Nigerian Criminal Organizations
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Nigerian Criminal Organizations Page 1 of 13 PRINTED FROM OXFO RD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2014 . A ll Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Po li cy). Subscriber: Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru (PUCP); date: 01 May 2015 Print Publication Date: Oct 201 4 Sub ject : Criminolog y and Criminal Justice, Or ganiz ed Crime, Int ernational and Comparat ive Crim inology Online P ublicat ion Date: Jul 2014 DOI: 10.109 3/oxfordhb/978019 9730445.013 .033 Nigerian Criminal Org anizat ions Phil Williams The Oxford Handbook of Organized Crime Edited by Letizia Paoli Ox ford Handbooks Online Abstract and Keywords Nigerian criminal organizations and networks are unique in both their ubiquity and the diverse nature of their activit ies. Criminals from Nigeria and, to a lesser degree, elsewhere in We st Africa are ac ti ve in every country with criminal opportunities to be exploited. The author looks at the political, social, and economic contexts from which Nigerian criminal organizations emerged (and which continues to sustain them today), seeks to explain how they establi shed a global presence, and explores the range of organiza ti onal structures they adopt and th eir various activit ies. The auth or argues t hat the suc cess of Nigeri an organiz ed c rime can be underst ood in terms o f a mix of th e inc entives and pressures for c riminal activit y, the av ailabilit y o f opportu nities, and the resources or c apac it y to exploit these opportunities, at both the national level and the global level. He concludes that the impediments to the continued growth of organized crime are weak, as the trends facilitating expansion remain powerful. Keywords: Nigerian organized crime, Nigeria, West Africa, corruption, drug trafficking, fraud I. Introduction Nigerian criminal organizations and networks are unique in both their ubiquity and the diverse nature of their activities. Drug trafficking in Indonesia, extensive fraudulent activities in the countries of the European Union, trafficking of women to Europe for prostitution, and advance fee fraud in the United States and Australia are just a few manifestations of the Nigerian global criminal presence. Criminals from Nigeria and to a lesser degree elsewhere in West Africa are ac ti ve in every co unt ry wit h c rim inal opport unit ies to be exploit ed. As one obs erver has noted, “powerful and sophisticated criminal syndica tes based in Nigeria have e xtensive network s reaching into the Western Hemisphere, Europe, Russia and the newly independent states, Southeast and Southwest Asia, Australia, and other countries in Africa. In fact, Nigerian criminal groups are more pervasive around the globe than those of any other nation, with…large numbers of Nigerians thought to be engaged in illegal activities in some 60 countries.” Moreover, this presenc e seems t o be expanding rather than dim inishing. Rece nt reports note that Nigerian criminal organizations, which have long controlled a significant portion of the prostitution in southern Italy, have extended their acti viti es into France and the Czec h Republic. Sirasc o, the French c rim inal int ellig ence servic e, for example, identified and analyzed 36 Nig erian prost it ut ion rings between 2006 and 2010. A Cz ech media report in June 2011 noted that the police had seen a “noticeable increase in Nigerian prostitutes who arrived in t he Cz ech Republic on the basis of touri st visas furni shed in Spain and Italy.” (p. 255) Reports also suggest that Nigerian drug traffickers have been recruiting Bulgarian and Polish couriers, have begun to diversify into methamphetamine production, and have a significant presence in Brazil, with 199 Nigerians imprisoned in Sao Paulo. Indeed, some Nigerian drug traffickers have graduated from their i nitial role as couriers to become managers of drug transshipments. Many remain as low-level couriers and traffickers, however, and have a presence in countries as diverse as India, Indonesia, and Italy, while, in January 2012 it was reported 1 2 3 4
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Organizaciones criminales nigerianas
Transcript of Nigerian Criminal Organizations
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Nigerian Criminal Organizations
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PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2014. All RightsReserved. Under the terms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in OxfordHandbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).Subscriber: Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru (PUCP); date: 01 May 2015
PrintPublicationDate: Oct2014 Subject: CriminologyandCriminalJustice,OrganizedCrime,InternationalandComparativeCriminology
OnlinePublicationDate: Jul2014
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199730445.013.033
NigerianCriminalOrganizations PhilWilliamsTheOxfordHandbookofOrganizedCrimeEditedbyLetiziaPaoli
OxfordHandbooksOnline
AbstractandKeywords
Nigeriancriminalorganizationsandnetworksareuniqueinboththeirubiquityandthediversenatureoftheiractivities.CriminalsfromNigeriaand,toalesserdegree,elsewhereinWestAfricaareactiveineverycountrywithcriminalopportunitiestobeexploited.Theauthorlooksatthepolitical,social,andeconomiccontextsfromwhichNigeriancriminalorganizationsemerged(andwhichcontinuestosustainthemtoday),seekstoexplainhowtheyestablishedaglobalpresence,andexplorestherangeoforganizationalstructurestheyadoptandtheirvariousactivities.TheauthorarguesthatthesuccessofNigerianorganizedcrimecanbeunderstoodintermsofamixoftheincentivesandpressuresforcriminalactivity,theavailabilityofopportunities,andtheresourcesorcapacitytoexploittheseopportunities,atboththenationallevelandthegloballevel.Heconcludesthattheimpedimentstothecontinuedgrowthoforganizedcrimeareweak,asthetrendsfacilitatingexpansionremainpowerful.Keywords:Nigerianorganizedcrime,Nigeria,WestAfrica,corruption,drugtrafficking,fraud
I.IntroductionNigeriancriminalorganizationsandnetworksareuniqueinboththeirubiquityandthediversenatureoftheiractivities.DrugtraffickinginIndonesia,extensivefraudulentactivitiesinthecountriesoftheEuropeanUnion,traffickingofwomentoEuropeforprostitution,andadvancefeefraudintheUnitedStatesandAustraliaarejustafewmanifestationsoftheNigerianglobalcriminalpresence.CriminalsfromNigeriaandtoalesserdegreeelsewhereinWestAfricaareactiveineverycountrywithcriminalopportunitiestobeexploited.Asoneobserverhasnoted,powerfulandsophisticatedcriminalsyndicatesbasedinNigeriahaveextensivenetworksreachingintotheWesternHemisphere,Europe,Russiaandthenewlyindependentstates,SoutheastandSouthwestAsia,Australia,andothercountriesinAfrica.Infact,Nigeriancriminalgroupsaremorepervasivearoundtheglobethanthoseofanyothernation,withlargenumbersofNigeriansthoughttobeengagedinillegalactivitiesinsome60countries. Moreover,thispresenceseemstobeexpandingratherthandiminishing.RecentreportsnotethatNigeriancriminalorganizations,whichhavelongcontrolledasignificantportionoftheprostitutioninsouthernItaly,haveextendedtheiractivitiesintoFranceandtheCzechRepublic.Sirasco,theFrenchcriminalintelligenceservice,forexample,identifiedandanalyzed36Nigerianprostitutionringsbetween2006and2010. ACzechmediareportinJune2011notedthatthepolicehadseenanoticeableincreaseinNigerianprostituteswhoarrivedintheCzechRepubliconthebasisoftouristvisasfurnishedinSpainandItaly.
