inclusivemanner,'' said a UN statement at the end of Mr Gambari's visit.

But clearly the top generals are not interested in Mr Gambari or the UN playing a

leading role in any future national reconciliation process.

Burma's Information Minister Brigadier-General Kyaw Hsan made that crystal clearwhen he attacked Mr Gambari in the state-run media after their meeting in thecapital Naypyidaw early last week. He accused Mr Gambari of being superficial andignorant of Burmese history and culture; and even worse, being a stooge of theWestern powers that wanted to interfere in Burma's internal affairs.





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Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan was particularly dismissive of the UN envoy's suggestion thatthere should be three-way talks between the government and Daw Suu Kyi, with MrGambari acting as mediator. ''Myanmar will never allow any outside interference toinfringe on the sovereignty of the state,'' he was quoted as saying on state-run TV.

If Mr Gambari really wanted to help Burma, ''he should play a leading role inorganising and persuading others to relieve and lift sanctions,'' he demanded.

This outburst suggests that the sceptics may be right, and the contact and talks withDaw Suu Kyi are a side-show intended to buy the regime time as it presses on withits own agenda.

''While putting energy into the democratisation process, the government has beenmaking efforts for the national reconsolidation,'' said the lead story in the New Light

of Myanmar last Saturday, after reporting the meetings between Daw Suu Kyi andthe government minister and her meeting with top members of the NLD, with rarephotos of the opposition leader on the front page.

There are also other signs that the top generals are not in the least interested in theinternational community's efforts to encourage democratic change, and are intent onintroducing a political system that will consolidate the military's power into thefuture.

''Than Shwe and his hardline supporters have no intention of including Aung San SuuKyi and the NLD in talks about Burma's political future. They are pressing on withtheir own road map and are certainly not interested in having any UN involvement,''a source close to the Burmese government told the Bangkok Post.

The top general wanted to finish drafting the new constitution, which effectivelylegitimises the junta's grasp on political power, and have the summit of Aseanleaders in Singapore endorse it. A referendum on the new constitution would thenbe set for early next year, according to a senior Burmese government official.

''The only issue open for discussion with Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracyparties and ethnic groups would be the acceptance of the constitution and supportfor the planned referendum,'' said an Asian diplomat based in Rangoon.

The regime has begun to feel the pinch from the sanctions, especially now thatbanks in Singapore are refusing to accept Burmese letters of credit and are now





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being prompted to try to counter these measures with the support of their Asianallies.

''It is no accident that the pre-conditions for talks with Daw Suu Kyi involves herrenouncing the international sanctions,'' said a Burmese businessman in Rangoon.

The overall signs of a serious breakthrough remain bleak.

''The hardliners have strengthened their control on power and are in no mood toinclude Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD in the process,'' Mr Win Min said.

But often in the past when there have been talks between the two sides, the regimehas had to accept a measure of change.

At least it may mean that Daw Suu Kyi will be freed some time soon, provided the

talks continue and are not abruptly ended by the Senior General _ as they were inApril 2004 just before the National Convention, which was drafting the guidelines forthe new constitution, was due to reconvene.

How much the regime is prepared to engage the international community mayemerge in the next few weeks.

The UN special rapporteur on human rights, Professor Paulo Pinheiro, has justfinished his five-day mission to Burma investigating the recent crackdown on monks

and demonstrators who had flocked onto the streets, particularly in Rangoon, inanti-government marches.

More than 100 people were reportedly killed and over 5,000 arrested.

Over the next few days Mr Gambari, at the request of Singaporean Prime MinisterLee Hsien Loong who is currently the Asean president, will brief the Asian leaders atthe regional summit.

If he convinces the Asian countries, particularly China, to support Daw Suu Kyi'sappeal for genuine political talks on ''democratic solidarity and national unity'', thejunta may have to make some serious concessions, including freeing the Ladyherself.





