Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
portfoliodesign
127a Kemston Avenue Benoni1501072 020 1335011 421 [email protected]
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
PERSONAL INFORMATIONCitizenship
Language
QUALIFICATIONS1997
1988
SKILLSAdobe
Microsoft
Apple
Print industry
South African – 5711295848086
English speaking with some Afrikaans
Printing Industries Federation: DTP skills level 6
Southern Africa Bible College: Certificate of Achievement in Theology
CS 3–CC 2015 – High degree of competency in InDesign, Illustrator, and Photoshop InDesign: Books (typography and cover designs), magazines, annual reports, training manuals, ePubs Illustrator: Information graphics – graphs and diagrams Photoshop: Colour correction, retouching, deep-etching Acrobat: Production of electronic publications Dreamweaver: Web design
Office 2011: Word processing, spreadsheets and PowerPoint presentations
iMovie: Production of short movie presentations (post-production on World Cup DVD for presentation to Nelson Mandela)
Have extensive print experience and knowledge
CVcurriculum vitae
127a Kemston AvenueBenoni1501072 020 1335011 421 [email protected]
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
WORK HISTORY06/2009–present Sheaf Publishing – 011 421 4796
Graphic Designer Design: books, annual reports, periodicals, magazines, corporate identity, information graphics (maps, diagrams and graphs), brochures, web sites, music engraving Clients: Acumen Publishing Solutions, Van Schaik Educational Publishers, Wits University Press, SAIIA, The Brenthurst Foundation, Greg Mills, Anna Calder, Southern Africa Bible College, Benoni Church of Christ, Northmead Educational Centre, Puffin Design, SA Leak Detection Distributors
11/2003–05/2009 Acumen Publishing Solutions – 011 888 5355 Studio Head Design: books, annual reports, periodicals, corporate identity, information graphics (maps, diagrams and graphs), brochures, web sites Clients: CDE, IGD, SBP, SAIIA, Wits University Press, The Brenthurst Foundation, Mpumalanga Provincial Government, Department of Social Development, KwaZulu-Natal University Press, Highveld Press, René Paul Gosselin, Life Enrichment Ministries, Business Leadership SA, Alafa, et al
08/2002–10/2003 Quill Handcrafts Sales Representative Responsible for all in-house graphics, typography, corporate identity and sales
07/1999–07/2002 Conexys Web Designer Responsible for web design, all in-house typography and pre-press preparation Clients: Pam Golding Properties, William Hill (GB), Henry Williams Florist, Toyota Trucks, iComMand
05/1996–06/1999 McManus / MacManus InfoTech Bureau Technical Manager Responsible for applications training and support, imposition and special layout and retouching solutions. Clients: Femina, Trans-Oranje Drukkers, Pick ‘n Pay
03/1995–04/1996 Link Solutions Technical Sales Support Responsible for application installation, support and training Clients: McManus, Hirt and Carter, Brand Knew, Sparhams
01/1989–02/1995 Ince DTP Bureau Co-ordinator Responsible for client technical support Clients: Stock Exchange, Goldfields, Anglo-Vaal, Checkers, Standard Bank
01/1987–12/1988 Southern Africa Bible School Student
01/1975–12/1987 Banking experience in Zimbabwe
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
EMPLOYER REFERENCESRiaan de Villiers Acumen Publishing Solutions 083 702 6347
Jandré Venter Studio Manager, Conexys 021 919 7716
Marc Smith Managing Director, Conexys 021 425 5256
Derek Prouse Former Bureau Manager, McManus 021 505 6100
Alban Atkinson Managing Director, Ince 011 241 3000
CLIENT REFERENCESMelanie Pequeux Wits University Press 011 717 8706
Terence McNamee The Brenthurst Foundation 011 274 2092
Angela Thomas SA Institute of International Affairs 011 339 2021
Melanie Daniels Puffin Design 082 371 3992
Greg Mills Ecurie Zoo 011 274 2096
logos
�uıllHANDPAINTEDJOURNALS
�uıllHANDPAINTEDJOURNALS
�uıllHANDPAINTEDJOURNALS
束TABA BOOKS
P U B L I S H I N G c c
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
magazines
reportsGLOBAL INSIGHT
a focus on current issues
Global Insight aims to provide members of the policy community with concise but trenchant analyses of topical issues. Comments and suggestionsare invited.