(p.255) ReportsalsosuggestthatNigeriandrugtraffickershavebeenrecruitingBulgarianandPolishcouriers,havebeguntodiversifyintomethamphetamineproduction,andhaveasignificantpresenceinBrazil,with199NigeriansimprisonedinSaoPaulo. Indeed,someNigeriandrugtraffickershavegraduatedfromtheirinitialroleascourierstobecomemanagersofdrugtransshipments.Manyremainaslow-levelcouriersandtraffickers,however,andhaveapresenceincountriesasdiverseasIndia,Indonesia,andItaly,while,inJanuary2012itwasreported
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that1,000NigerianyouthshavebeendetainedinChinafordrugoffenses. Intermsoffinancialfraud,Nigeriancriminalshavelonghadaleadershiprole,devisingandimplementingschemeswidelyimitatedbyothersincludingvariousformsofidentitytheft.Nigeriancriminals,sometimeswiththeactivecollusionofmembersofthepoliticalandmilitaryelites,engageinthetheft,diversion,andillegalexportofoil(whichisformallyagovernmentmonopoly)fromtheNigerDelta,aprocessthatisoftendescribedasoilbunkering.Estimatessuggestthat55millionbarrelsofoilayearaboutonetenthofNigerianoilproductionarelosttotheftandsmuggling(AfricaEconomicDevelopmentInstitute).TherehasalsobeenanincreaseinpiracyoffthecoastofWestAfricamuchofwhichappearstobeorganizedfromNigeria(Smith2011).
Againstthisbackground,thisanalysislooksatthepolitical,social,andeconomiccontextfromwhichNigeriancriminalorganizationsemerged(andwhichcontinuestosustainthemtoday),seekstoexplainhowtheyestablishedaglobalpresence,andexplorestherangeoforganizationalstructurestheyadoptandtheirvariousactivities.Thereissomethingofapuzzlehere.TheriseofNigerianorganizedcrime,andparticularlyNigerianinvolvementindrugtrafficking,isnotasreadilyexplicableas,forexample,theburgeoningofRussianorganizedcrimeinthe1990safterthecollapseoftheSovietUnionortheroleofColombianandMexicandrugtraffickingorganizations.Apartfromsomecannabiscultivation,Nigeriawasnotamajordrugproducer.NorwasNigeriaanobvioustransshipmentpointforthemovementofeithercocaineorheroin.Despitelackingobviousadvantages,NigerianorganizedcrimehasbecomedeeplyentrenchedwithinNigeria,attheregionallevelinWestAfrica,andatthegloballevel.Thiscanbeunderstoodintermsofamixoftheincentivesandpressuresforcriminalactivity,theavailabilityofopportunities,andtheresourcesorcapacitytoexploittheseopportunities,bothatthenationallevelandthegloballevel.
II.TheContextTheriseoforganizedcrimeinparticularcountriesisoftenattributedtotheweaknessofthestateorinadequaciesofgovernance.Nigeriafitsperfectlyintothismodel.Nigeriaisapost-colonialstatecharacterizedbyweakinstitutions,aweakcivilsociety,multipletribalgroupsandpowercenters,andhighlevelsofcorruption(Smith2007).NigeriaisAfricasmostpopulouscountry,withmorethan250ethnicgroups.TheHausaandFulanimakeup29percentofthepopulation,theYoruba21percent,theIgbo(Ibo)18percent,andtheIjaw10percent,withaplethoraofothergroupsprovidingtheremaining22percent.(p.256) (CentralIntelligenceAgency2011)Inthesecircumstances,itisnotsurprisingthattheNigerianstate,whichbecameindependentofBritishrulein1960,quicklybecametheprizeofpolitics,withthespoilsdistributedbypatronstotheirpoliticalandtribalclients.TheauthorsofNigeriasdraftconstitutionin1976evendefinedpoliticalpowerastheopportunitytoacquirerichesandprestige,tobeinapositiontohandoutbenefitsintheformofjobs,contractsgiftsofmoneyetc.torelationsandpoliticalallies. Giventhepredominanceofsuchsentiments,itisnotsurprisingthatthepublicgoodhasroutinelybeensubordinatedtoparochialandnarrowinterests,whetherpersonal,familial,ortribal(Reno2000,433459).Suchasystemhasappropriatelybeencharacterizedasthepredatoryorvampireormafiastatethat,accordingtoonescholar,isamafia-likebazaar,whereanyonewithanofficialdesignationcanpillageatwillTheirover-archingobsessionistoamasspersonalwealth WhilethepredatorystatehasbeenmanifestinasignificantnumberofAfricancountries,Nigeriawasparticularlybadlyhurtbythisphenomenon.TheNigerianstate,undersuccessivemilitaryregimes,becamelittlemorethanaseriesofglorifiedcriminalenterprises.Stateofficialswerehighlycorruptandinitiatedvariouscriminalactivitiesforpersonalenrichment.ThisprocessreacheditsapogeeunderGeneralAbacha,whoruledthecountryfrom1993untilhisdeathin1998,andappropriatedatleast$3billion,muchofwhichwasdepositedin139bankaccountsinBritain,Switzerland,Luxemburg,Lichtenstein,andtheUnitedStates(TransparencyInternational2004b).