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INTERVIEW / SURIN PITSUWANINTERVIEW / SURIN PITSUWANINTERVIEW / SURIN PITSUWANINTERVIEW / SURIN PITSUWAN

Asean members have no time to wasteAsean members have no time to wasteAsean members have no time to wasteAsean members have no time to waste





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New secretary New secretary New secretary New secretary- -- -general says regional alliance must pull together to win international general says regional alliance must pull together to win international general says regional alliance must pull together to win international general says regional alliance must pull together to win international respect respect respect respect By PICHAI CBy PICHAI CBy PICHAI CBy PICHAI CHUENSUKSAWADIHUENSUKSAWADIHUENSUKSAWADIHUENSUKSAWADI

As government leaders met in Singapore last week to sign the historic Asean Charter_ making the 40-year-old association a rule-based legal entity with enhancedresponsibility _ the violent crackdown on pro-democracy protests in Burmacontinued to cast a long, dark shadow.

Unlike the crackdown in 1988, images and stories of the crackdown in Asean'sbackyard spread rapidly, and daily, across the globe via the Internet. Apart fromstrong words of rebuke primarily from Singapore and the Philippines, Asean didnothing else.

The United Nations stepped in by sending special envoy Ibrahim Gambari to try tostem the heavy hand of the Burmese government and to urge talks on nationalreconciliation.

Worst still, at the last minute Burma was able to block an invitation by Singapore tohave Mr Gambari brief the Asean leaders and dialogue partners on his visits toBurma.

An event that was to have been a cause for celebration and hope raises againquestion marks about the role of Asean, not only whether it could ever deal with theisolated, military junta in Burma, but also whether it could adjust fast enough tomeet other political, economic and social challenges in the future.

Clearly how Asean deals with these challenges ultimately rests with its members. Butfor the next five years, a key figure expected to help manage the work and activitiesof Asean _ and to act as its spokesman _ is its new secretary-general, former foreignminister Surin Pitsuwan.

Responding to criticism about how Asean responded to the crisis in Burma, Mr Surinbelieves Asean governments will have to evolve in different ways to reach''standards of governance, transparency, participation and decision making''.

''I still don't think we can directly impose these, but we need to evolve and that'swhy the principles of democracy, constitutionality and human rights are mentioned





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in the charter. Those are major general principles to be abided by, but each membermust have its own way to achieve those goals. In general I think we need to havemore efficient governance across the entire region and a more transparent,participatory process of decision making,'' Mr Surin said.

Already the Philippines has made its stance and expectations clear.

Philippine President Gloria Arroyo told Burma's Thein Sein during a one-on-onemeeting on Tuesday: ''The expectation of the Philippines is that if Myanmar signs thecharter, it is committed to returning to the path of democracy and releasing AungSan Suu Kyi.

''Until the Philippine congress sees that happen, it would have extreme difficulty inratifying the... charter,'' Ms Arroyo said in the meeting before the Asean summit.

Certainly Mr Surin, a former academic and politician with extensive grassroots andNGO contacts at regional levels, is likely to face pressure from these quarters to usehis office to advance change toward greater transparency, democracy and humanrights. And he recognises this, but notes that the pressure on member states is evengreater.

''The pressure will be coming from outside, and pressure from inside from somemembers to nudge along the rest will be increased. That will play a very important

role to push the region toward openness,'' he said.

''But again, to have a charter and to agree to establish a human rights agency isalready a reflection of accommodation to the pressures from inside and outside.''

The secretary-general believes that if Asean can respond to external and internalexpectations as a group and produce a charter as a form of regional commitment,then there's room to work.

But ''slowly, incrementally, step by step. There will be dynamics of push and pull.You cannot impose; you can encourage. We started off with tremendous diversityand that diversity still exists''.

Mr Surin said that the international environment had changed. When he was foreignminister 10 years ago he pushed for Asean to adopt ''constructive engagement'' withBurma. Even then, he got only partial support within the group.





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''Ten years ago what I tried to do was too ambitious, probably alien to the region.Now I think the region has come around and evolved and agree that we have tomanage things together _ the issue of democracy, the environment, human rights,opening our markets to each other,'' he said.

''So I think the atmosphere has transformed. I don't think you need to push toohard, or need to argue too much in order to deliver the message. I think it isaccepted and recognised.''

What Asean needs to do, he said, is ensure that our diversity does not become a''structural defect that will restrain the region from becoming one dynamicorganisation''.

The Burma issue has certainly stolen the limelight from the three core pillars of the

Asean charter _ the creation of economic, political-security and socio-culturalcommunities by 2015.

