Tim Sheasby 2016

Tim Sheasbytypography & graphic design

portfoliodesign


portfoliodesign

127a Kemston Avenue Benoni1501072 020 1335011 421 [email protected]


PERSONAL INFORMATIONCitizenship

Language

QUALIFICATIONS1997

1988

SKILLSAdobe

Microsoft

Apple

Print industry

South African – 5711295848086

English speaking with some Afrikaans

Printing Industries Federation: DTP skills level 6

Southern Africa Bible College: Certificate of Achievement in Theology

CS 3–CC 2015 – High degree of competency in InDesign, Illustrator, and Photoshop InDesign: Books (typography and cover designs), magazines, annual reports, training manuals, ePubs Illustrator: Information graphics – graphs and diagrams Photoshop: Colour correction, retouching, deep-etching Acrobat: Production of electronic publications Dreamweaver: Web design

Office 2011: Word processing, spreadsheets and PowerPoint presentations

iMovie: Production of short movie presentations (post-production on World Cup DVD for presentation to Nelson Mandela)

Have extensive print experience and knowledge

CVcurriculum vitae

127a Kemston AvenueBenoni1501072 020 1335011 421 [email protected]


WORK HISTORY06/2009–present Sheaf Publishing – 011 421 4796

Graphic Designer Design: books, annual reports, periodicals, magazines, corporate identity, information graphics (maps, diagrams and graphs), brochures, web sites, music engraving Clients: Acumen Publishing Solutions, Van Schaik Educational Publishers, Wits University Press, SAIIA, The Brenthurst Foundation, Greg Mills, Anna Calder, Southern Africa Bible College, Benoni Church of Christ, Northmead Educational Centre, Puffin Design, SA Leak Detection Distributors

11/2003–05/2009 Acumen Publishing Solutions – 011 888 5355 Studio Head Design: books, annual reports, periodicals, corporate identity, information graphics (maps, diagrams and graphs), brochures, web sites Clients: CDE, IGD, SBP, SAIIA, Wits University Press, The Brenthurst Foundation, Mpumalanga Provincial Government, Department of Social Development, KwaZulu-Natal University Press, Highveld Press, René Paul Gosselin, Life Enrichment Ministries, Business Leadership SA, Alafa, et al

08/2002–10/2003 Quill Handcrafts Sales Representative Responsible for all in-house graphics, typography, corporate identity and sales

07/1999–07/2002 Conexys Web Designer Responsible for web design, all in-house typography and pre-press preparation Clients: Pam Golding Properties, William Hill (GB), Henry Williams Florist, Toyota Trucks, iComMand

05/1996–06/1999 McManus / MacManus InfoTech Bureau Technical Manager Responsible for applications training and support, imposition and special layout and retouching solutions. Clients: Femina, Trans-Oranje Drukkers, Pick ‘n Pay

03/1995–04/1996 Link Solutions Technical Sales Support Responsible for application installation, support and training Clients: McManus, Hirt and Carter, Brand Knew, Sparhams

01/1989–02/1995 Ince DTP Bureau Co-ordinator Responsible for client technical support Clients: Stock Exchange, Goldfields, Anglo-Vaal, Checkers, Standard Bank

01/1987–12/1988 Southern Africa Bible School Student

01/1975–12/1987 Banking experience in Zimbabwe


EMPLOYER REFERENCESRiaan de Villiers Acumen Publishing Solutions 083 702 6347

Jandré Venter Studio Manager, Conexys 021 919 7716

Marc Smith Managing Director, Conexys 021 425 5256

Derek Prouse Former Bureau Manager, McManus 021 505 6100

Alban Atkinson Managing Director, Ince 011 241 3000

CLIENT REFERENCESMelanie Pequeux Wits University Press 011 717 8706

Terence McNamee The Brenthurst Foundation 011 274 2092

Angela Thomas SA Institute of International Affairs 011 339 2021

Melanie Daniels Puffin Design 082 371 3992

Greg Mills Ecurie Zoo 011 274 2096

logos

�uıllHANDPAINTEDJOURNALS



束TABA BOOKS

P U B L I S H I N G c c


magazines

reportsGLOBAL INSIGHT

a focus on current issues

Global Insight aims to provide members of the policy community with concise but trenchant analyses of topical issues. Comments and suggestionsare invited.

Issue 77 / March 2008INSTITuTe fOr GLOBAL DIALOGue

Dr. Michele Ruiters is a senior researcher for the IGD’s Multilateral Analysis Programme.