Issue 77 / March 2008INSTITuTe fOr GLOBAL DIALOGue
Dr. Michele Ruiters is a senior researcher for the IGD’s Multilateral Analysis Programme.
Contested politics in Africa: the state, identity and resources
Michele Ruiters
R ECENT EVENTS in Africa have highlighted the continuing prominence of identity poli-
tics on the continent. Many African countries have experienced conflicts since gaining
their independence in the 1950s and 1960s. Since then, politicians, analysts and academics
have developed theories and methodologies in an attempt to understand these conflicts in
order to create sustainable peace and development. One accusation levelled against existing
paradigms is that not all stakeholders’ needs are addressed in the post-conflict reconstruc-
tion process. This brief examines the state, identity politics, and the struggle for resources in
Africa. Identity includes ethnicity, race, gender, religion, sexuality, kinship, geographic loca-
tion, age, class, nationhood, cultural preferences, and occupation; but for the purposes of this
paper it will be confined to ethnicity and religion because those categories are often touted
as the main protagonists of conflict in many areas of the world, for example, the Middle East,
the Balkans and the Horn of Africa. Identity politics is defined as politics arising out of shared
experiences of injustice, but also shared experiences of privilege where the group with access
to power protects its position in the system at all costs.
During post-conflict reconstruction, the dominant group determines who is included,
or marginalised, in most modern states. Most commonly though, the main parties involved
in peace talks exclude women and marginal groups from the political table for reasons that
range from cultural to logistical. This brief contends that identity politics obscures the real
reason behind exclusionary practices, namely the struggle for and access to resources. It uses
the recent conflicts in Côte d’Ivoire, Sudan and Chad to illustrate how initial identity tensions
laid the foundation for a struggle for access to resources that has re-ignited violence in those
societies. It also argues that if identity politics is constructed as the main cause of conflict
on the continent, then all stakeholders should be involved in peace processes to ensure that
the peace is viable and sustainable. More importantly, to address the root cause of conflict,
peace debates should move beyond the usual rhetoric about political representation towards
a socio-economic system that affords all parties and individuals the right to dignity and a life
free from poverty.
The state and identity politics in Africa
The contemporary African state is a colonial, political construct that was imposed on societies
that were based on kinship, geographic location and access to resources. The concept of the
‘nation-state’ is a contested entity in Africa because it has struggled for legitimacy, capacity
to deliver and has been used as a tool to create ‘nationhood’, which implies a geographical
area with a single national identity. Instead, the imposition of the colonial state has resulted
Global Insight 77.indd 1 28/03/08 11:40:10
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New Creation 07 2011.indd 1 2011/06/21 1:21 AM
Revisiting Regionalism in southeRn afRica
INSTITUTE FOR
GLOBAL DIALOGUE
Proceedings of the Fourth Southern African Forum on Trade (SAFT), held in Pretoria, South Africa, on 3–4 September 2007
Contents
Balancing competing interests of WTO members 2
The quest for efficient decision-making processes 4
The case for a plurilateral approach 8
Endnotes 11
Development Through Trade Programme
February 2009
S A I I A African Perspectives. Global Insights.
POLICY BRIEF ING No 4
Looking beyond the Doha RoundReforming the WTO negotiating process
N k u l u l e k o K h u m a l o
Nkululeko Khumalo is a senior researcher, Trade Policy, South African Institute of International Affairs.
A f r i c a n i n s i g h t s . G l o b a l p e r s p e c t i v e s .
Confidence in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) as the main forum
for negotiating the reduction of trade barriers and the creation of favour-
able conditions for international trade seems to have reached its lowest ebb.
If nothing else, the failure of three ministerial conferences in Seattle (1999),
Cancun (2003) and Geneva (2008), and the slow progress of the Doha
Round have raised serious questions about the ability of this institution to
carry out its core mandate.