''These communities are designed to be the three pillars for the Asean communityand each pillar will have its own agenda. It will have its own programmes andprojects that all Asean countries are committed to engage in and cooperate toachieve a higher level of integration among ourselves,'' Mr Surin said.

He said there is no question Asean ''needs to get its house in order'' in various

aspects, and described the charter's goals as ''very ambitious''.

Yet at the same time, apart from the high expectations of Asean from the globalcommunity, there is readiness to support Asean to achieve these goals from itsdialogue partners, international organisations, civil society and academics.

The economic blueprint aims to remove substantially all restrictions on trade inservices within four industries, including air transport, health care and tourism, by2010. Trade barriers in logistics services are expected to be removed by 2013, while

all other services industries will be opened two years later.

The secretary-general said services is a crucial issue because it involves the mobilityof people.

''To be fully integrated we have to open the employment market to each other. It isstill restrictive,'' he said.





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On trade, achievements to date have been ''pretty good'', but the issue of non-tariff barriers has been difficult to manage.

Apart from competition among member countries, pressure from China and India isforcing Asean to act.

''You have heard that China and India are sucking the oxygen of investment awayfrom Asean,'' Mr Surin said. ''This is a very, very serious matter. So either Asean putsits house in order, making sure its 570 million people become one unified, attractivemarket, or it goes into the future as divided and disorganised. It will not make usattractive or give us any bargaining power compared to China and India.''

As far as the political-security pillar is concerned, Mr Surin believes the AseanRegional Forum is the proper vehicle for Asean security. The plan was to start with

confidence building, learning about each other, exchanging information about eachother's defence development and weapons systems. Then the objective of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution was raised and discussed.

Mr Surin says that to go from confidence building to preventive diplomacy means''you need to have a very high level of confidence in each other so that you cancooperate to reduce the chance for violent conflicts between states''.

''Asean will have to work more on confidence building in order to lead it to a higher

level of trust among Asean members. But we are working at it,'' he said.

For the secretary-general, the third pillar _ the socio-cultural community _ is not onlythe most exciting but a pillar that could make or break Asean.

In 40 years, the socio-cultural community ''has not been given much attention andresources''. But this is the area where you can create an Asean identity, a sense of belonging for all its people.

''I think it is most exciting because you bring Asean to the people. You bring Aseanorganisations to the grassroots. In the last 40 years Asean has achieved a lot interms of policy coordination on many issues _ education, environment, scientificcooperation. technological development, health, transport and even marketliberalisation,'' he said.





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''But the people don't feel concrete benefits from Asean, partly because Asean hasnot been beating its own drum and member governments have not put the brand of Asean on programmes agreed to at the Asean level.

''We have not seen much of the Asean fingerprint, the Asean logo. We have to do alot more. And this is an area where the media is extremely crucial. This is an areawhere educational institutions will be extremely important, as well as NGOs, civilsociety and professional groups. The whole spectrum of Asean society will be givenspace and have to contribute,'' Mr Surin said.

''If this last pillar fails, the other two will also fail. But if this last pillar succeeds it willcontribute to the development of the other two communities. So it is very, verycritical. The next phase of Asean will depend on the establishment of the socio-cultural community. It will make or break Asean,'' he said.

''The nuts and bolts of the Asean community will still be economic because that'swhat will deliver cheaper goods, better goods, more efficient transport of goods andproducts, mobility of people to work in each area. It's the economic community thatwill be the nuts and bolts of integration, but it cannot be sustained if people do notfeel they belong, if they do not feel ownership and if they cannot participate andbenefit,''Mr Surin said.

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Sarkozy tackles Hu on yuan anSarkozy tackles Hu on yuan anSarkozy tackles Hu on yuan anSarkozy tackles Hu on yuan and human rightsd human rightsd human rightsd human rights Mon Nov 26, 2007 11:40am GMT

By Tim Hepher and Emmanuel Jarryhttp://uk.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUKPEK30552420071126

BEIJING (Reuters) - French President Nicolas Sarkozy brought his trademark

directness to China on Monday, publicly urging President Hu Jintao to let the yuanrise more swiftly and cajoling Beijing to do more to respect human rights.