Contested politics in Africa: the state, identity and resources

Michele Ruiters

R ECENT EVENTS in Africa have highlighted the continuing prominence of identity poli-

tics on the continent. Many African countries have experienced conflicts since gaining

their independence in the 1950s and 1960s. Since then, politicians, analysts and academics

have developed theories and methodologies in an attempt to understand these conflicts in

order to create sustainable peace and development. One accusation levelled against existing

paradigms is that not all stakeholders’ needs are addressed in the post-conflict reconstruc-

tion process. This brief examines the state, identity politics, and the struggle for resources in

Africa. Identity includes ethnicity, race, gender, religion, sexuality, kinship, geographic loca-

tion, age, class, nationhood, cultural preferences, and occupation; but for the purposes of this

paper it will be confined to ethnicity and religion because those categories are often touted

as the main protagonists of conflict in many areas of the world, for example, the Middle East,

the Balkans and the Horn of Africa. Identity politics is defined as politics arising out of shared

experiences of injustice, but also shared experiences of privilege where the group with access

to power protects its position in the system at all costs.

During post-conflict reconstruction, the dominant group determines who is included,

or marginalised, in most modern states. Most commonly though, the main parties involved

in peace talks exclude women and marginal groups from the political table for reasons that

range from cultural to logistical. This brief contends that identity politics obscures the real

reason behind exclusionary practices, namely the struggle for and access to resources. It uses

the recent conflicts in Côte d’Ivoire, Sudan and Chad to illustrate how initial identity tensions

laid the foundation for a struggle for access to resources that has re-ignited violence in those

societies. It also argues that if identity politics is constructed as the main cause of conflict

on the continent, then all stakeholders should be involved in peace processes to ensure that

the peace is viable and sustainable. More importantly, to address the root cause of conflict,

peace debates should move beyond the usual rhetoric about political representation towards

a socio-economic system that affords all parties and individuals the right to dignity and a life

free from poverty.

The state and identity politics in Africa

The contemporary African state is a colonial, political construct that was imposed on societies

that were based on kinship, geographic location and access to resources. The concept of the

‘nation-state’ is a contested entity in Africa because it has struggled for legitimacy, capacity

to deliver and has been used as a tool to create ‘nationhood’, which implies a geographical

area with a single national identity. Instead, the imposition of the colonial state has resulted

Global Insight 77.indd 1 28/03/08 11:40:10

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Revisiting Regionalism in southeRn afRica

INSTITUTE FOR

GLOBAL DIALOGUE

Proceedings of the Fourth Southern African Forum on Trade (SAFT), held in Pretoria, South Africa, on 3–4 September 2007

Contents

Balancing competing interests of WTO members 2

The quest for efficient decision-making processes 4

The case for a plurilateral approach 8

Endnotes 11

Development Through Trade Programme

February 2009

S A I I A African Perspectives. Global Insights.

POLICY BRIEF ING No 4

Looking beyond the Doha RoundReforming the WTO negotiating process

N k u l u l e k o K h u m a l o

Nkululeko Khumalo is a senior researcher, Trade Policy, South African Institute of International Affairs.

A f r i c a n i n s i g h t s . G l o b a l p e r s p e c t i v e s .

Confidence in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) as the main forum

for negotiating the reduction of trade barriers and the creation of favour-

able conditions for international trade seems to have reached its lowest ebb.

If nothing else, the failure of three ministerial conferences in Seattle (1999),

Cancun (2003) and Geneva (2008), and the slow progress of the Doha

Round have raised serious questions about the ability of this institution to

carry out its core mandate.

The proliferation of regional and bilateral trade agreements over the last

few years is seen as a strong indicator that many key WTO members have

lost patience with the institution. This has led to continued erosion of the

key principle of non-discrimination, which is supposed to be the cornerstone

of the rules-based multilateral framework.1

While the WTO is relatively new as an organisation, the system it over-

sees has been in existence since 1947 in the form of the General Agreement

Global insight: Contested politics in AfricaInstitute for Global Dialogue

Policy Briefing Looking beyond the Doha RoundSAIIA

Revisiting regionalism in southern AfricaInstitute for Global Dialogue

New CreationSheaf Publishing

book covers

KENYA

UG

AN

DA

TAN

ZA

NIA

LAKE VICTORIA

IND

IAN

OCEA

N

ZA

NZ

IBA

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THE MAKING OF A REGIONTHE REVIVAL OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY

EDITED BY ROK AJULU

FOUR SCENARIOS

2010–2030

FUTURE SOUTH AFRICAN ARMY

STRATEGY

CHINA,AFRICA andSOUTH AFRICA

Garth le Pere and Garth Shelton

South–South co-operation in a global era

CHINA, AFRICA AND SOUTH AFRICALE PERE AND SHELTON

Institute for Global DialogueMidrand, South Africa

中国非洲南非

‘Few subjects are as complicated as China’s African policy and the motives behind it…’– Emmanuel J Hevi

The authors of this new study of China’s active engagement with Africa review both the historical and contemporary themes in China’s relations with Africa. The contemporary period has been signi� cantly enhanced by the addition of a new Sino–South African axis

Both during and after the Cold War, China has been an important partner in the growth and development of Africa, beginning with its commitment to the struggles for independence and self-determination and carried forward into strong trading relations. The relationship between China and Africa – and particularly South Africa - has gained a new importance within the context of South–South co-operation. China’s dramatic economic growth and its commitment to South–South co-operation provides a solid foundation for the potential of mutually bene� cial interaction among developing countries.

Garth le Pere (PhD) is Executive Director of the Institute for Global Dialogue. Since his collaboration with Prof Shelton, China has become an important focus of IGD’s research: with this publication, the IGD has published four books on China-related issues (which also contain contributions by Prof Shelton). In addition, the authors have published research on the reform of state-owned enterprises and China’s western development strategy. They have visited China together in the last three years.

Garth Shelton (PhD) is Associate Professor of International Relations at Wits University and founder of its East Asia Project. He has pioneered research on China and Asia in South Africa and has written, taught and consulted widely on these subjects. He has been a frequent visitor to China for more than a decade and formed a collaborative relationship with his co-author three years ago.

中国非洲南非

China Africa S Africa cover.indd7 7 23/7/07 14:14:30

�nna �alder

The customs in the time of

�braham &the �atriarchs

Annual reportMarch 2003 – February 2004

INSTITUTEFOR GLOBALDIALOGUE

China in AfricaMercantilist predator, or partner in development?

Edited by Garth le Pere

Taller than

Buildings

Phillippa Yaa de Villiers


IN SOUTH AFRICA, as in other societies around the world, secrecy arises in

various social contexts, presenting a range of political, legal, and ethical dilem-

mas. Some of these dilemmas are universal, and have been with us for a very long

time. Medical secrecy, as embodied in the Hippocratic Oath, obliges doctors to

treat disclosures by patients as confidential. The legal profession too must contend

with dilemmas of secrecy. Strauss describes this as follows:

Attorneys and advocates are ethically bound in the same way as a doctor or

priest to maintain confidentiality in regard to information disclosed to them

in confidence by their clients. Failure to comply with this duty can result in

disciplinary action being taken against the legal practitioner … in the techni-

cal sense of the word, it can be categorised as ‘a right to unfettered freedom

from the state’s coercive or supervisory powers and from the nuisance of its

eavesdropping’. Although generally known as a legal professional privilege, it

is really a right which the client has to withhold from a court of law commu-

nications made to his lawyer, and to prevent the latter from disclosing such

communications as evidence (1983:26).

A third area in which issues of secrecy present themselves is journalism. Journal-

ists are sensitive to an expectation of trust, and are often prepared to defy the

authorities in order to protect their informants. Matthews attempts to describe

what is common to all three of these areas of social interaction:

seCReCY AnD tRAnsPARenCY In the goVeRnAnCe oF InteLLIgenCe seRVICes

1

Dianna Games has extensive experience of working in and writing about Africa. She

has 22 years’ experience in the media, primarily in SA, but also writes articles for a

variety of African publications elsewhere on the continent. She has worked for leading

South African newspapers including South Africa’s top daily newspaper, Business Day.

She was the editor of pan-African business magazine, Business in Africa, for more than

three years before leaving to establish Africa @ Work in Johannesburg. Her main area of

expertise in Africa @ Work relates to research and publishing, but she also handles media

relations and public relations for international clients and contributes to other aspects

of the company’s business, including conferences and general project management.

�is paper was �rst presented at the Africa Beyond Aid conference, co-hosted by the

Brenthurst Foundation, Danida and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, and held in Berlin

on 3–4 April 2006, and was specially commissioned by the Brenthurst Foundation.

CHAPTER 1

The politics of agriculture: why Africa cannot feed itselfDianna Games

There seems to be no expectation among donors, which are still very involved in

agriculture in Africa, that Africans will at some point be able to feed themselves.