Democraticelectionsandoveradecadeofciviliangovernmenthavehadsomeimpactonthemostegregiouscasesofcorruptionbuthavenotsucceededincreatingastatethatiseitherlaw-abidingorresponsivetotheneedsofitscitizens.Evenwithdemocraticproceduresinplace,thestateisstillseenastheprizeofpoliticswiththespoilstobedistributedbythoseinoffice(Ebbe1999,4:2959).Electionvictoriesprovidecontrolofstateresourcesthatcanthenbeusedforpersonal,family,ethnic,ortribalgain.Withoutadistinctionbetweenpublicandprivategoods,leadershipandownershipbecomevirtuallysynonymous.Thesituationwassobadin2003thattheDirectoroftheStateSecurityService(SSS)warnedthatmembersofthepoliticaleliteoftenperpetratelawlessnessandpoliticalchaos. Subsequentbriberyscandalsandjudicialmisconducthavemadeithardtoconvictcriminalsincludingcorruptstategovernors(TransparencyInternational2004a).
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TheprobleminNigeria,however,transcendscorruption.Itisnotsimplythatthepoliticalelitearecorrupt;thepoliticalelitearepartofwhatRoyGodsontermedthepolitical-criminalnexus(Godson2003).Indeed,inNigeriaitappearsthatsomemembersofthepoliticalelitearenotsimplytheprotectorsoforganizedcrime;theyalsoprovidemuchoftheleadership.ObiEbbe,forexample,hassuggestedthatthepoliticalelitecontrolmuchofthehigher-levelprostitutioninthecountry(Ebbe1999).Moreover,politicalandadministrativeelitesusetheirpositionstoprovidestampsandofficialdocumentsthatareintegraltotheinfamous419fraudsthatarenowperpetratedprimarilythroughemails.
Thereisanimportanttrickle-downeffectfromallthis:ifmembersofthepoliticalelitearegettingrichthroughcrimeandcorruption,theincentivesforordinarycitizenstoobservelawsareminimal.Elitecriminalityhelpstocreateacultureandofimpunity,(p.257) destroyingtheruleoflawandcreatingaclassofoverlordswhoneedsecrecytokeeptheirdarkdeedshiddenindarkplaces. Thisculturealsoencouragesordinarycitizenstoengageinclandestineeconomictransactionsintheparallelorinformaleconomytokeeptheirincomesandassetsoutofreachofthestate.ThesearesurvivalmechanismsTheyinvolvehoarding,exchangeofgoodsabovetheofficialprice,smuggling,illegalcurrencydeals,bribery,andcorruption. Inthisclimatecitizensseestateinstitutionsandrepresentativesasenemiestobeevaded,cheatedanddefeatedifpossiblebutneveraspartnersindevelopment. SuchsentimentsareintensifiedbythepoormanagementoftheNigerianeconomy,resultinginwhatonecommentatordescribedasthestrangeparadoxinwhichNigeriaistheonlynationonearthamongthetoptenoilproducingcountriesclassifiedaspoor. Asurbanizationfailedtobringexpectedopportunities,andanenormousyouthbulgecontributedtohighunemploymentlevels,therefore,themigrationtoillicitactivitiesbecameself-perpetuating.Ineffect,successinorganizedcrimebredemulationwhilelegalopportunitiesremainedhighlyconstrictedandofferedlittleattractiontooffsetthelureofcriminality.Asa2008U.S.reportnoted,abysmaleconomicconditionsforthevastmajorityofNigerianscontributesignificantlytothecontinuationandexpansionofdrugtrafficking,widespreadcorruptionandothercriminalactsinNigeria. Indeed,notonlydoesorganizedcrimeofferconsiderableopportunitiesformanypeople,italsoinvolvesfewrisks.Acorruptenvironmentishighlyconducivetoorganizedcrimeasitfacilitatesthepurchaseofimpunity.Moreover,thecriminaljusticeandlawenforcementsystemsinNigeriahavemajorshortcomings,flaws,anddeficiencies.WhentheexploitativenatureoftheNigerianstateanddeeplyentrenchedcorruptionarecombinedwithacultureofimpunityandthewidespreadpovertyandlimitedopportunitiesforayoungandrapidlyexpandingpopulation,criminalactivitiesandinvolvementincriminalorganizationslookextremelyattractiveasalternativecareerpaths.
IfNigeriahasprovidedalmosttheperfectenvironmentforthegrowthofdomesticorganizedcrime,thecountryhasalsobecomeasafehavenforNigeriantransnationalcriminalorganizations.Thetriggerforthiscanbefoundintheearly1980s.Evenpriortothis,however,Nigerianshadbecomeinvolvedintheglobaldrugtrade.Inthe1960s,NigeriansweremovingcannabisgrowninNigeriatoBritain(Ellis2009,171196).Therearealsoindicationsthatsomeofthemilitaryregimescondoneddrugtrafficking(althoughothersimposedveryharshpenalties).Itwastheeconomicshocksoftheearly1980sthoughthatledtothemassivegrowthofNigerianorganizedcrimeasbothadomesticandtransnationalphenomenon.Increasedoilpricesinthe1970swereamassiveboontotheeconomyandledtoconsiderableinvestmentininfrastructure,education,andotherpublicservicesasaresultofwhichNigeriaexpandedthenumberofgraduatesandthenumberofNigeriansattendinguniversitiesoverseas.Bothgroupshadhighexpectationsofthefuture. Thecollapseinoilpricesintheearly1980shadaprofoundimpactcreatingmassiveeconomicdislocationandactingasakeytriggerforthegrowthofNigerianorganizedcrime.Publicandpubliclyguaranteedexternaldebtincreasedfrom$4.3billionto$11.2billion,whileforeignexchangereserveswerealmostexhausted,from$10billionto$1.23billion,allbetween1981and1983. OneresultofthiswasthatmanyNigerianswereimpelledtospreadthroughouttheregion(p.258) andfurtherafieldinsearchofeconomicopportunity,andtoseekoutalivelihood,ifnecessarybyanymeans. ManyyoungNigeriansoverseas,whoweresuddenlywithoutfinancialsupport,turnedtodrugtraffickingasacopingmechanismwhiledomesticallymanysoughttofulfilltheirexpectationbythrowingthemselvesintofinancialfrauds(Swart2007).Whatseemstohavestartedasshort-termexpedienciesprovedhighlylucrative,offeringtemptinglong-termcareeropportunitieswhichotherwisewereunavailable.Partlybecauseofmarketforcesandpartlybecauseofelitecorruption,Nigeriancitizensbecamelosersinglobalizationandcompensatedbymovingfromthegloballegaleconomytotheglobalilliciteconomy.Indeed,oneoftheparadoxesofNigerianorganizedcrimeisthatitreflectsbothfailureandsuccess:atthedomesticlevelNigerianorganizedcrimeisamanifestationofanunsuccessfulpostcolonialeconomyandsocietywithacultureofcorruptionandarecordofpooreconomicmanagement;atthegloballevel,Nigerianorganizedcrimeisamanifestationofverysuccessfulexploitationofglobalizationandthe
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opportunitiesitprovides.
