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Nigerian Criminal Organizations

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PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2014. All RightsReserved. Under the terms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in OxfordHandbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).Subscriber: Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru (PUCP); date: 01 May 2015

PrintPublicationDate: Oct2014 Subject: CriminologyandCriminalJustice,OrganizedCrime,InternationalandComparativeCriminology

OnlinePublicationDate: Jul2014

DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199730445.013.033

NigerianCriminalOrganizations PhilWilliamsTheOxfordHandbookofOrganizedCrimeEditedbyLetiziaPaoli

OxfordHandbooksOnline

AbstractandKeywords

Nigeriancriminalorganizationsandnetworksareuniqueinboththeirubiquityandthediversenatureoftheiractivities.CriminalsfromNigeriaand,toalesserdegree,elsewhereinWestAfricaareactiveineverycountrywithcriminalopportunitiestobeexploited.Theauthorlooksatthepolitical,social,andeconomiccontextsfromwhichNigeriancriminalorganizationsemerged(andwhichcontinuestosustainthemtoday),seekstoexplainhowtheyestablishedaglobalpresence,andexplorestherangeoforganizationalstructurestheyadoptandtheirvariousactivities.TheauthorarguesthatthesuccessofNigerianorganizedcrimecanbeunderstoodintermsofamixoftheincentivesandpressuresforcriminalactivity,theavailabilityofopportunities,andtheresourcesorcapacitytoexploittheseopportunities,atboththenationallevelandthegloballevel.Heconcludesthattheimpedimentstothecontinuedgrowthoforganizedcrimeareweak,asthetrendsfacilitatingexpansionremainpowerful.Keywords:Nigerianorganizedcrime,Nigeria,WestAfrica,corruption,drugtrafficking,fraud

I.IntroductionNigeriancriminalorganizationsandnetworksareuniqueinboththeirubiquityandthediversenatureoftheiractivities.DrugtraffickinginIndonesia,extensivefraudulentactivitiesinthecountriesoftheEuropeanUnion,traffickingofwomentoEuropeforprostitution,andadvancefeefraudintheUnitedStatesandAustraliaarejustafewmanifestationsoftheNigerianglobalcriminalpresence.CriminalsfromNigeriaandtoalesserdegreeelsewhereinWestAfricaareactiveineverycountrywithcriminalopportunitiestobeexploited.Asoneobserverhasnoted,powerfulandsophisticatedcriminalsyndicatesbasedinNigeriahaveextensivenetworksreachingintotheWesternHemisphere,Europe,Russiaandthenewlyindependentstates,SoutheastandSouthwestAsia,Australia,andothercountriesinAfrica.Infact,Nigeriancriminalgroupsaremorepervasivearoundtheglobethanthoseofanyothernation,withlargenumbersofNigeriansthoughttobeengagedinillegalactivitiesinsome60countries. Moreover,thispresenceseemstobeexpandingratherthandiminishing.RecentreportsnotethatNigeriancriminalorganizations,whichhavelongcontrolledasignificantportionoftheprostitutioninsouthernItaly,haveextendedtheiractivitiesintoFranceandtheCzechRepublic.Sirasco,theFrenchcriminalintelligenceservice,forexample,identifiedandanalyzed36Nigerianprostitutionringsbetween2006and2010. ACzechmediareportinJune2011notedthatthepolicehadseenanoticeableincreaseinNigerianprostituteswhoarrivedintheCzechRepubliconthebasisoftouristvisasfurnishedinSpainandItaly.

(p.255) ReportsalsosuggestthatNigeriandrugtraffickershavebeenrecruitingBulgarianandPolishcouriers,havebeguntodiversifyintomethamphetamineproduction,andhaveasignificantpresenceinBrazil,with199NigeriansimprisonedinSaoPaulo. Indeed,someNigeriandrugtraffickershavegraduatedfromtheirinitialroleascourierstobecomemanagersofdrugtransshipments.Manyremainaslow-levelcouriersandtraffickers,however,andhaveapresenceincountriesasdiverseasIndia,Indonesia,andItaly,while,inJanuary2012itwasreported

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that1,000NigerianyouthshavebeendetainedinChinafordrugoffenses. Intermsoffinancialfraud,Nigeriancriminalshavelonghadaleadershiprole,devisingandimplementingschemeswidelyimitatedbyothersincludingvariousformsofidentitytheft.Nigeriancriminals,sometimeswiththeactivecollusionofmembersofthepoliticalandmilitaryelites,engageinthetheft,diversion,andillegalexportofoil(whichisformallyagovernmentmonopoly)fromtheNigerDelta,aprocessthatisoftendescribedasoilbunkering.Estimatessuggestthat55millionbarrelsofoilayearaboutonetenthofNigerianoilproductionarelosttotheftandsmuggling(AfricaEconomicDevelopmentInstitute).TherehasalsobeenanincreaseinpiracyoffthecoastofWestAfricamuchofwhichappearstobeorganizedfromNigeria(Smith2011).

Againstthisbackground,thisanalysislooksatthepolitical,social,andeconomiccontextfromwhichNigeriancriminalorganizationsemerged(andwhichcontinuestosustainthemtoday),seekstoexplainhowtheyestablishedaglobalpresence,andexplorestherangeoforganizationalstructurestheyadoptandtheirvariousactivities.Thereissomethingofapuzzlehere.TheriseofNigerianorganizedcrime,andparticularlyNigerianinvolvementindrugtrafficking,isnotasreadilyexplicableas,forexample,theburgeoningofRussianorganizedcrimeinthe1990safterthecollapseoftheSovietUnionortheroleofColombianandMexicandrugtraffickingorganizations.Apartfromsomecannabiscultivation,Nigeriawasnotamajordrugproducer.NorwasNigeriaanobvioustransshipmentpointforthemovementofeithercocaineorheroin.Despitelackingobviousadvantages,NigerianorganizedcrimehasbecomedeeplyentrenchedwithinNigeria,attheregionallevelinWestAfrica,andatthegloballevel.Thiscanbeunderstoodintermsofamixoftheincentivesandpressuresforcriminalactivity,theavailabilityofopportunities,andtheresourcesorcapacitytoexploittheseopportunities,bothatthenationallevelandthegloballevel.