The proliferation of regional and bilateral trade agreements over the last
few years is seen as a strong indicator that many key WTO members have
lost patience with the institution. This has led to continued erosion of the
key principle of non-discrimination, which is supposed to be the cornerstone
of the rules-based multilateral framework.1
While the WTO is relatively new as an organisation, the system it over-
sees has been in existence since 1947 in the form of the General Agreement
Global insight: Contested politics in AfricaInstitute for Global Dialogue
Policy Briefing Looking beyond the Doha RoundSAIIA
Revisiting regionalism in southern AfricaInstitute for Global Dialogue
New CreationSheaf Publishing
book covers
KENYA
UG
AN
DA
TAN
ZA
NIA
LAKE VICTORIA
IND
IAN
OCEA
N
ZA
NZ
IBA
R
THE MAKING OF A REGIONTHE REVIVAL OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY
EDITED BY ROK AJULU
FOUR SCENARIOS
2010–2030
FUTURE SOUTH AFRICAN ARMY
STRATEGY
CHINA,AFRICA andSOUTH AFRICA
Garth le Pere and Garth Shelton
South–South co-operation in a global era
CHINA, AFRICA AND SOUTH AFRICALE PERE AND SHELTON
Institute for Global DialogueMidrand, South Africa
中国非洲南非
‘Few subjects are as complicated as China’s African policy and the motives behind it…’– Emmanuel J Hevi
The authors of this new study of China’s active engagement with Africa review both the historical and contemporary themes in China’s relations with Africa. The contemporary period has been signi� cantly enhanced by the addition of a new Sino–South African axis
Both during and after the Cold War, China has been an important partner in the growth and development of Africa, beginning with its commitment to the struggles for independence and self-determination and carried forward into strong trading relations. The relationship between China and Africa – and particularly South Africa - has gained a new importance within the context of South–South co-operation. China’s dramatic economic growth and its commitment to South–South co-operation provides a solid foundation for the potential of mutually bene� cial interaction among developing countries.
Garth le Pere (PhD) is Executive Director of the Institute for Global Dialogue. Since his collaboration with Prof Shelton, China has become an important focus of IGD’s research: with this publication, the IGD has published four books on China-related issues (which also contain contributions by Prof Shelton). In addition, the authors have published research on the reform of state-owned enterprises and China’s western development strategy. They have visited China together in the last three years.
Garth Shelton (PhD) is Associate Professor of International Relations at Wits University and founder of its East Asia Project. He has pioneered research on China and Asia in South Africa and has written, taught and consulted widely on these subjects. He has been a frequent visitor to China for more than a decade and formed a collaborative relationship with his co-author three years ago.
中国非洲南非
China Africa S Africa cover.indd7 7 23/7/07 14:14:30
�nna �alder
The customs in the time of
�braham &the �atriarchs
Annual reportMarch 2003 – February 2004
INSTITUTEFOR GLOBALDIALOGUE
China in AfricaMercantilist predator, or partner in development?
Edited by Garth le Pere
Taller than
Buildings
Phillippa Yaa de Villiers
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
IN SOUTH AFRICA, as in other societies around the world, secrecy arises in
various social contexts, presenting a range of political, legal, and ethical dilem-
mas. Some of these dilemmas are universal, and have been with us for a very long
time. Medical secrecy, as embodied in the Hippocratic Oath, obliges doctors to
treat disclosures by patients as confidential. The legal profession too must contend
with dilemmas of secrecy. Strauss describes this as follows:
Attorneys and advocates are ethically bound in the same way as a doctor or
priest to maintain confidentiality in regard to information disclosed to them
in confidence by their clients. Failure to comply with this duty can result in
disciplinary action being taken against the legal practitioner … in the techni-
cal sense of the word, it can be categorised as ‘a right to unfettered freedom
from the state’s coercive or supervisory powers and from the nuisance of its
eavesdropping’. Although generally known as a legal professional privilege, it
is really a right which the client has to withhold from a court of law commu-
nications made to his lawyer, and to prevent the latter from disclosing such
communications as evidence (1983:26).
A third area in which issues of secrecy present themselves is journalism. Journal-
ists are sensitive to an expectation of trust, and are often prepared to defy the
authorities in order to protect their informants. Matthews attempts to describe
what is common to all three of these areas of social interaction:
seCReCY AnD tRAnsPARenCY In the goVeRnAnCe oF InteLLIgenCe seRVICes
1
Dianna Games has extensive experience of working in and writing about Africa. She
has 22 years’ experience in the media, primarily in SA, but also writes articles for a
variety of African publications elsewhere on the continent. She has worked for leading
South African newspapers including South Africa’s top daily newspaper, Business Day.
She was the editor of pan-African business magazine, Business in Africa, for more than
three years before leaving to establish Africa @ Work in Johannesburg. Her main area of
expertise in Africa @ Work relates to research and publishing, but she also handles media
relations and public relations for international clients and contributes to other aspects
of the company’s business, including conferences and general project management.