Resourcesandcapacityareessentialtoopportunityexploitation.Inthisconnection,theNigerianelitehastraditionallybeenverywelleducated,English-speaking,andcosmopolitaninoutlook.Thisprovidedanimportantsetofresourcesfordrugtrafficking,financialfraud,andothercriminalactivities.Furthermore,NigeriaspositionasahistorictradingcrossroadshasgivenNigerianinternationalcriminalsyndicatesalegacyofmovingcapitalandcommoditiesonaglobalscale. BecauseofNigeriasimportanceininternationaltrade,manyNigerianshavebeencomfortabledoingbusinesswhetherlicitorcriminalinothercountries.Moreover,ifNigeriahaslongbeenanimportanttradingnationwithanentrepreneurialtradition,itbearsemphasisthatcriminalentrepreneurialismdrawsonthesamedriversofcreativityandenergyaslegalbusiness.Inaddition,theNigeriandiaspora,whichwascreatedbyseveraldistinctwavesofemigration,fuelledpartlybythesizeofthepopulation,butalsobythebrutalcivilwarfrom1967to1970andtherepressionofaseriesofmilitarygovernmentswhichruledfrom1966to1979and1983to1998,hasprovidedanextensiveoverseaspresenceortransnationalmigrnetwork.TheNigeriandiasporalikemanyothershascontainedsignificantcriminalcomponentswhichfeedofftheexpatriatecommunities,seekingrecruits,coverandsupport,andusinglanguageanddialectasdefensivemechanismsagainstlawenforcement.Thesefactorsensuredthat,fromtheearly1980sonward,Nigeriancriminalorganizationsbecameoneofthecountrysmajorexports.Andtheirdiversityandsophisticationmadethemaseriouschallengetolawenforcementincountriesinwhichtheyestablishedapresence.
III.StructureofNigerianCriminalOrganizationsNigeriancriminalsarenotweddedtoanyparticularorganizationalform.Consequently,theirorganizationsarehighlyfluidinpersonnelandinmethodsofoperationranging(p.259) fromindependententrepreneurstohighlyorganizedsyndicates.Thesegroupsareabletochangeandadapt,asneeded,bothinthenatureofthecriminalactivitiestheypursue,andinthememberstheyemploy.Thisflexibilityallowsthemtoremaininoperationandtoinsulatethemselvesfromlawenforcement. Somegroupsappeartospecializewhileothershavemultiplelinesofactivity.
Atleastsomeofthedrugtraffickingorganizationsappeartobewellstructuredwithaclearifnotformalhierarchy.Thecoreleadershipisprovidedbymajororganizers,basedpredominantlyinLagos,whoarelinkedwithsignificantnumbersofcriminaloperationselsewhereintheworld.Thesecrimebaronsareoftenamongtheeliteandincludepeopleingovernment,whobenefitfromthecriminalactivitiesthattheycoordinateorsupport.ThebaronsarealsoamongthemajorbeneficiariesoftheproceedsofcrimethatcomebacktoNigeriaandareoftenalthoughnotinvariablyprotectedfromseizurebypoorimplementationofNigeriasmoneylaunderinglaws.AccordingtoEllis,crimebaronshavetobeabletopurchasedrugscheaplyatthesource,havegoodcontactsinthereceivingormarketcountry,andhaveasubstantialsupplyofcapital(Ellis2009).Theyoftenoperatethroughasecondtierofpeopleknownasstrikerswhotypicallyworkforseveralbarons,havegoodlogisticexpertiseandconnections,andareabletonegotiatedealsandrecruitcouriers(Ellis2009).Thecouriersthemselvesarethecannonfodderofthetradeand,whencaught,arerarelyabletoprovidemuchinformationaboutthepeoplewhohiredthem.Asonecommentaryhasobserved,theheadsofdrugsyndicateshaveaccumulatedmillionsofdollarsinprofit,operatewithrelativeimmunityfromarrest,andpresideoverlargeorganizationswiththousandsoftheirpoorcountrymenasdrugcourierswhoincurvirtuallyalltheriskforverylittleincompensation. Howlargethesedrugtraffickingorganizationsactuallyareisuncertainanditseemslikelythattheyvaryconsiderablyinsize.
ItisclearwhenthefocusmovesbeyonddrugsthatmanyNigeriancriminalorganizationsarerelativelysmall,andarebasedaroundbondscreatedbyfamilymembership,tribalaffinity,orpersonalfriendship.Oftenthesegroupsoperatewithinalargernetworkthatresemblestradeassociationsratherthantraditionalmafiahierarchies.Thefluidnetworkprovidessupport,structure,andpotentialconnectionsthatcanbeactivatedwhenitisconvenientorbeneficialtothoseinvolved.Indeed,someobservershavediscernedaformoforganizationthatisproject-basedinwhichindividualscometogetherforaparticularcriminalventure(UNODC2005).Onotheroccasions,however,criminalentrepreneurswilltakeonapprenticesanddeveloplonger-termrelationships,mixingthesewithshort-termemployeesasnecessary.Thisapprenticeshipsystemtendstocreateverystrongassociationsbetweenspecificfamilies,lineages,orethnicgroupsandparticulartrades,inregardtobothlegitimateandillicittypesofbusiness. Moreover,eventhoughproject-basedorganizationsdissolveuponcompletionofagivenprojectthisdoesnotunderminesecurity,loyalty,ortrustbecauseofthestrengthoftheassociationandthecultural
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pressuresthatarisefromvillage,clanorethnicgroupaswellastheuseofreligiousandblackmagicritualsthreateningsupernaturalpunishmentintheeventofbetrayal. Eventhoughsomearemoreenduringthanothers,therefore,mostNigeriancriminalorganizationsappeartobeheldtogetherbysimilarformsofsocialglue.