II.TheContextTheriseoforganizedcrimeinparticularcountriesisoftenattributedtotheweaknessofthestateorinadequaciesofgovernance.Nigeriafitsperfectlyintothismodel.Nigeriaisapost-colonialstatecharacterizedbyweakinstitutions,aweakcivilsociety,multipletribalgroupsandpowercenters,andhighlevelsofcorruption(Smith2007).NigeriaisAfricasmostpopulouscountry,withmorethan250ethnicgroups.TheHausaandFulanimakeup29percentofthepopulation,theYoruba21percent,theIgbo(Ibo)18percent,andtheIjaw10percent,withaplethoraofothergroupsprovidingtheremaining22percent.(p.256) (CentralIntelligenceAgency2011)Inthesecircumstances,itisnotsurprisingthattheNigerianstate,whichbecameindependentofBritishrulein1960,quicklybecametheprizeofpolitics,withthespoilsdistributedbypatronstotheirpoliticalandtribalclients.TheauthorsofNigeriasdraftconstitutionin1976evendefinedpoliticalpowerastheopportunitytoacquirerichesandprestige,tobeinapositiontohandoutbenefitsintheformofjobs,contractsgiftsofmoneyetc.torelationsandpoliticalallies. Giventhepredominanceofsuchsentiments,itisnotsurprisingthatthepublicgoodhasroutinelybeensubordinatedtoparochialandnarrowinterests,whetherpersonal,familial,ortribal(Reno2000,433459).Suchasystemhasappropriatelybeencharacterizedasthepredatoryorvampireormafiastatethat,accordingtoonescholar,isamafia-likebazaar,whereanyonewithanofficialdesignationcanpillageatwillTheirover-archingobsessionistoamasspersonalwealth WhilethepredatorystatehasbeenmanifestinasignificantnumberofAfricancountries,Nigeriawasparticularlybadlyhurtbythisphenomenon.TheNigerianstate,undersuccessivemilitaryregimes,becamelittlemorethanaseriesofglorifiedcriminalenterprises.Stateofficialswerehighlycorruptandinitiatedvariouscriminalactivitiesforpersonalenrichment.ThisprocessreacheditsapogeeunderGeneralAbacha,whoruledthecountryfrom1993untilhisdeathin1998,andappropriatedatleast$3billion,muchofwhichwasdepositedin139bankaccountsinBritain,Switzerland,Luxemburg,Lichtenstein,andtheUnitedStates(TransparencyInternational2004b).

Democraticelectionsandoveradecadeofciviliangovernmenthavehadsomeimpactonthemostegregiouscasesofcorruptionbuthavenotsucceededincreatingastatethatiseitherlaw-abidingorresponsivetotheneedsofitscitizens.Evenwithdemocraticproceduresinplace,thestateisstillseenastheprizeofpoliticswiththespoilstobedistributedbythoseinoffice(Ebbe1999,4:2959).Electionvictoriesprovidecontrolofstateresourcesthatcanthenbeusedforpersonal,family,ethnic,ortribalgain.Withoutadistinctionbetweenpublicandprivategoods,leadershipandownershipbecomevirtuallysynonymous.Thesituationwassobadin2003thattheDirectoroftheStateSecurityService(SSS)warnedthatmembersofthepoliticaleliteoftenperpetratelawlessnessandpoliticalchaos. Subsequentbriberyscandalsandjudicialmisconducthavemadeithardtoconvictcriminalsincludingcorruptstategovernors(TransparencyInternational2004a).

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TheprobleminNigeria,however,transcendscorruption.Itisnotsimplythatthepoliticalelitearecorrupt;thepoliticalelitearepartofwhatRoyGodsontermedthepolitical-criminalnexus(Godson2003).Indeed,inNigeriaitappearsthatsomemembersofthepoliticalelitearenotsimplytheprotectorsoforganizedcrime;theyalsoprovidemuchoftheleadership.ObiEbbe,forexample,hassuggestedthatthepoliticalelitecontrolmuchofthehigher-levelprostitutioninthecountry(Ebbe1999).Moreover,politicalandadministrativeelitesusetheirpositionstoprovidestampsandofficialdocumentsthatareintegraltotheinfamous419fraudsthatarenowperpetratedprimarilythroughemails.

Thereisanimportanttrickle-downeffectfromallthis:ifmembersofthepoliticalelitearegettingrichthroughcrimeandcorruption,theincentivesforordinarycitizenstoobservelawsareminimal.Elitecriminalityhelpstocreateacultureandofimpunity,(p.257) destroyingtheruleoflawandcreatingaclassofoverlordswhoneedsecrecytokeeptheirdarkdeedshiddenindarkplaces. Thisculturealsoencouragesordinarycitizenstoengageinclandestineeconomictransactionsintheparallelorinformaleconomytokeeptheirincomesandassetsoutofreachofthestate.ThesearesurvivalmechanismsTheyinvolvehoarding,exchangeofgoodsabovetheofficialprice,smuggling,illegalcurrencydeals,bribery,andcorruption. Inthisclimatecitizensseestateinstitutionsandrepresentativesasenemiestobeevaded,cheatedanddefeatedifpossiblebutneveraspartnersindevelopment. SuchsentimentsareintensifiedbythepoormanagementoftheNigerianeconomy,resultinginwhatonecommentatordescribedasthestrangeparadoxinwhichNigeriaistheonlynationonearthamongthetoptenoilproducingcountriesclassifiedaspoor. Asurbanizationfailedtobringexpectedopportunities,andanenormousyouthbulgecontributedtohighunemploymentlevels,therefore,themigrationtoillicitactivitiesbecameself-perpetuating.Ineffect,successinorganizedcrimebredemulationwhilelegalopportunitiesremainedhighlyconstrictedandofferedlittleattractiontooffsetthelureofcriminality.Asa2008U.S.reportnoted,abysmaleconomicconditionsforthevastmajorityofNigerianscontributesignificantlytothecontinuationandexpansionofdrugtrafficking,widespreadcorruptionandothercriminalactsinNigeria. Indeed,notonlydoesorganizedcrimeofferconsiderableopportunitiesformanypeople,italsoinvolvesfewrisks.Acorruptenvironmentishighlyconducivetoorganizedcrimeasitfacilitatesthepurchaseofimpunity.Moreover,thecriminaljusticeandlawenforcementsystemsinNigeriahavemajorshortcomings,flaws,anddeficiencies.WhentheexploitativenatureoftheNigerianstateanddeeplyentrenchedcorruptionarecombinedwithacultureofimpunityandthewidespreadpovertyandlimitedopportunitiesforayoungandrapidlyexpandingpopulation,criminalactivitiesandinvolvementincriminalorganizationslookextremelyattractiveasalternativecareerpaths.