But the question is why governments, donors and all other stakeholders are not

actively working towards that end. Agriculture, despite lip service to the contrary, is

generally kept on the back burner by governments and donors which appear to be

tinkering around its edges rather than coming to grips with the key issues, and mak-

ing substantial progress.

�e current situation is iniquitous given the massive penetration of agriculture in all

African economies – the sector is usually the biggest employer (outside government),

a key foreign exchange earner, and a contributor to tax revenues in countries where

there is a modicum of commercial agriculture. It is the biggest contributor to GDP

and per capita incomes on the continent. Many countries have abundant resources

in the form of water, fertile soil, labour, and land. An estimated 80 per cent of people

in sub-Saharan Africa live in rural areas, and most of them are involved in agricul-

ture and food production for their livelihood and, in many cases, their very survival.

Dianna Games has extensive experience of working in and writing about Africa. She

has 22 years’ experience in the media, primarily in SA, but also writes articles for a

variety of African publications elsewhere on the continent. She has worked for leading

South African newspapers including South Africa’s top daily newspaper, Business Day.

She was the editor of pan-African business magazine, Business in Africa, for more than

three years before leaving to establish Africa @ Work in Johannesburg. Her main area of

expertise in Africa @ Work relates to research and publishing, but she also handles media

relations and public relations for international clients and contributes to other aspects

of the company’s business, including conferences and general project management.

�is paper was �rst presented at the Africa Beyond Aid conference, co-hosted by the

Brenthurst Foundation, Danida and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, and held in Berlin

on 3–4 April 2006, and was specially commissioned by the Brenthurst Foundation.

CHAPTER 1

The politics of agriculture: why Africa cannot feed itselfDianna Games

There seems to be no expectation among donors, which are still very involved in

agriculture in Africa, that Africans will at some point be able to feed themselves.

But the question is why governments, donors and all other stakeholders are not

actively working towards that end. Agriculture, despite lip service to the contrary, is

generally kept on the back burner by governments and donors which appear to be

tinkering around its edges rather than coming to grips with the key issues, and mak-

ing substantial progress.

�e current situation is iniquitous given the massive penetration of agriculture in all

African economies – the sector is usually the biggest employer (outside government),

a key foreign exchange earner, and a contributor to tax revenues in countries where

there is a modicum of commercial agriculture. It is the biggest contributor to GDP

and per capita incomes on the continent. Many countries have abundant resources

in the form of water, fertile soil, labour, and land. An estimated 80 per cent of people

in sub-Saharan Africa live in rural areas, and most of them are involved in agricul-

ture and food production for their livelihood and, in many cases, their very survival.

IN SOUTH AFRICA, as in other societies around the world, secrecy arises in

various social contexts, presenting a range of political, legal, and ethical dilem-

mas. Some of these dilemmas are universal, and have been with us for a very long

time. Medical secrecy, as embodied in the Hippocratic Oath, obliges doctors to

treat disclosures by patients as confidential. The legal profession too must contend

with dilemmas of secrecy. Strauss describes this as follows:

Attorneys and advocates are ethically bound in the same way as a doctor or

priest to maintain confidentiality in regard to information disclosed to them

in confidence by their clients. Failure to comply with this duty can result in

disciplinary action being taken against the legal practitioner … in the techni-

cal sense of the word, it can be categorised as ‘a right to unfettered freedom

from the state’s coercive or supervisory powers and from the nuisance of its

eavesdropping’. Although generally known as a legal professional privilege, it

is really a right which the client has to withhold from a court of law commu-

nications made to his lawyer, and to prevent the latter from disclosing such

communications as evidence (1983:26).

A third area in which issues of secrecy present themselves is journalism. Journal-

ists are sensitive to an expectation of trust, and are often prepared to defy the

authorities in order to protect their informants. Matthews attempts to describe

what is common to all three of these areas of social interaction:

seCReCY AnD tRAnsPARenCY In the goVeRnAnCe oF InteLLIgenCe seRVICes

1

Vietnam and Africa

The Brenthurst Foundation

Well-kept secrets

The Institute for Global Development

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1The Delivery Paradox

Anne Mc Lennan

With South Africa well into its second decade of democracy, news headlines note a range of protests over poor provision of services in areas such as education, health, social grants, housing, water, electricity and basic infrastructure. A recurring chorus in these protests, especially at local level, is one of betrayal, the accusation that promises made by the government have not been kept. As South Africa moves towards its fourth democratic elections in 2009, following the deposition of President Mbeki, the inauguration of President Motlanthe and the fracturing of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), delivery (and its lack) is the rallying point for a wide range of political parties and citizen action groups. Public service delivery is highly politicised in South Africa because it represents some of the contradictions of the transition from apartheid to democracy. On the one hand, it is a continuing crisis as the damaging effects of apartheid disrupt the government’s ability to grow the economy, compete globally and meet local demands. On the other hand, it is a redistributive route to development for those previously denied the rights of citizenship, education and employment. This paradox captures the difficulty of building off a highly unequal apartheid base to create a developmental state that will secure a ‘a better life for all, in a country that no longer contains within it and represents much that is ugly and repulsive in human society’ (Mbeki 2007).