(p.260) Inthefinalanalysis,perhapsthebestwaytothinkaboutNigeriancriminalorganizationsisintermsofmultiplelevelsoforganizationandactivity,withacapacitytoswitchstructures,activitiesandevenmembershipeasilyandseamlessly.ForlawenforcementthismakesNigeriancriminalorganizationsaveryelusivetarget.Moreover,thehigh-levelorganizersoftenbasedinNigeriaitselfareverydifficulttolinktothelow-leveloperatives.Typically,couriersknowlittleabouttheiremployers,asthereisnosustainedrelationshipapartfromsomekindtribal,ethnic,orgeographicaffiliation.Atthesametime,thepracticeofrecruitingthroughnetworksofkinship,typicallybasedonavillageorotherregionoforigin,meansthattheorganizationofasmugglingorothercriminalnetworkmaybefacilitatedbyculturalcodesknowntotheperpetrators,butmoreorlessimpenetrabletooutsiders,includinglawenforcementofficers. Furthermore,themultipleNigeriandialectscanbedifficulttointerpretandprovideabuilt-inriskmanagementtoolforcriminalsseekingtothwartlawenforcementinvestigationsoutsideNigeria.Whilewire-tappingandotherformsofelectronicsurveillanceareimportanttoolsforlawenforcementinmanycountries,theyhaveonlylimitedeffectivenessagainstNigeriancriminalorganizations.
IV.ModusOperandiandActivitiesofNigerianCriminalOrganizationsInsomeinstances,Nigeriancriminalorganizationsappeartobehighlyspecialized,whetherinfinancialfraud,drugtraffickingorhumantrafficking;inotherinstancestheycombineseveralcriminalactivitiesatonetime.Theyalsohaveacapacitytomoveeasilyandseamlesslyfromonetypeofcriminalactivitytoanother,accordingtoavailableopportunitiesandtheexpertisetheycanbringtobear.ThisseemstobeconsistentwithorganizedcrimeinWestAfricawherelong-termspecializationinaparticularfieldorcommodityisratherrare.Anentrepreneurwhohasbeensuccessfulinonefieldofoperationmaymoveintoanotherfieldiftheopportunitypresentsitself,includingintolegitimatecommerce.Forexample,anentrepreneurwhohasbeensuccessfulinthedrugtrademayinvesthisorherprofitsinalegitimatebusiness,notpurelyasaformofcamouflage,butsimplyinpursuitofacommerciallogic. ThismixofstructuresandactivitiesnotonlyprovidesNigeriancriminalorganizationswithacapacityforrapidadaptationandmakesthemextremelydifficulttopenetrate(adifficultythatisincreasedbythediversityofNigerianlanguagesanddialects),butitalsorenderstheirtrajectoryextremelyhardforlawenforcementtoanticipate.Thisismadeevenmoredifficultbyorganizationalstructures.AsoneDutchobservernoted,thereisnoclearhierarchicalstructure,asinthecaseofthemafia.Theyhaveacellularstructure,withabout1012membersineachcell. Moreover,thecellstructureitselfcanbedynamicwithmemberssometimeshavingnospecificrole.Theyareinterchangeable.Onetimeagangmemberistheerrandboy,anothertimeheistheboss.Thatistheirstrength.Andthey(p.261) areinventive.Everytime,theyseekadifferentway. OthercommentarieshavesuggestedthatinNigeriaitself,thegroupsareevensmallerwith3to5people,correspondingtothenotionofamasterandseveralapprentices(UNODC2005).
TheotherdifficultyforlawenforcementisthatNigeriancriminalshaveanimpressiveabilitytofunctioninvariouslegalandregulatoryenvironments.AlthoughNigeriansarenottheonlycriminalgroupswithsuchability,theyhavedevelopedaglobalubiquitythatisunrivaledletaloneunsurpassed.InSouthAfrica,Nigeriandrugtraffickerstransformedthemarketfromonerevolvingaroundmarijuanaandmandraxtooneinwhichcocaineandheroinloomedmuchlarger.NigeriantraffickershavealsobeenidentifiedinParaguay,Brazil,andVenezuela,allofwhichtheyuseforcocainetrafficking.Intheherointrade,ThailandwastraditionallyoneoftheirmajorbasesforacquiringheroinproducedinBurma,butin2002reportssuggestedthetraffickersweremovingtoCambodia(UNODC2002).ThiskindofjurisdictionalarbitrageistypicalofmanyorganizedcrimegroupsbutdoeshelptoexplainwhyNigeriandrugtraffickershavebeensodifficulttocombatandwhytheyareabletocontrolmuchoftheherointradeincountriessuchasIndonesiawheretheyhavefacedlittleornocompetitioneitherfromindigenousorganizedcrimeorothertransnationaldrugtraffickingorganizations(AIPA2009;Muna).By2006,NigeriandrugtraffickerswerealsoinvolvedintheopiumandherointradefromAfghanistan(Farah2006).Althoughthisisanareawheretheyfaceconsiderablecompetitionfrommorepowerfulorganizations,therehavebeenfrequentreportsofNigerianstraffickingheroinfromKazakhstanintoChina(UNODC2011).Moreover,in2009NigeriantraffickerswerethemostfrequentlyarrestedforeignersfordrugoffensesinPakistan,wheretheywereseekingsupplies(UNODC2011).