IfNigeriahasprovidedalmosttheperfectenvironmentforthegrowthofdomesticorganizedcrime,thecountryhasalsobecomeasafehavenforNigeriantransnationalcriminalorganizations.Thetriggerforthiscanbefoundintheearly1980s.Evenpriortothis,however,Nigerianshadbecomeinvolvedintheglobaldrugtrade.Inthe1960s,NigeriansweremovingcannabisgrowninNigeriatoBritain(Ellis2009,171196).Therearealsoindicationsthatsomeofthemilitaryregimescondoneddrugtrafficking(althoughothersimposedveryharshpenalties).Itwastheeconomicshocksoftheearly1980sthoughthatledtothemassivegrowthofNigerianorganizedcrimeasbothadomesticandtransnationalphenomenon.Increasedoilpricesinthe1970swereamassiveboontotheeconomyandledtoconsiderableinvestmentininfrastructure,education,andotherpublicservicesasaresultofwhichNigeriaexpandedthenumberofgraduatesandthenumberofNigeriansattendinguniversitiesoverseas.Bothgroupshadhighexpectationsofthefuture. Thecollapseinoilpricesintheearly1980shadaprofoundimpactcreatingmassiveeconomicdislocationandactingasakeytriggerforthegrowthofNigerianorganizedcrime.Publicandpubliclyguaranteedexternaldebtincreasedfrom$4.3billionto$11.2billion,whileforeignexchangereserveswerealmostexhausted,from$10billionto$1.23billion,allbetween1981and1983. OneresultofthiswasthatmanyNigerianswereimpelledtospreadthroughouttheregion(p.258) andfurtherafieldinsearchofeconomicopportunity,andtoseekoutalivelihood,ifnecessarybyanymeans. ManyyoungNigeriansoverseas,whoweresuddenlywithoutfinancialsupport,turnedtodrugtraffickingasacopingmechanismwhiledomesticallymanysoughttofulfilltheirexpectationbythrowingthemselvesintofinancialfrauds(Swart2007).Whatseemstohavestartedasshort-termexpedienciesprovedhighlylucrative,offeringtemptinglong-termcareeropportunitieswhichotherwisewereunavailable.Partlybecauseofmarketforcesandpartlybecauseofelitecorruption,Nigeriancitizensbecamelosersinglobalizationandcompensatedbymovingfromthegloballegaleconomytotheglobalilliciteconomy.Indeed,oneoftheparadoxesofNigerianorganizedcrimeisthatitreflectsbothfailureandsuccess:atthedomesticlevelNigerianorganizedcrimeisamanifestationofanunsuccessfulpostcolonialeconomyandsocietywithacultureofcorruptionandarecordofpooreconomicmanagement;atthegloballevel,Nigerianorganizedcrimeisamanifestationofverysuccessfulexploitationofglobalizationandthe

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opportunitiesitprovides.

Resourcesandcapacityareessentialtoopportunityexploitation.Inthisconnection,theNigerianelitehastraditionallybeenverywelleducated,English-speaking,andcosmopolitaninoutlook.Thisprovidedanimportantsetofresourcesfordrugtrafficking,financialfraud,andothercriminalactivities.Furthermore,NigeriaspositionasahistorictradingcrossroadshasgivenNigerianinternationalcriminalsyndicatesalegacyofmovingcapitalandcommoditiesonaglobalscale. BecauseofNigeriasimportanceininternationaltrade,manyNigerianshavebeencomfortabledoingbusinesswhetherlicitorcriminalinothercountries.Moreover,ifNigeriahaslongbeenanimportanttradingnationwithanentrepreneurialtradition,itbearsemphasisthatcriminalentrepreneurialismdrawsonthesamedriversofcreativityandenergyaslegalbusiness.Inaddition,theNigeriandiaspora,whichwascreatedbyseveraldistinctwavesofemigration,fuelledpartlybythesizeofthepopulation,butalsobythebrutalcivilwarfrom1967to1970andtherepressionofaseriesofmilitarygovernmentswhichruledfrom1966to1979and1983to1998,hasprovidedanextensiveoverseaspresenceortransnationalmigrnetwork.TheNigeriandiasporalikemanyothershascontainedsignificantcriminalcomponentswhichfeedofftheexpatriatecommunities,seekingrecruits,coverandsupport,andusinglanguageanddialectasdefensivemechanismsagainstlawenforcement.Thesefactorsensuredthat,fromtheearly1980sonward,Nigeriancriminalorganizationsbecameoneofthecountrysmajorexports.Andtheirdiversityandsophisticationmadethemaseriouschallengetolawenforcementincountriesinwhichtheyestablishedapresence.

III.StructureofNigerianCriminalOrganizationsNigeriancriminalsarenotweddedtoanyparticularorganizationalform.Consequently,theirorganizationsarehighlyfluidinpersonnelandinmethodsofoperationranging(p.259) fromindependententrepreneurstohighlyorganizedsyndicates.Thesegroupsareabletochangeandadapt,asneeded,bothinthenatureofthecriminalactivitiestheypursue,andinthememberstheyemploy.Thisflexibilityallowsthemtoremaininoperationandtoinsulatethemselvesfromlawenforcement. Somegroupsappeartospecializewhileothershavemultiplelinesofactivity.

Atleastsomeofthedrugtraffickingorganizationsappeartobewellstructuredwithaclearifnotformalhierarchy.Thecoreleadershipisprovidedbymajororganizers,basedpredominantlyinLagos,whoarelinkedwithsignificantnumbersofcriminaloperationselsewhereintheworld.Thesecrimebaronsareoftenamongtheeliteandincludepeopleingovernment,whobenefitfromthecriminalactivitiesthattheycoordinateorsupport.ThebaronsarealsoamongthemajorbeneficiariesoftheproceedsofcrimethatcomebacktoNigeriaandareoftenalthoughnotinvariablyprotectedfromseizurebypoorimplementationofNigeriasmoneylaunderinglaws.AccordingtoEllis,crimebaronshavetobeabletopurchasedrugscheaplyatthesource,havegoodcontactsinthereceivingormarketcountry,andhaveasubstantialsupplyofcapital(Ellis2009).Theyoftenoperatethroughasecondtierofpeopleknownasstrikerswhotypicallyworkforseveralbarons,havegoodlogisticexpertiseandconnections,andareabletonegotiatedealsandrecruitcouriers(Ellis2009).Thecouriersthemselvesarethecannonfodderofthetradeand,whencaught,arerarelyabletoprovidemuchinformationaboutthepeoplewhohiredthem.Asonecommentaryhasobserved,theheadsofdrugsyndicateshaveaccumulatedmillionsofdollarsinprofit,operatewithrelativeimmunityfromarrest,andpresideoverlargeorganizationswiththousandsoftheirpoorcountrymenasdrugcourierswhoincurvirtuallyalltheriskforverylittleincompensation. Howlargethesedrugtraffickingorganizationsactuallyareisuncertainanditseemslikelythattheyvaryconsiderablyinsize.