Hu listened impassively as Sarkozy, fresh from overseeing the signing of businessdeals worth nearly $30 billion, praised China but said it had to shoulder growingresponsibilities on issues such as the environment and exchange rates.





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"We need to arrive at currency rates that are harmonious and fair," Sarkozy saidwith the frankness that has become the hallmark of his young presidency.

"This means that, for its own sake as well, China needs to accelerate theappreciation of the yuan against the euro," he said at a joint media appearance withHu in the Great Hall of the People off Tiananmen Square.

The European Union, which has overtaken the United States this year as China'slargest trading partner, has been ratcheting up pressure on Beijing to correct what itsees as the yuan's unfair undervaluation.

It has also fallen in line with Washington by taking a harder line on trade issues suchas intellectual piracy and barriers to Chinese markets.

EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson irked China with a warning that its

reputation was at risk after a series of product safety scandals and that it must domore to tackle the problem.

Vice Premier Wu Yi, known as China's "Iron Lady", was upset by Mandelson'sremarks, made at a conference in Beijing. "I am extremely dissatisfied," an angry-sounding Wu told reporters.

TOUCHY ON TIBET

China's relations have been particularly fraught with Germany since ChancellorAngela Merkel infuriated Beijing two months ago by meeting the Dalai Lama, Tibet'sexiled spiritual leader.

Sarkozy, on a three-day state visit, did not touch on Tibet in his remarks, but hetook the opportunity to urge China to do more on press freedom, the death penaltyand the rule of law.

The president was also direct on China's responsibility as a leading emitter of

greenhouse gases to step up its efforts to tackle global warming.

"We hope China's growth can continue, but we also hope China's growth is carbon-free and environmentally friendly," he said.





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Sarkozy later toured trendy contemporary art studios housed in a converted EastGerman-built factory complex, before going into talks with Prime Minister WenJiabao that could touch on international confrontation over Iran's nuclear activities.

France, Germany, Britain and the United States want tougher sanctions against Iranover its atomic work, which the West says disguises plans to build a bomb. Chinaand Russia oppose this.

Despite that stand-off, French officials say the exchange rate is the main source of tension in Sino-European relations.

China has allowed the yuan to fall about 10 percent against the euro since July 2005while pushing it up more than 11 percent against the dollar.

HIGHER YUAN

The central bank, which keeps the yuan on a tight leash, set the yuan on Monday at7.3942 per dollar, the highest level since the Chinese currency was revalued in July2005.

The euro's strength is causing growing consternation in the EU, whose trade deficitwith China is soaring.

Despite worries that the euro is denting Europe's competitiveness, planemaker

Airbus clinched its largest order to date when China signed a framework agreementto buy 160 planes, topping a contract last year from Beijing to buy 150 aircraft.

French officials said China would pay around 10 billion euros ($14.8 billion) for thejets, compared with Airbus's list price of $16.7 billion.

In addition, China agreed to take a 5 percent risk-sharing stake in the developmentof the A350. The $10 billion (4.8 billion pounds) project is Airbus's attempt to catchup with Boeing's 787 Dreamliner in the fast-growing mid-sized jetliner market.

French state-owned nuclear energy group Areva signed an 8 billion euro (5.7 billionpounds) deal with China for two nuclear reactors and more than a decade of fuel.

Areva, which said the value of the contract was a record for the global nuclearindustry, has asked to be paid partly in euros to protect itself against the fall in thedollar, chief executive Anne Lauvergeon said.





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She said this was a first for a major deal with China.

Louis Gallois, chief executive of Airbus's parent company, EADS, said the orders forthe 160 jets -- 110 single-aisle A320s and 50 twin-aisle A330s -- should be confirmedby year-end.

On top of that contract, Airbus said China Southern Airlines had bought 10 twin-aisleA330 aircraft in a deal worth $1.8 billion at list prices.

Earlier, Gallois told Reuters that the strength of the euro could lead to a massiveincrease in outsourcing of production to lower-cost countries if it was not reined in.Airbus sells its planes in dollars, but close to half of its costs are in euros.