Nigeriantraffickersseemparticularlyadeptindealingwithenforcementeffortsinmarketcountries.IntheUnited
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StatesandEuropeforexample,Nigeriantraffickershaveusedashot-gunorswampingstrategy,wheresomanyswallowersandstuffersarriveononeflightthatevenifsomeareapprehendedbycustomsandlawenforcementothersgetthroughunscathed.Sometimes,though,thearrestsreachdoublefigures.Forexample,inDecember2006,28ofthe32drugcouriersarrestedonaflightintoSchipholwereNigerian(UNODC2007).InJuly2007,16courierswerearrestedintheweeklyflightbetweentheGambiaandtheNetherlandsmostwereNigerianswithresidencyinSpain,althoughafewwerelivinginItalyandGreece(UNODC2007).Indeed,accordingtoUNODC,44percentofallWestAfricansarrestedatEuropeanairportsin2006hadNigerianpassports(UNODC2007).Inadditiontousingtheirowncitizens,Nigerianorganizershavealsousedcitizensofothercountriesandhaveevenusedchildren,elderly,anddisabledpeopleascouriers.Largershipmentshavealsobeensentincontainersandmailservices.NigeriantraffickerswerealsopioneersinusingWestAfricaasahubforthetransshipmentofcocainefromLatinAmericatoEuropesomethingthatmighthaveencouragedColombianandMexicanorganizationstofollowsuitinusingtheregion,especiallyGuinea-BissauandGuineaasausefulway-stationenroutetoEurope(CockayneandWilliams2009).
TheseloosenetworksworkthroughtrustandallowNigeriantraffickerstomaintainalowprofileandcoexistwithmorepowerfultraffickingorganizations.Because(p.262) theygenerallydealinrelativelysmallquantities,theydonotchallengemajorcriminalgroupsandcanevenfacilitatethetransactionsofthesemorepowerfulentitiesonoccasion.Ratherthancontestingmarketsalreadywellservedbylocaltraffickinggroups,thesenetworksarehighlyadaptive,addressingmarketsoverlookedbyothersorworkingincooperationwithestablishedorganizations. OtherWestAfricansarenotalwayssocarefulandinSeptember2008,sixWestAfricanswerekilled,sparkingconsiderablespeculationthattheyweresellingdrugswithoutpermissionofthelocalItaliangroupsorhadnotpaidforadrugtransaction(Kamara2008).Forthemostpart,however,NigeriansseemtohaveavoidedthiskindofbacklashandhavebecomeimportantplayersindrugmarketsinvariouscountriesthroughoutEurope.
WherevertheyoperateNigeriandrugtraffickersareveryflexibleandinnovative.Theyadaptrapidlytotheirenvironmentandareadeptatexploitingopportunitiesandweaknessesintheirhostsociety.Theyarealsoextremelyadeptatusingfalseidentities,andthereisanorganizedsystemforobtainedforgedandcounterfeitdocumentsfromNigeriaitselfmanyofwhicharesentbycourierservice.Nigeriancriminalsoftenhavefalsepassportsandusefalseaddresses(especiallyinresidenceswherethereisanoutsidemailbox)aspartoffraudschemesthatrequiremultipleidentities.Indeed,Nigeriancriminalorganizationspioneeredwhatareknownas419(aftertheNigerianlegalcode)oradvancefeefrauds.Typicallythesefraudsinvolveanoffertocollaboratewiththechosenrecipientintransferringmoneyoutofaparticularlycountryandintohisbankaccountforwhichhewillbeamplyrewardedwithasignificantshareofthefunds.Oncethepersonrespondstothecommunicationandexpressesaninterest,somekindofproblemarisesandarequestismadeforadvancemoneyinordertoexpeditethetransferprocess.Inthosecaseswhereanadvanceismadethetargetiseithersolicitedforfurtheradvancesorthecommunicationceases.
SomeobserverssuggestthattheoriginsofthesefraudscanbefoundinabusesoftheadministrativerequirementsforimportinggoodsintoNigeriainthe1970sandearly1980s. TheNigerianoilboomcreatedmassivefinancialopportunitiesforNigerianswithaccesstogovernmentcontractsandtheirforeignpartnerswhowereabletoprovidethegoodsandservicesrequired.Thereweremanycasesofoneorotherpartyusingthesystemdishonestlyor,moredamningly,ofbothcolluding. Othersseetheorigininasimpleconfidencetrickinvolvingthesaleofchemicalsanddyednoteswhichwereostensiblybanknotes.Thechemicalsandnotesweresoldasapackageoftenusingoneortworealnotestoshowhowtheprocessworked.Whateverthepreciseorigin,Nigerianadvancefeefraudhasbeentransformedfromadomesticorregionalactivitytoaglobalphenomenon.Thoseinvolvedincludegroupsofindividualswhohavecometogetherspecificallytocarryoutthefraud,particularindividualswhoareactingalone,andevenfamiliesforwhomadvancefeefraudisnotonlyawayoflifeandameansofsubsistencebutalsoaprofession.AccordingtoaNigerianstudent,whosefamilyhadbeeninvolvedinadvancedfeefraudformorethan15years,thebusinesssupportedseveraldozenofhisfamilymembers.Healsonotedthattherewassomespecializationanddivisionoflabor.Wehavetheletterwritersandthepeoplewhocreatetheofficialdocumentation,thepeoplewhotalktoourclientsonthephone,thepeoplewho(p.263)arrangetravelandmeetingsandtoursofgovernmentofficesinAfrica,Canada,Japan,andtheUnitedStates.Theubiquityof419fraudsisreflectedintheexistenceofgroupssuchastheanti-419coalitionandtheprevalenceofwebsitesandnewspaperadvertisementswarningaboutthescams.AccordingtotheUSStateDepartment,AFFcriminalsincludeuniversity-educatedprofessionalswhoarethebestintheworldfornonviolentspectacular
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crimes.AFFlettersfirstsurfacedinthemid-1980saroundthetimeofthecollapseofworldoilprices,whichisNigeriasmainforeignexchangeearner.SomeNigeriansturnedtocrimeinordertosurvive.FraudulentschemessuchasAFFsucceededinNigeria,becauseNigeriancriminalstookadvantageofthefactthatNigeriansspeakEnglish,theinternationallanguageofbusiness,andthecountrysvastoilwealthandnaturalgasreservesranked13thintheworldofferlucrativebusinessopportunitiesthatattractmanyforeigncompaniesandindividuals.