ItisclearwhenthefocusmovesbeyonddrugsthatmanyNigeriancriminalorganizationsarerelativelysmall,andarebasedaroundbondscreatedbyfamilymembership,tribalaffinity,orpersonalfriendship.Oftenthesegroupsoperatewithinalargernetworkthatresemblestradeassociationsratherthantraditionalmafiahierarchies.Thefluidnetworkprovidessupport,structure,andpotentialconnectionsthatcanbeactivatedwhenitisconvenientorbeneficialtothoseinvolved.Indeed,someobservershavediscernedaformoforganizationthatisproject-basedinwhichindividualscometogetherforaparticularcriminalventure(UNODC2005).Onotheroccasions,however,criminalentrepreneurswilltakeonapprenticesanddeveloplonger-termrelationships,mixingthesewithshort-termemployeesasnecessary.Thisapprenticeshipsystemtendstocreateverystrongassociationsbetweenspecificfamilies,lineages,orethnicgroupsandparticulartrades,inregardtobothlegitimateandillicittypesofbusiness. Moreover,eventhoughproject-basedorganizationsdissolveuponcompletionofagivenprojectthisdoesnotunderminesecurity,loyalty,ortrustbecauseofthestrengthoftheassociationandthecultural

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pressuresthatarisefromvillage,clanorethnicgroupaswellastheuseofreligiousandblackmagicritualsthreateningsupernaturalpunishmentintheeventofbetrayal. Eventhoughsomearemoreenduringthanothers,therefore,mostNigeriancriminalorganizationsappeartobeheldtogetherbysimilarformsofsocialglue.

(p.260) Inthefinalanalysis,perhapsthebestwaytothinkaboutNigeriancriminalorganizationsisintermsofmultiplelevelsoforganizationandactivity,withacapacitytoswitchstructures,activitiesandevenmembershipeasilyandseamlessly.ForlawenforcementthismakesNigeriancriminalorganizationsaveryelusivetarget.Moreover,thehigh-levelorganizersoftenbasedinNigeriaitselfareverydifficulttolinktothelow-leveloperatives.Typically,couriersknowlittleabouttheiremployers,asthereisnosustainedrelationshipapartfromsomekindtribal,ethnic,orgeographicaffiliation.Atthesametime,thepracticeofrecruitingthroughnetworksofkinship,typicallybasedonavillageorotherregionoforigin,meansthattheorganizationofasmugglingorothercriminalnetworkmaybefacilitatedbyculturalcodesknowntotheperpetrators,butmoreorlessimpenetrabletooutsiders,includinglawenforcementofficers. Furthermore,themultipleNigeriandialectscanbedifficulttointerpretandprovideabuilt-inriskmanagementtoolforcriminalsseekingtothwartlawenforcementinvestigationsoutsideNigeria.Whilewire-tappingandotherformsofelectronicsurveillanceareimportanttoolsforlawenforcementinmanycountries,theyhaveonlylimitedeffectivenessagainstNigeriancriminalorganizations.

IV.ModusOperandiandActivitiesofNigerianCriminalOrganizationsInsomeinstances,Nigeriancriminalorganizationsappeartobehighlyspecialized,whetherinfinancialfraud,drugtraffickingorhumantrafficking;inotherinstancestheycombineseveralcriminalactivitiesatonetime.Theyalsohaveacapacitytomoveeasilyandseamlesslyfromonetypeofcriminalactivitytoanother,accordingtoavailableopportunitiesandtheexpertisetheycanbringtobear.ThisseemstobeconsistentwithorganizedcrimeinWestAfricawherelong-termspecializationinaparticularfieldorcommodityisratherrare.Anentrepreneurwhohasbeensuccessfulinonefieldofoperationmaymoveintoanotherfieldiftheopportunitypresentsitself,includingintolegitimatecommerce.Forexample,anentrepreneurwhohasbeensuccessfulinthedrugtrademayinvesthisorherprofitsinalegitimatebusiness,notpurelyasaformofcamouflage,butsimplyinpursuitofacommerciallogic. ThismixofstructuresandactivitiesnotonlyprovidesNigeriancriminalorganizationswithacapacityforrapidadaptationandmakesthemextremelydifficulttopenetrate(adifficultythatisincreasedbythediversityofNigerianlanguagesanddialects),butitalsorenderstheirtrajectoryextremelyhardforlawenforcementtoanticipate.Thisismadeevenmoredifficultbyorganizationalstructures.AsoneDutchobservernoted,thereisnoclearhierarchicalstructure,asinthecaseofthemafia.Theyhaveacellularstructure,withabout1012membersineachcell. Moreover,thecellstructureitselfcanbedynamicwithmemberssometimeshavingnospecificrole.Theyareinterchangeable.Onetimeagangmemberistheerrandboy,anothertimeheistheboss.Thatistheirstrength.Andthey(p.261) areinventive.Everytime,theyseekadifferentway. OthercommentarieshavesuggestedthatinNigeriaitself,thegroupsareevensmallerwith3to5people,correspondingtothenotionofamasterandseveralapprentices(UNODC2005).