A high-powered European Union delegation is due in Beijing on Tuesday to furtherhammer home the message that Beijing needs to let the yuan climb, not only to

ease global trade imbalances but also to cool its economy and tamp down inflation.

(Writing by Alan Wheatley; editing by Ken Wills and Roger Crabb)

http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=186615&version=1&template_id=45&parent_id=25

PARIS:PARIS:PARIS:PARIS: French President Nicolas Sarkozy plans to discuss the situation in Myanmar

when he meets Chinese President Hu Jintao this weekend, a French writer saidyesterday after meeting with Sarkozy.“He told us in no uncertain terms that Myanmar is an extremely important subjectfor him and that China has a role to play, and he intends to say that very clearly tohis Chinese counterpart,” said Bernard-Henri Levy.Levy was part of a group of writers and intellectuals who met with Sarkozy for morethan an hour at the Elysee Palace yesterday to discuss Myanmar.The military-ruled nation was rocked by pro-democracy protests in September,

when Buddhist monks led 100,000 people in the streets of Yangon only to suffer aviolent reprisal from security forces.A UN rights investigator said that 15 people were killed during the crackdown, whileMyanmar has said that about 3,000 people were arrested.Sarkozy goes to China tomorrow aiming to sell Airbus jets and nuclear technologyand press China to revalue its currency and bolster the fight against globalwarming.





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He will also raise human rights, the Iran nuclear standoff and the environmentduring his three-day state visit.Chinese officials have called the visit “important.” Sarkozy will be taking seven ministers and top officials along, though not theforeign ministry’s top human rights official, Rama Yade.

China, seen as one of the few countries with any influence over Myanmar’s rulinggenerals, spoke out after the bloodshed to urge the junta to “show restraint,” restore stability and work towards democracy.But Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao reiterated recently that sanctions andpressure would not help reconciliation efforts in Myanmar, which has been run bythe military for more than four decades.The intellectuals who met with Sarkozy yesterday also suggested a parliamentaryinquiry into French oil giant Total’s operations in Myanmar.“He told us that he would support that idea,” Levy said.Total has been accused of condoning abusive labour practices in Myanmar, where itoperates a vast gas field in the south of the country to supply power plants inneighbouring Thailand, employing some 270 people.In late September Sarkozy urged French businesses including Total to freeze theirinvestments in Myanmar, but French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said lastmonth that the people of Myanmar would suffer if Total withdrew from thecountry. – AFP

ASEAN SUMMITASEAN SUMMITASEAN SUMMITASEAN SUMMIT

In Singapore, Burma activists keeIn Singapore, Burma activists keeIn Singapore, Burma activists keeIn Singapore, Burma activists keeppppwithin the lawwithin the lawwithin the lawwithin the law About 40 Burma nationals were having coffee at the Starbucks cafe at Orchard ParadeAbout 40 Burma nationals were having coffee at the Starbucks cafe at Orchard ParadeAbout 40 Burma nationals were having coffee at the Starbucks cafe at Orchard ParadeAbout 40 Burma nationals were having coffee at the Starbucks cafe at Orchard ParadeHotel, or standing around nearby. As the clock struck 7pm Tuesday night, theyHotel, or standing around nearby. As the clock struck 7pm Tuesday night, theyHotel, or standing around nearby. As the clock struck 7pm Tuesday night, theyHotel, or standing around nearby. As the clock struck 7pm Tuesday night, theygathered silently and organised themselves in rows of three, the Straits Timegathered silently and organised themselves in rows of three, the Straits Timegathered silently and organised themselves in rows of three, the Straits Timegathered silently and organised themselves in rows of three, the Straits Timessss

reportedreportedreportedreported http://nationmultimedia.com/2007/11/21/regional/regional_30056889.php

[See also : Activists condemn Asean on Burma deal]





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Dressed in red T-shirts, some of the men and women held up a banner that said:'Listen to Burma's desires, don't follow junta's order.'

Others held up posters with messages targeting Burma's rulers, in town for thisweek's Asean Summit where a landmark Charter was inked.

'Signing Charter with generals makes Asean laughing stock,' said one. 'Asean haspower to make a difference,' read another.

About 20 minutes later, a policeman approached one of them and asked to know thepurpose of their gathering.