Thefrauditselfhasretaineditsessentialsimplicitywhilealsomorphingintermsofformandcontent.Intermsofform(andmirroringcommunicationchangesinthelicitbusinessworld),419fraudhasevolvedfromlettersthroughfaxestoemails.Thistransitionhasreducedtransactioncostsandmassivelyenlargedthevictimset.Thecontentofthesecommunicationsstillrevolvesaroundtheverysimpleschemedescribedabovebuthasseveralvariations.Insomecasestheofferispresentedasalicittransactionandinothercasesasillicit,astratagemthat,ineffect,createsaconspiracybetweenthesenderandtherecipient.Ineithercase,however,theofferappealstothegreedofthetarget,whoisinitiallyaskedtosendsomeofhisfinancialdetailsandsubsequentlyinveigledintosendingmoney.Onsomeoccasions,thetargetedbusinessmanhasactuallytraveledtoNigeriatomeethispartner,oftenendingupbadlybeatenorextorted(Smith,Holmes,andKaufmann1999).Inotherinstances,thebusinessmanwhohaslosthismoneyisapproachedonceagain,thistimewithapromisethatforafeethepersoninitiatingthecontactwillbeabletorecapturethefunds(Smith,Holmes,andKaufmann1999).Ratherthanbeingtwiceshy,thebusinessman,actingoutofdesperationorfrustration,isdrawnintoasecondscamandsendsgoodmoneyafterbad.Anothervariantinvolvesthesendersacknowledgingthatmanyofferslikethisarefraudulentbutthatthisparticularoneislegitimateinanefforttodefusesuspicionbynoting,attheoutset,thatsuchsuspicionisunderstandable.
Thecontentof419offershasalsobecomemoresophisticated,sometimesinsubtleandsometimesinobviousways.Facilitatedbyemail,thesenderscanmorereadilypresenttheofferascomingfromacountryotherthanNigeriaastrategythat,itishoped,willgivetheoffergreatercredence.SouthAfrica,Zimbabwe,Ghana,SaudiArabiaandSomalia,andevenBritain,havebeenamongthecountriesinwhichtheprofferedfundsaresupposedlyhidden.Accordingtoonereport,sourcesforthelettersincludeSierraLeone,Ghana,Congo,Liberia,Togo,IvoryCoast,Benin,BurkinaFaso,SouthAfrica,Taiwan,andevenCanada,Oman,andVietnam. Moreover,inarecentinnovationmoreofthecommunicationspurporttobecomingfromaccountants,lawyers,orbankerswhopretendtobeactingasfiduciariesfortherealdignitaryinneedofhelp. Inaddition,thereappearstobeagrowingtendencytofeedoffcurrentorrecenteventssuchasthewarinIraqortheuprisingsintheMiddleEast.
(p.264) NigerianfraudstershavebeenveryactiveinSpainandin2005,inonesinglecaseontheCostadelSol,320Nigeriansweredetained.Althoughthismighthavehadatemporaryeffect,by2008Nigeriancriminalswereonceagainextensivelyinvolvedinfraudschemesinthecountry.InApril2008,87Nigerianwerearrestedforinvolvementintheseactivities(BBCNews2008).Twomonthslater,inJune,Spanishpolicearrested52peoplemostlyNigeriansinconnectionwithanInternetfraudschemebelievedtohaveyieldedabout40millionEurosfromvictimsintheUnitedStatesandEuropewhoweresentemailsorlettersinformingthemthattheyhadbeenselectedtoparticipateinaSpanishlottery.Subsequently,thetargetswereinformedthattheyhadwonbetween600,000and3millionEurosandwererequestedtopayadministrativecoststoobtaintheirwinnings(AFP2008).Lawenforcementsuccesses,however,onlyreflectthetipoftheiceberganddonomorethanmarginallydentwhathasbecomeanexpandingbusinesslinkedtoidentitytheftandvariouskindsofInternetfraud(Ultrascan-agi.com2009).
NigeriancriminalshavealsoplayedanincreasinglyimportantroleintheglobalsextradeandtraffickinginwomentoEurope.Thisexpandedconsiderablyinthe1990sasprospectsforemploymentinNigeriadeteriorated.Moreover,therewasaself-perpetuatingqualitytothetraffickingbusinessastheorganizersareoftenwomen,sometimesformerprostitutesthemselves,whohavesucceededinmakingmoneyandgraduatingtothestatusofmadams. Italybecamethefavoreddestination,butHolland,Britain,andFrancealsowitnessedanupsurgeintheproblem.ThreatsagainstfamilymembersbackinNigeriaarealsousedtokeeptheminline.ThewomencomeprimarilybutnotexclusivelyfromEdostate(UNICRI2003).Fortheirpart,thetraffickinggroupstendtobeveryatomistic.Nevertheless,themannerinwhichNigerianmamas(ormadams)andprostitutesareallowedtooperateunhinderedsuggeststhattherehasbeensomekindofagreementwithItaliancriminalorganizationsorthattraditionalItalianmafiagroupsarenotparticularlyinterestedinprostitutionandconsequentlyhaveleftthemarketopen.
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IfItalyhasbeenthefavoreddestinationforwomenandgirls,Britainhasprovidedamarketforyoungboys,andin2008theU.S.StateDepartmentsTraffickinginPersonsReportidentifiedanincreasingtrendinthetraffickingofAfricanboysandgirlsfromLagostotheU.K.surbancentersincludingLondon,BirminghamandManchester,fordomesticservitudeandforcedlaborinrestaurantsandshops.SomeofthevictimsareNigerian,whileothersaretraffickedfromotherAfricancountriesthroughLagos.
ItisevidentfromallthisthatNigeriancriminalscombineflexibilityofmethodswithanabilitytooperateinseveralcriminalmarkets.AndpartlybecauseNigeriancriminalsarenotasovertlyviolentasmanyothercriminalgroups,theydonotdrawthesamelevelofattentionandenforcementas,forexample,groupsfromtheBalkansandtheformerSovietUnion.AsaresultofbothdomesticfactorsandtheirabilitytooperateinmultiplecountriesNigeriancriminalorganizationsarenotgoingawayanytimesoon.