TheotherdifficultyforlawenforcementisthatNigeriancriminalshaveanimpressiveabilitytofunctioninvariouslegalandregulatoryenvironments.AlthoughNigeriansarenottheonlycriminalgroupswithsuchability,theyhavedevelopedaglobalubiquitythatisunrivaledletaloneunsurpassed.InSouthAfrica,Nigeriandrugtraffickerstransformedthemarketfromonerevolvingaroundmarijuanaandmandraxtooneinwhichcocaineandheroinloomedmuchlarger.NigeriantraffickershavealsobeenidentifiedinParaguay,Brazil,andVenezuela,allofwhichtheyuseforcocainetrafficking.Intheherointrade,ThailandwastraditionallyoneoftheirmajorbasesforacquiringheroinproducedinBurma,butin2002reportssuggestedthetraffickersweremovingtoCambodia(UNODC2002).ThiskindofjurisdictionalarbitrageistypicalofmanyorganizedcrimegroupsbutdoeshelptoexplainwhyNigeriandrugtraffickershavebeensodifficulttocombatandwhytheyareabletocontrolmuchoftheherointradeincountriessuchasIndonesiawheretheyhavefacedlittleornocompetitioneitherfromindigenousorganizedcrimeorothertransnationaldrugtraffickingorganizations(AIPA2009;Muna).By2006,NigeriandrugtraffickerswerealsoinvolvedintheopiumandherointradefromAfghanistan(Farah2006).Althoughthisisanareawheretheyfaceconsiderablecompetitionfrommorepowerfulorganizations,therehavebeenfrequentreportsofNigerianstraffickingheroinfromKazakhstanintoChina(UNODC2011).Moreover,in2009NigeriantraffickerswerethemostfrequentlyarrestedforeignersfordrugoffensesinPakistan,wheretheywereseekingsupplies(UNODC2011).

Nigeriantraffickersseemparticularlyadeptindealingwithenforcementeffortsinmarketcountries.IntheUnited

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StatesandEuropeforexample,Nigeriantraffickershaveusedashot-gunorswampingstrategy,wheresomanyswallowersandstuffersarriveononeflightthatevenifsomeareapprehendedbycustomsandlawenforcementothersgetthroughunscathed.Sometimes,though,thearrestsreachdoublefigures.Forexample,inDecember2006,28ofthe32drugcouriersarrestedonaflightintoSchipholwereNigerian(UNODC2007).InJuly2007,16courierswerearrestedintheweeklyflightbetweentheGambiaandtheNetherlandsmostwereNigerianswithresidencyinSpain,althoughafewwerelivinginItalyandGreece(UNODC2007).Indeed,accordingtoUNODC,44percentofallWestAfricansarrestedatEuropeanairportsin2006hadNigerianpassports(UNODC2007).Inadditiontousingtheirowncitizens,Nigerianorganizershavealsousedcitizensofothercountriesandhaveevenusedchildren,elderly,anddisabledpeopleascouriers.Largershipmentshavealsobeensentincontainersandmailservices.NigeriantraffickerswerealsopioneersinusingWestAfricaasahubforthetransshipmentofcocainefromLatinAmericatoEuropesomethingthatmighthaveencouragedColombianandMexicanorganizationstofollowsuitinusingtheregion,especiallyGuinea-BissauandGuineaasausefulway-stationenroutetoEurope(CockayneandWilliams2009).

TheseloosenetworksworkthroughtrustandallowNigeriantraffickerstomaintainalowprofileandcoexistwithmorepowerfultraffickingorganizations.Because(p.262) theygenerallydealinrelativelysmallquantities,theydonotchallengemajorcriminalgroupsandcanevenfacilitatethetransactionsofthesemorepowerfulentitiesonoccasion.Ratherthancontestingmarketsalreadywellservedbylocaltraffickinggroups,thesenetworksarehighlyadaptive,addressingmarketsoverlookedbyothersorworkingincooperationwithestablishedorganizations. OtherWestAfricansarenotalwayssocarefulandinSeptember2008,sixWestAfricanswerekilled,sparkingconsiderablespeculationthattheyweresellingdrugswithoutpermissionofthelocalItaliangroupsorhadnotpaidforadrugtransaction(Kamara2008).Forthemostpart,however,NigeriansseemtohaveavoidedthiskindofbacklashandhavebecomeimportantplayersindrugmarketsinvariouscountriesthroughoutEurope.

WherevertheyoperateNigeriandrugtraffickersareveryflexibleandinnovative.Theyadaptrapidlytotheirenvironmentandareadeptatexploitingopportunitiesandweaknessesintheirhostsociety.Theyarealsoextremelyadeptatusingfalseidentities,andthereisanorganizedsystemforobtainedforgedandcounterfeitdocumentsfromNigeriaitselfmanyofwhicharesentbycourierservice.Nigeriancriminalsoftenhavefalsepassportsandusefalseaddresses(especiallyinresidenceswherethereisanoutsidemailbox)aspartoffraudschemesthatrequiremultipleidentities.Indeed,Nigeriancriminalorganizationspioneeredwhatareknownas419(aftertheNigerianlegalcode)oradvancefeefrauds.Typicallythesefraudsinvolveanoffertocollaboratewiththechosenrecipientintransferringmoneyoutofaparticularlycountryandintohisbankaccountforwhichhewillbeamplyrewardedwithasignificantshareofthefunds.Oncethepersonrespondstothecommunicationandexpressesaninterest,somekindofproblemarisesandarequestismadeforadvancemoneyinordertoexpeditethetransferprocess.Inthosecaseswhereanadvanceismadethetargetiseithersolicitedforfurtheradvancesorthecommunicationceases.

SomeobserverssuggestthattheoriginsofthesefraudscanbefoundinabusesoftheadministrativerequirementsforimportinggoodsintoNigeriainthe1970sandearly1980s. TheNigerianoilboomcreatedmassivefinancialopportunitiesforNigerianswithaccesstogovernmentcontractsandtheirforeignpartnerswhowereabletoprovidethegoodsandservicesrequired.Thereweremanycasesofoneorotherpartyusingthesystemdishonestlyor,moredamningly,ofbothcolluding. Othersseetheorigininasimpleconfidencetrickinvolvingthesaleofchemicalsanddyednoteswhichwereostensiblybanknotes.Thechemicalsandnotesweresoldasapackageoftenusingoneortworealnotestoshowhowtheprocessworked.Whateverthepreciseorigin,Nigerianadvancefeefraudhasbeentransformedfromadomesticorregionalactivitytoaglobalphenomenon.Thoseinvolvedincludegroupsofindividualswhohavecometogetherspecificallytocarryoutthefraud,particularindividualswhoareactingalone,andevenfamiliesforwhomadvancefeefraudisnotonlyawayoflifeandameansofsubsistencebutalsoaprofession.AccordingtoaNigerianstudent,whosefamilyhadbeeninvolvedinadvancedfeefraudformorethan15years,thebusinesssupportedseveraldozenofhisfamilymembers.Healsonotedthattherewassomespecializationanddivisionoflabor.Wehavetheletterwritersandthepeoplewhocreatetheofficialdocumentation,thepeoplewhotalktoourclientsonthephone,thepeoplewho(p.263)arrangetravelandmeetingsandtoursofgovernmentofficesinAfrica,Canada,Japan,andtheUnitedStates.Theubiquityof419fraudsisreflectedintheexistenceofgroupssuchastheanti-419coalitionandtheprevalenceofwebsitesandnewspaperadvertisementswarningaboutthescams.AccordingtotheUSStateDepartment,AFFcriminalsincludeuniversity-educatedprofessionalswhoarethebestintheworldfornonviolentspectacular