'We want to voice our feelings and push for change, but through lawful means.'

SOE, 22, a Burma national who is studying here, on the mass petition calling for

'effective intervention' in his home country, which was signed by 3,626 of hiscountrymen in Singapore and handed to Tampines GRC MP Irene Ng, who willforward it to the UN through the Foreign Ministry.

'We are going to go now,' the reply came.

And just as quickly as they had formed, they dispersed, while some of the 20 officerswho had arrived took down their particulars.

Late last night, police said they would hold an investigation into possible offencescommitted by the protesters.

Yesterday's events were a sharp break from the previous restraint displayed byBurma activists, which even drew guarded praise from the police last month.

After a Burma protest by opposition politician Chee Soon Juan outside the Istana lastmonth, the police issued a statement saying that 'in contrast to Chee's acts of civildisobedience, Singaporeans and Burma nationals in Singapore have organised

themselves to express their sentiments and concern for the Burma situation in alawful manner'.

Even the Burma demonstrators yesterday previously said they did not wish to break the law.





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Business student Myo Myint Maung, 22, said: 'The Burmese community in Singaporehas always paid utmost respect to the law of Singapore and even the mandate of Asean.

'Right now we feel that Asean, including the Singapore Government, is ignoring thedesire and wishes of the Burmese people. That's why we come here to show ourdisappointment and discontent about it.'

The source of their dismay? Asean leaders' agreeing to respect Burma's wishes todeal with the United Nations directly itself, a decision that came late on Mondaynight.

Activists in the 30,000-strong Burma community here had been hopeful that Aseanleaders would take a tough stand against the generals.

Now that UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's planned briefing to Asean leaders hadbeen cancelled at Rangoon's request, demonstrators said they would like to meetthe envoy.

The 30,000-strong Burma community here had been hardly noticed beforeSeptember's clampdown on demonstrators by Burma's military.

At least once a fortnight since then, hundreds have gathered for updates onconditions back home and to discuss how they could help hasten the process of change in their homeland, which has been under tight military rule for 45 years.

The driving force behind these gatherings is a new group that was outraged by thebrutal repression of monks and civilians protesting against military rule and risingprices.

The Overseas Burmese Patriots is a loose band led by about 20 students,professionals and workers here, some of whom demonstrated yesterday as well.

Their mission is best described in their slogan: 'We pursue peace, justice anddemocracy for Burma'.

It was emblazoned on the back of the signature red T-shirts worn yesterday and at aforum attended by some 600 Burma nationals on Saturday.





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They adopted red to show solidarity with the victims of the clampdown at home: Atleast 10 had died and hundreds detained.

The junta's repressive measures lie at the heart of a mass petition that emergedfrom previous meetings.

Signed by 3,626 Burma nationals, it was addressed to the United Nations SecurityCouncil and called for 'effective intervention' to foster national reconciliation andpolitical reform.

The petition was handed to Tampines GRC MP Irene Ng, who will forward it to theUN through the Foreign Ministry.

'We want to voice our feelings and push for change but through lawful means,' saida 22-year-old engineering undergraduate who wanted to be known only as Soe, for

fear that his family back home may suffer reprisals for his protests.

Beyond dialogues, the activists have also been holding talks at tertiary institutionsand prayers for peace at the Burmese Buddhist Temple off Balestier Road.

But they are not optimistic that change will come soon.

Proof is in the runaround the Burma generals gave UN envoy Gambari on his visits toBurma, and the cancellation of his briefing here.

Asean, which Burma joined in 1997, follows a policy of non-intervention in itsmembers' internal affairs.

Despite these obstacles, the activists say they will not slow down efforts to lobbyregional leaders to pressure the generals.

A 30-year-old professional, who wanted to be known only as Zeyar, felt the Summithad achieved some good.

'At least the generals have signed the Charter, which obliges them to protect humanrights. Whether they will do so is another thing,' he said.

But others like John Moe, 34, who works in an engineering firm and whodemonstrated yesterday, felt enough was enough.




'We would like Asean to really listen to the Burmese people and not to listen to thejunta... We want Asean to help us get freedom.' The Straits Times/Asia News Network

025. Polaris Burmese Library Collection Vol 25 - New Version - 2011

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