Given apartheid and its legacies, service delivery in South Africa is linked to a politics of distribution focused on providing access to services previously denied or limited. This leads to an assumption that expanding the delivery process will provide access and that managing delivery is about putting the right elements in place in the right combinations. In fact, the analogy most commonly used is that is of an engine: ‘The route has been planned, plotted and perfected. The engine has been fine-tuned

1The Delivery Paradox

Anne Mc Lennan

With South Africa well into its second decade of democracy, news headlines note a range of protests over poor provision of services in areas such as education, health, social grants, housing, water, electricity and basic infrastructure. A recurring chorus in these protests, especially at local level, is one of betrayal, the accusation that promises made by the government have not been kept. As South Africa moves towards its fourth democratic elections in 2009, following the deposition of President Mbeki, the inauguration of President Motlanthe and the fracturing of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), delivery (and its lack) is the rallying point for a wide range of political parties and citizen action groups. Public service delivery is highly politicised in South Africa because it represents some of the contradictions of the transition from apartheid to democracy. On the one hand, it is a continuing crisis as the damaging effects of apartheid disrupt the government’s ability to grow the economy, compete globally and meet local demands. On the other hand, it is a redistributive route to development for those previously denied the rights of citizenship, education and employment. This paradox captures the difficulty of building off a highly unequal apartheid base to create a developmental state that will secure a ‘a better life for all, in a country that no longer contains within it and represents much that is ugly and repulsive in human society’ (Mbeki 2007).

Given apartheid and its legacies, service delivery in South Africa is linked to a politics of distribution focused on providing access to services previously denied or limited. This leads to an assumption that expanding the delivery process will provide access and that managing delivery is about putting the right elements in place in the right combinations. In fact, the analogy most commonly used is that is of an engine: ‘The route has been planned, plotted and perfected. The engine has been fine-tuned

African Hymn One

Sheaf Publishing

The politics of service delivery

Wits University Press


infographics

Ras Mkumbi(lighthouse)

BweniMbarakuniIsland

Shingi-MbiliIsland

Ras Mbisi

MlolaForest

KifingeBay

Chole Is.

CholeBay

Kinasi Pass

Kungwi

Kilindoni Dongo

KitutiaReef

Jibondo Island

MangeIsland

0 10km

BwejuuIsland

JuaniIsland

Utende

RasKisimani

Miburani ChemChem

Kiegeani

Marimbani

Mlongo

NdagoniMfuruni

NyororoIsland

Kanga

Jojo

Kirongwe

Tumbuju

BaleniChunguruma

Jimbo

Marine Park boundary

Land

Core Zone (terrestrial)

Specified-use Zone (terrestrial)

Reef

Core Zone (marine)

Specified-use Zone (marine)

SCUBA dive-sites

Tourist lodges

MIMP villages

Other villages

MIMP HQ is located at Utende

Zone type

Zoning policy

Management policy

CORE No resource extraction butdiving & research premitted.

SPECIFIED-USE No pull-net fishing.No fishing by non-residents(including no sport-fishing).

GENERAL National regulations apply.Non-residents require permits.

55%

65%

80%

18 300 km3

PACIFICOCEAN

PACIFICOCEAN

ATLANTICOCEAN

INDIANOCEAN

28 400 km3

Evaporation (%)

Runoff (%)Precipitation (km3)

8 290 km3

22 300 km3

32 200 km3

7 080 km3

NorthAmerica

SouthAmerica

Europe

Africa

Asia

Australiaand Oceania

65%

45%

43%

57%

35%

20%

45%

55%

35%

Evapotranspiration

Advection

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Forests & VegetationForests & Vegetation

Impermeable bedrock

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Precipitation

Snow Precipitation

Snow andGlaciers

Precipitation

CondensationCondensation

Surface

Surface

River Flow

Rain

Percolation

Rain

The Water Cycle

Tim Sheasby 2016

Documents

Transcript of Tim Sheasby 2016