�is paper was �rst presented at the Africa Beyond Aid conference, co-hosted by the
Brenthurst Foundation, Danida and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, and held in Berlin
on 3–4 April 2006, and was specially commissioned by the Brenthurst Foundation.
CHAPTER 1
The politics of agriculture: why Africa cannot feed itselfDianna Games
There seems to be no expectation among donors, which are still very involved in
agriculture in Africa, that Africans will at some point be able to feed themselves.
But the question is why governments, donors and all other stakeholders are not
actively working towards that end. Agriculture, despite lip service to the contrary, is
generally kept on the back burner by governments and donors which appear to be
tinkering around its edges rather than coming to grips with the key issues, and mak-
ing substantial progress.
�e current situation is iniquitous given the massive penetration of agriculture in all
African economies – the sector is usually the biggest employer (outside government),
a key foreign exchange earner, and a contributor to tax revenues in countries where
there is a modicum of commercial agriculture. It is the biggest contributor to GDP
and per capita incomes on the continent. Many countries have abundant resources
in the form of water, fertile soil, labour, and land. An estimated 80 per cent of people
in sub-Saharan Africa live in rural areas, and most of them are involved in agricul-
ture and food production for their livelihood and, in many cases, their very survival.
Dianna Games has extensive experience of working in and writing about Africa. She
has 22 years’ experience in the media, primarily in SA, but also writes articles for a
variety of African publications elsewhere on the continent. She has worked for leading
South African newspapers including South Africa’s top daily newspaper, Business Day.
She was the editor of pan-African business magazine, Business in Africa, for more than
three years before leaving to establish Africa @ Work in Johannesburg. Her main area of
expertise in Africa @ Work relates to research and publishing, but she also handles media
relations and public relations for international clients and contributes to other aspects
of the company’s business, including conferences and general project management.
�is paper was �rst presented at the Africa Beyond Aid conference, co-hosted by the
Brenthurst Foundation, Danida and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, and held in Berlin
on 3–4 April 2006, and was specially commissioned by the Brenthurst Foundation.
CHAPTER 1
The politics of agriculture: why Africa cannot feed itselfDianna Games
There seems to be no expectation among donors, which are still very involved in
agriculture in Africa, that Africans will at some point be able to feed themselves.
But the question is why governments, donors and all other stakeholders are not
actively working towards that end. Agriculture, despite lip service to the contrary, is
generally kept on the back burner by governments and donors which appear to be
tinkering around its edges rather than coming to grips with the key issues, and mak-
ing substantial progress.
�e current situation is iniquitous given the massive penetration of agriculture in all
African economies – the sector is usually the biggest employer (outside government),
a key foreign exchange earner, and a contributor to tax revenues in countries where
there is a modicum of commercial agriculture. It is the biggest contributor to GDP
and per capita incomes on the continent. Many countries have abundant resources
in the form of water, fertile soil, labour, and land. An estimated 80 per cent of people
in sub-Saharan Africa live in rural areas, and most of them are involved in agricul-
ture and food production for their livelihood and, in many cases, their very survival.
IN SOUTH AFRICA, as in other societies around the world, secrecy arises in
various social contexts, presenting a range of political, legal, and ethical dilem-
mas. Some of these dilemmas are universal, and have been with us for a very long
time. Medical secrecy, as embodied in the Hippocratic Oath, obliges doctors to
treat disclosures by patients as confidential. The legal profession too must contend
with dilemmas of secrecy. Strauss describes this as follows:
Attorneys and advocates are ethically bound in the same way as a doctor or
priest to maintain confidentiality in regard to information disclosed to them
in confidence by their clients. Failure to comply with this duty can result in
disciplinary action being taken against the legal practitioner … in the techni-
cal sense of the word, it can be categorised as ‘a right to unfettered freedom
from the state’s coercive or supervisory powers and from the nuisance of its
eavesdropping’. Although generally known as a legal professional privilege, it
is really a right which the client has to withhold from a court of law commu-
nications made to his lawyer, and to prevent the latter from disclosing such
communications as evidence (1983:26).