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crimes.AFFlettersfirstsurfacedinthemid-1980saroundthetimeofthecollapseofworldoilprices,whichisNigeriasmainforeignexchangeearner.SomeNigeriansturnedtocrimeinordertosurvive.FraudulentschemessuchasAFFsucceededinNigeria,becauseNigeriancriminalstookadvantageofthefactthatNigeriansspeakEnglish,theinternationallanguageofbusiness,andthecountrysvastoilwealthandnaturalgasreservesranked13thintheworldofferlucrativebusinessopportunitiesthatattractmanyforeigncompaniesandindividuals.

Thefrauditselfhasretaineditsessentialsimplicitywhilealsomorphingintermsofformandcontent.Intermsofform(andmirroringcommunicationchangesinthelicitbusinessworld),419fraudhasevolvedfromlettersthroughfaxestoemails.Thistransitionhasreducedtransactioncostsandmassivelyenlargedthevictimset.Thecontentofthesecommunicationsstillrevolvesaroundtheverysimpleschemedescribedabovebuthasseveralvariations.Insomecasestheofferispresentedasalicittransactionandinothercasesasillicit,astratagemthat,ineffect,createsaconspiracybetweenthesenderandtherecipient.Ineithercase,however,theofferappealstothegreedofthetarget,whoisinitiallyaskedtosendsomeofhisfinancialdetailsandsubsequentlyinveigledintosendingmoney.Onsomeoccasions,thetargetedbusinessmanhasactuallytraveledtoNigeriatomeethispartner,oftenendingupbadlybeatenorextorted(Smith,Holmes,andKaufmann1999).Inotherinstances,thebusinessmanwhohaslosthismoneyisapproachedonceagain,thistimewithapromisethatforafeethepersoninitiatingthecontactwillbeabletorecapturethefunds(Smith,Holmes,andKaufmann1999).Ratherthanbeingtwiceshy,thebusinessman,actingoutofdesperationorfrustration,isdrawnintoasecondscamandsendsgoodmoneyafterbad.Anothervariantinvolvesthesendersacknowledgingthatmanyofferslikethisarefraudulentbutthatthisparticularoneislegitimateinanefforttodefusesuspicionbynoting,attheoutset,thatsuchsuspicionisunderstandable.

Thecontentof419offershasalsobecomemoresophisticated,sometimesinsubtleandsometimesinobviousways.Facilitatedbyemail,thesenderscanmorereadilypresenttheofferascomingfromacountryotherthanNigeriaastrategythat,itishoped,willgivetheoffergreatercredence.SouthAfrica,Zimbabwe,Ghana,SaudiArabiaandSomalia,andevenBritain,havebeenamongthecountriesinwhichtheprofferedfundsaresupposedlyhidden.Accordingtoonereport,sourcesforthelettersincludeSierraLeone,Ghana,Congo,Liberia,Togo,IvoryCoast,Benin,BurkinaFaso,SouthAfrica,Taiwan,andevenCanada,Oman,andVietnam. Moreover,inarecentinnovationmoreofthecommunicationspurporttobecomingfromaccountants,lawyers,orbankerswhopretendtobeactingasfiduciariesfortherealdignitaryinneedofhelp. Inaddition,thereappearstobeagrowingtendencytofeedoffcurrentorrecenteventssuchasthewarinIraqortheuprisingsintheMiddleEast.

(p.264) NigerianfraudstershavebeenveryactiveinSpainandin2005,inonesinglecaseontheCostadelSol,320Nigeriansweredetained.Althoughthismighthavehadatemporaryeffect,by2008Nigeriancriminalswereonceagainextensivelyinvolvedinfraudschemesinthecountry.InApril2008,87Nigerianwerearrestedforinvolvementintheseactivities(BBCNews2008).Twomonthslater,inJune,Spanishpolicearrested52peoplemostlyNigeriansinconnectionwithanInternetfraudschemebelievedtohaveyieldedabout40millionEurosfromvictimsintheUnitedStatesandEuropewhoweresentemailsorlettersinformingthemthattheyhadbeenselectedtoparticipateinaSpanishlottery.Subsequently,thetargetswereinformedthattheyhadwonbetween600,000and3millionEurosandwererequestedtopayadministrativecoststoobtaintheirwinnings(AFP2008).Lawenforcementsuccesses,however,onlyreflectthetipoftheiceberganddonomorethanmarginallydentwhathasbecomeanexpandingbusinesslinkedtoidentitytheftandvariouskindsofInternetfraud(Ultrascan-agi.com2009).

NigeriancriminalshavealsoplayedanincreasinglyimportantroleintheglobalsextradeandtraffickinginwomentoEurope.Thisexpandedconsiderablyinthe1990sasprospectsforemploymentinNigeriadeteriorated.Moreover,therewasaself-perpetuatingqualitytothetraffickingbusinessastheorganizersareoftenwomen,sometimesformerprostitutesthemselves,whohavesucceededinmakingmoneyandgraduatingtothestatusofmadams. Italybecamethefavoreddestination,butHolland,Britain,andFrancealsowitnessedanupsurgeintheproblem.ThreatsagainstfamilymembersbackinNigeriaarealsousedtokeeptheminline.ThewomencomeprimarilybutnotexclusivelyfromEdostate(UNICRI2003).Fortheirpart,thetraffickinggroupstendtobeveryatomistic.Nevertheless,themannerinwhichNigerianmamas(ormadams)andprostitutesareallowedtooperateunhinderedsuggeststhattherehasbeensomekindofagreementwithItaliancriminalorganizationsorthattraditionalItalianmafiagroupsarenotparticularlyinterestedinprostitutionandconsequentlyhaveleftthemarketopen.