(p.265) V.TheCurrentandFutureStatusofNigerianOrganizedCrimeOrganizedcrimeandcorruptionhasbecomedeeplyembeddedintheeconomy,society,andpoliticsofNigeriaandisunlikelytodiminisheventhoughNigeriahastakensomeimportantinitiativestocombatorganizedcrime.TheNigerianDrugLawEnforcementAgencyhasbecomeanimportantregionalleaderinWestAfrica,whileNigeriapassedlawstocombatcorruptioninboth2000and2003(Opara2006).Inadditionin2002,thegovernmentestablishedtheEconomicandFinancialCrimesCommission(EFCC)toinvestigatefinancialcrimes.Implementationoftheselaws,however,hasremainedproblematic,whiletheEFCChasfacedconsiderablepoliticalobstaclesasittargetedmembersoftheelite(Zebley2011).Andalthoughlawenforcementagencieshaveimprovedconsiderablyoverthelastdecadeorso,theyremainunderfundedandlackthesophistication,education,trainingandotherbasicincentivesaswellasencouragementrequiredtoeffectivelycheckcrime. Indeed,fundingforNigerianlawenforcementagenciesandkeyanticrimeagenciesremainsinsufficientanderraticindisbursementgivinganimpressionoflackofcommitment. Inaddition,politicalcorruptionisoftenmatchedbycorruptioninlawenforcementagencies.Andeveninthosecaseswherepolicingiseffective,problemsinthejudiciaryprovidefurtheropportunitiesforcriminalstoavoidjustice.AstheU.S.StateDepartmentsAnnualInternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReportnotedinMarch2008:AttemptstoarrestandprosecutemajortraffickersandtheirassociatesoftenfailinNigeriascourts,whicharesubjecttointimidationandcorruption.Assetseizuresfromnarcoticstraffickersandmoneylaunderers,whilepermittedunderNigerianlaw,haveneverbeensystematicallyutilizedasanenforcementtool,butsomeconvictedtraffickershavehadtheirassetsforfeitedovertheyears.Thenumberofmajortraffickerspenalizedremainssmall. The2011reportwasalittlemoreoptimistic,notingthatcorruptionandjudicialinefficiencyremainedmajorimpedimentstoeffectiveprosecutions.(U.S.DepartmentofState2011).
Inotherwords,theimpedimentstothecontinuedgrowthoforganizedcrimeareweak.Atthesametime,thosetrendsfacilitatingexpansionremainpowerful.GiventhepopulationgrowthandthehighlevelsofunemploymentevenamonguniversitygraduatesitseemslikelythatduringthenexttwodecadesNigeriasdomesticandtransnationalcrimeproblemwillcontinueitsupwardtrajectory.ThereturntociviliangovernmenthasdonelittletoreduceNigerianorganizedcrime,whiletheeconomycontinuestoexhibitmajorstructuralweaknesses.Withaburgeoningpopulationamidstgrowingimpoverishment,crimewillbeanincreasinglyattractivecareerpathforyoungNigerians.NigerianpopulationgrowthwillalsostrengthentheglobalpresenceofNigeriancriminalorganizations.Unfortunately,asomberprognosisofthiskindisascompellingandinescapableasitisdismaying.
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Notes:(*)TheauthorwouldliketothankLetiziaPaoliforhercommentsonanearlierdraftofthischapterandMatthewClarkforhisassistancewiththeresearch.
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(2).ChristopheCornevin,"StrategicPoliceOfficersCounteringtheMafias,publishedasFranceHasSetUpSpecialUnitToCounterInternationalOrganizedCrime,Paris,LeFigaro,March12,2011,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20110314029004.
(3).ChrisJohnstone,CzechsRecruitedbyRomaGangsforSlaveLaborinUKpublishedasCzechOrganizedCrimeSquadReportsNewTrendsinHumanTrafficking,Prague,Czechposition.com,June28,2011,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20110628081021.
(4).AlanaRizzo,EastEuropeanMafiaandOtherInternationalGroupsInfiltratedinBrazilControltheLucrativeDrugTraffickingMarketpublishedasBrazilianDaily:InternationalCrimeGroupsControlDrugMarket,CorreioBrazilienseOnline,August1,2011,OpenSourceCenter,FEA20110808020690.
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(6).QuotedinPhilWilliamsandDougBrooks,Captured,criminalandcontestedstates:OrganisedcrimeandAfricainthe21stcentury,SouthAfricanJournalofInternationalAffairs,Volume6,Issue2,1999.
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(22).UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC),TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion(NewYork,UnitedNations,2005)p.16.
(23).UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC),TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion(NewYork,UnitedNations,2005)p.18.
(24).LisetteSwartLook,AnotherE-MailPromisingtheEarth,publishedasReportAnalyzesActivitiesofNigerianCriminalsinNetherlands,RotterdamNRCHandelsblad(InternetVersion-WWW)November21,2007,OpenSourceCenter,EUP20071121024003.
(25).Ibid.
(26).UNODC2008.DrugTraffickingasaSecurityThreatinWestAfrica.pp.2324.http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/Drug-Trafficking-WestAfrica-English.pdf.
(27).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.24.http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.
(28).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.24.http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.
(29).Delio,Michelle.2002.MeettheNigerianE-MailGrifters,WiredNews(July17)http://www.wired.com/news/culture/0,1284,53818,00.html.
(30).Vaknin,Sam.2005.NigerianScamsBeggingYourTrustinAfrica.(May25)http://www.globalpolitician.com/2766-nigeria.
(31).Vaknin,Sam.2005.NigerianScamsBeggingYourTrustinAfrica.(May25)http://www.globalpolitician.com/2766-nigeria.
(32).Vaknin,Sam.2005.NigerianScamsBeggingYourTrustinAfrica.(May25)http://www.globalpolitician.com/2766-nigeria.
(33).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.27.http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.
(34).UNODC.2005.TransnationalOrganizedCrimeintheWestAfricanRegion,p.27.http://www.unodc.org/pdf/transnational_crime_west-africa-05.pdf.
(35).USDepartmentofState,TraffickinginPersonsReport2008,p.197.http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2008/index.htm.
(36).IhejiChukwueme,.2003.TaskofPolicingEnugu.DailyChampion(October30)allAfrica.com.
(37).U.S.DepartmentofState2008InternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReport.p.604http://www.state.gov/j/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2008/index.htm
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Nigerian Criminal Organizations
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(38).U.S.DepartmentofState2008InternationalNarcoticsControlStrategyReport.p.602.http://www.state.gov/j/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2008/index.htm
PhilWilliamsPhilWilliams,UniversityofPittsburgh