A third area in which issues of secrecy present themselves is journalism. Journal-
ists are sensitive to an expectation of trust, and are often prepared to defy the
authorities in order to protect their informants. Matthews attempts to describe
what is common to all three of these areas of social interaction:
seCReCY AnD tRAnsPARenCY In the goVeRnAnCe oF InteLLIgenCe seRVICes
1
Vietnam and Africa
The Brenthurst Foundation
Well-kept secrets
The Institute for Global Development
books sample pages
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1The Delivery Paradox
Anne Mc Lennan
With South Africa well into its second decade of democracy, news headlines note a range of protests over poor provision of services in areas such as education, health, social grants, housing, water, electricity and basic infrastructure. A recurring chorus in these protests, especially at local level, is one of betrayal, the accusation that promises made by the government have not been kept. As South Africa moves towards its fourth democratic elections in 2009, following the deposition of President Mbeki, the inauguration of President Motlanthe and the fracturing of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), delivery (and its lack) is the rallying point for a wide range of political parties and citizen action groups. Public service delivery is highly politicised in South Africa because it represents some of the contradictions of the transition from apartheid to democracy. On the one hand, it is a continuing crisis as the damaging effects of apartheid disrupt the government’s ability to grow the economy, compete globally and meet local demands. On the other hand, it is a redistributive route to development for those previously denied the rights of citizenship, education and employment. This paradox captures the difficulty of building off a highly unequal apartheid base to create a developmental state that will secure a ‘a better life for all, in a country that no longer contains within it and represents much that is ugly and repulsive in human society’ (Mbeki 2007).
Given apartheid and its legacies, service delivery in South Africa is linked to a politics of distribution focused on providing access to services previously denied or limited. This leads to an assumption that expanding the delivery process will provide access and that managing delivery is about putting the right elements in place in the right combinations. In fact, the analogy most commonly used is that is of an engine: ‘The route has been planned, plotted and perfected. The engine has been fine-tuned
1The Delivery Paradox
Anne Mc Lennan
With South Africa well into its second decade of democracy, news headlines note a range of protests over poor provision of services in areas such as education, health, social grants, housing, water, electricity and basic infrastructure. A recurring chorus in these protests, especially at local level, is one of betrayal, the accusation that promises made by the government have not been kept. As South Africa moves towards its fourth democratic elections in 2009, following the deposition of President Mbeki, the inauguration of President Motlanthe and the fracturing of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), delivery (and its lack) is the rallying point for a wide range of political parties and citizen action groups. Public service delivery is highly politicised in South Africa because it represents some of the contradictions of the transition from apartheid to democracy. On the one hand, it is a continuing crisis as the damaging effects of apartheid disrupt the government’s ability to grow the economy, compete globally and meet local demands. On the other hand, it is a redistributive route to development for those previously denied the rights of citizenship, education and employment. This paradox captures the difficulty of building off a highly unequal apartheid base to create a developmental state that will secure a ‘a better life for all, in a country that no longer contains within it and represents much that is ugly and repulsive in human society’ (Mbeki 2007).
Given apartheid and its legacies, service delivery in South Africa is linked to a politics of distribution focused on providing access to services previously denied or limited. This leads to an assumption that expanding the delivery process will provide access and that managing delivery is about putting the right elements in place in the right combinations. In fact, the analogy most commonly used is that is of an engine: ‘The route has been planned, plotted and perfected. The engine has been fine-tuned
African Hymn One
Sheaf Publishing
The politics of service delivery
Wits University Press
Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design
infographics
Ras Mkumbi(lighthouse)
BweniMbarakuniIsland
Shingi-MbiliIsland
Ras Mbisi
MlolaForest
KifingeBay
Chole Is.
CholeBay
Kinasi Pass
Kungwi
Kilindoni Dongo
KitutiaReef
Jibondo Island
MangeIsland
0 10km
BwejuuIsland
JuaniIsland
Utende
RasKisimani
Miburani ChemChem
Kiegeani
Marimbani
Mlongo
NdagoniMfuruni
NyororoIsland
Kanga
Jojo
Kirongwe
Tumbuju
BaleniChunguruma
Jimbo
Marine Park boundary
Land
Core Zone (terrestrial)
Specified-use Zone (terrestrial)
Reef
Core Zone (marine)
Specified-use Zone (marine)
SCUBA dive-sites
Tourist lodges
MIMP villages
Other villages
MIMP HQ is located at Utende
Zone type
Zoning policy
Management policy
CORE No resource extraction butdiving & research premitted.
SPECIFIED-USE No pull-net fishing.No fishing by non-residents(including no sport-fishing).
GENERAL National regulations apply.Non-residents require permits.
55%
65%
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18 300 km3
PACIFICOCEAN
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28 400 km3
Evaporation (%)
Runoff (%)Precipitation (km3)
8 290 km3
22 300 km3
32 200 km3
7 080 km3
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