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IfItalyhasbeenthefavoreddestinationforwomenandgirls,Britainhasprovidedamarketforyoungboys,andin2008theU.S.StateDepartmentsTraffickinginPersonsReportidentifiedanincreasingtrendinthetraffickingofAfricanboysandgirlsfromLagostotheU.K.surbancentersincludingLondon,BirminghamandManchester,fordomesticservitudeandforcedlaborinrestaurantsandshops.SomeofthevictimsareNigerian,whileothersaretraffickedfromotherAfricancountriesthroughLagos.

ItisevidentfromallthisthatNigeriancriminalscombineflexibilityofmethodswithanabilitytooperateinseveralcriminalmarkets.AndpartlybecauseNigeriancriminalsarenotasovertlyviolentasmanyothercriminalgroups,theydonotdrawthesamelevelofattentionandenforcementas,forexample,groupsfromtheBalkansandtheformerSovietUnion.AsaresultofbothdomesticfactorsandtheirabilitytooperateinmultiplecountriesNigeriancriminalorganizationsarenotgoingawayanytimesoon.

(p.265) V.TheCurrentandFutureStatusofNigerianOrganizedCrimeOrganizedcrimeandcorruptionhasbecomedeeplyembeddedintheeconomy,society,andpoliticsofNigeriaandisunlikelytodiminisheventhoughNigeriahastakensomeimportantinitiativestocombatorganizedcrime.TheNigerianDrugLawEnforcementAgencyhasbecomeanimportantregionalleaderinWestAfrica,whileNigeriapassedlawstocombatcorruptioninboth2000and2003(Opara2006).Inadditionin2002,thegovernmentestablishedtheEconomicandFinancialCrimesCommission(EFCC)toinvestigatefinancialcrimes.Implementationoftheselaws,however,hasremainedproblematic,whiletheEFCChasfacedconsiderablepoliticalobstaclesasittargetedmembersoftheelite(Zebley2011).Andalthoughlawenforcementagencieshaveimprovedconsiderablyoverthelastdecadeorso,theyremainunderfundedandlackthesophistication,education,trainingandotherbasicincentivesaswellasencouragementrequiredtoeffectivelycheckcrime. Indeed,fundingforNigerianlawenforcementagenciesandkeyanticrimeagenciesremainsinsufficientanderraticindisbursementgivinganimpressionoflackofcommitment. Inaddition,politicalcorruptionisoftenmatchedbycorruptioninlawenforcementagencies.Andeveninthosecaseswherepolicingiseffective,problemsinthejudiciaryprovidefurtheropportunitiesforcriminalstoavoidjustice.AstheU.S.StateDepartmentsAnnualInternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReportnotedinMarch2008:AttemptstoarrestandprosecutemajortraffickersandtheirassociatesoftenfailinNigeriascourts,whicharesubjecttointimidationandcorruption.Assetseizuresfromnarcoticstraffickersandmoneylaunderers,whilepermittedunderNigerianlaw,haveneverbeensystematicallyutilizedasanenforcementtool,butsomeconvictedtraffickershavehadtheirassetsforfeitedovertheyears.Thenumberofmajortraffickerspenalizedremainssmall. The2011reportwasalittlemoreoptimistic,notingthatcorruptionandjudicialinefficiencyremainedmajorimpedimentstoeffectiveprosecutions.(U.S.DepartmentofState2011).

Inotherwords,theimpedimentstothecontinuedgrowthoforganizedcrimeareweak.Atthesametime,thosetrendsfacilitatingexpansionremainpowerful.GiventhepopulationgrowthandthehighlevelsofunemploymentevenamonguniversitygraduatesitseemslikelythatduringthenexttwodecadesNigeriasdomesticandtransnationalcrimeproblemwillcontinueitsupwardtrajectory.ThereturntociviliangovernmenthasdonelittletoreduceNigerianorganizedcrime,whiletheeconomycontinuestoexhibitmajorstructuralweaknesses.Withaburgeoningpopulationamidstgrowingimpoverishment,crimewillbeanincreasinglyattractivecareerpathforyoungNigerians.NigerianpopulationgrowthwillalsostrengthentheglobalpresenceofNigeriancriminalorganizations.Unfortunately,asomberprognosisofthiskindisascompellingandinescapableasitisdismaying.

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Kamara,MurtalaMohamed.2008.6WestAfricanskilledinItalyAfricaNews.com(September21)http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/20614.

Mazzitelli,AntonioL.2006.TheChallengesofDrugs,OrganisedCrimeandTerrorisminWestandCentralAfrica.RealInstitutoElcano(April6)http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/wps/portal/rielcano_eng/Content?WCM_GLOBAL_CONTEXT=/elcano/Elcano_in/Zonas_in/ARI%2043-2006.

Muna,Riefqi.SecuritizationofTransnationalCrime:SmallArmsandLightWeapons&DrugTraffickinginIndonesia.http://www.rsis-ntsasia.org/resources/publications/research-papers/transnational-crime/Riefqi.pdf.

Ochela,RogersEdor.2008.Nigeria:Blunderingat48.TheDailySun(October10)http://www.eslnetworld.com/webpages/opinion/2008/oct/10/opinion-10-10-2008-002.htm.

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Opara,IjeomaI.2006.NigerianAnti-CorruptionInitiatives.BepressLegalSeriesno.1392.Houston:TexasSouthernUniversity,ThurgoodMarshallSchoolofLaw.

(p.269) Potter,GaryW.andBankoleThompson.1999.AfricanOrganizedCrime.foureaux.sites.uol.com.br/crimeorganizado/african.pdf.

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Rizzo,Alana.2011.EastEuropeanMafiaandOtherInternationalGroupsInfiltratedinBrazilControltheLucrativeDrugTraffickingMarketpublishedasBrazilianDaily:InternationalCrimeGroupsControlDrugMarket.CorreioBrazilienseOnline(August1)OpenSourceCenter,FEA20110808020690.

Smith,DanielJordan.2007.ACultureofCorruption:EverydayDeceptionandPopularDiscontentinNigeria.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress.

Smith,M.J.2011.W.AfricanPiracySurgePointstoOrganizedGang.AFP(August2)http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gNkFpHpDcqvIjMOF6M_LKhSqSLw?docId=CNG.5279263134ca22f6eb101cc7b093b284.491.

Smith,RussellG.,MichaelN.Holmes,andPhilipKaufmann.1999.NigerianAdvanceFeeFraud.TrendsandIssuesno.121.Canberra,Australia:AustralianInstituteofCriminology.

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UNICRI.2003.ProgrammeofActionagainstTraffickinginMinorsandYoungWomenfromNigeriaintoItalyforthePurposeofSexualExploitation:ReportofFieldSurveyinEdoState,Nigeria.http://www.unicri.it./Nigeria_research.pdf.

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.2007.CocaineTraffickinginWesternAfrica,SituationReport.http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Cocaine-trafficking-Africa-en.pdf.

.2008.DrugTraffickingasaSecurityThreatinWestAfrica.http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/Drug-Trafficking-WestAfrica-English.pdf.

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Williams,Phil,andDougBrooks.1999.Captured,CriminalandContestedStates:OrganisedCrimeandAfricainthe21stcentury.SouthAfricanJournalofInternationalAffairs6(2).

Zebley,Julia.2011.Nigeriaanti-corruptionagencyineffective:HRW.(August25)http://jurist.org/paperchase/2011/08/nigeria-anti-corruption-agency-ineffective-hrw.php.

Notes:(*)TheauthorwouldliketothankLetiziaPaoliforhercommentsonanearlierdraftofthischapterandMatthewClarkforhisassistancewiththeresearch.

(1).PeterChalk,CounteringNigerianorganizedcrime,JanesIntelligenceReview(1September2003).

(2).ChristopheCornevin,"StrategicPoliceOfficersCounteringtheMafias,publishedasFranceHasSetUpSpecialUnitToCounterInternationalOrganizedCrime,Paris,LeFigaro,March12,2011,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20110314029004.

(3).ChrisJohnstone,CzechsRecruitedbyRomaGangsforSlaveLaborinUKpublishedasCzechOrganizedCrimeSquadReportsNewTrendsinHumanTrafficking,Prague,Czechposition.com,June28,2011,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20110628081021.

(4).AlanaRizzo,EastEuropeanMafiaandOtherInternationalGroupsInfiltratedinBrazilControltheLucrativeDrugTraffickingMarketpublishedasBrazilianDaily:InternationalCrimeGroupsControlDrugMarket,CorreioBrazilienseOnline,August1,2011,OpenSourceCenter,FEA20110808020690.

(5).MustafaAbubakar,2012.1,000NigerianyouthsjailedinChinafordrugoffences-Minister.http://www.dailytrust.com.ng/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=152875:1000-nigerian-youths-jailed-in-china-for-drug-offences-minister&catid=1:news&Itemid=2.

(6).QuotedinPhilWilliamsandDougBrooks,Captured,criminalandcontestedstates:OrganisedcrimeandAfricainthe21stcentury,SouthAfricanJournalofInternationalAffairs,Volume6,Issue2,1999.

(7).GeorgeB.N.Ayittey,AfricainChaos(NewYork:StMartinsGriffin,1999)p.151.

(8).ConductofPoliticians,DailyChampion,October22,2003,availablefromallAfrica.com.

(9).SufuyanOjeifo,CommonwealthGroupTiesReprieveforNigeriatoInformationAccess,Vanguard,October12,2003,availablefromallAfrica.com.

(10).GeorgeB.N.Ayittey,AfricainChaos(NewYork:StMartinsGriffin,1999)p.217.

(11).ClaudeAkequotedinAyittey,AfricainChaos(NewYork:StMartinsGriffin,1999)p.217.

(12).RogersEdorOchela,Nigeria:Blunderingat48,TheDailySun,October10,2008.http://www.eslnetworld.com/webpages/opinion/2008/oct/10/opinion-10-10-2008-002.htm.

(13).US.DepartmentofState,InternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReport,March2008,p.601.http://www.state.gov.

(14).TeemoPeters,quotedinLisetteSwartLook,AnotherE-MailPromisingtheEarth,publishedasReportAnalyzesActivitiesofNigerianCriminalsinNetherlands,RotterdamNRCHandelsblad(InternetVersion-WWW)November21,2007,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20071121024003.

(15).Budina,N.,G.Pang,andS.vanWijnbergen.2007.NigeriasGrowthRecord:DutchDiseaseorDebtOverhang?WorkingPaper4256.Washington,DC:WorldBank.

(16).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.5http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.


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(17).EllenBrennan-Galvin,CrimeandViolenceinanUrbanizingWorldJournalofInternationalAffairs,Fall2002,Vol.56Issue1,pp.123146atp.141.

(18).Schemes,Scams,Frauds,NigerianScams(2000),http://www.crimes-of-persuasion.com/Crimes/Business/nigerian.htm.

(19).GaryW.PotterandBankoleThompson,AfricanOrganizedCrime,http://www.foureaux.sites.uol.com.br/crimeorganizado/african.pdf.

(20).UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC),TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion(NewYork,UnitedNations,2005)p.15.

(21).AntonioL.Mazzitelli,TheChallengesofDrugs,OrganizedCrimeandTerrorisminWestandCentralAfrica,RealInstitutoElcano,April6,2006,p.9.



(24).LisetteSwartLook,AnotherE-MailPromisingtheEarth,publishedasReportAnalyzesActivitiesofNigerianCriminalsinNetherlands,RotterdamNRCHandelsblad(InternetVersion-WWW)November21,2007,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20071121024003.

(25).Ibid.

(26).UNODC2008.DrugTraffickingasaSecurityThreatinWestAfrica.pp.2324.http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/Drug-Trafficking-WestAfrica-English.pdf.

(27).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.24.http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.


(29).Delio,Michelle.2002.MeettheNigerianE-MailGrifters,WiredNews(July17)http://www.wired.com/news/culture/0,1284,53818,00.html.

(30).Vaknin,Sam.2005.NigerianScamsBeggingYourTrustinAfrica.(May25)http://www.globalpolitician.com/2766-nigeria.





(35).USDepartmentofState,TraffickinginPersonsReport2008,p.197.http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2008/index.htm.

(36).IhejiChukwueme,.2003.TaskofPolicingEnugu.DailyChampion(October30)allAfrica.com.

(37).U.S.DepartmentofState2008InternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReport.p.604http://www.state.gov/j/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2008/index.htm


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(38).U.S.DepartmentofState2008InternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReport.p.602.http://www.state.gov/j/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2008/index.htm

PhilWilliamsPhilWilliams,UniversityofPittsburgh