For the Living the Dead and the Divine
Private Associations in Roman Macedonia
ReMa-Thesis
Alexandros Tsouris
s2531593
11115
Research Master in Classical Medieval and Renaissance Studies
University of Groningen ndash Faculty of Arts
First Supervisor prof dr Onno M van Nijf (University of Groningen)
Second Supervisor prof dr Vincent Gabrielsen (University of Copenhagen)
1
Contents 1
Preface - Acknowledgments helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3-4
Introductionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5-11
Chapter I Macedoniahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip12-15
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedoniahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip16-36
Chapter III Funerary Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip37-55
Chapter IV Honorary Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip56-80
Chapter V Religious Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81-102
Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103-106
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidencehelliphellip107-110
Appendix II Mapshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111-112
Appendix III Phd Proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113-116
Bibliographyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117-128
1 Cover Illustration photograph of the Roman Forum at Philippi Picture taken by Alexandros Tsouris
April 2015
2
Preface - Acknowledgments
Two years ago Fanourakis Foundation accepted my application for a scholarship and
funded the first year of my research master in the University of Groningen I owe to
this institution my utmost gratitude and respect I am more than morally obliged
Without their generous funding this dream would not have been accomplished To
start thanking friends here would be a long list I am grateful to them all both in the
Netherlands and Greece for their constant support The financial and most
importantly emotional support of my parents and family has been the most valuable
help in this journey I am indebted to them My gratitude and respect goes as well to
Vasilis Linardos for everything and mostly for his friendship Special thanks to dr
Ioanna Papadopoulou (University of Democritus) for improving so much my written
English I am also grateful to dr Paschalis Paschidis (National Hellenic Research
Institute) for letting me consult and cite his forthcoming article Our discussions have
moreover extended my viewpoint on this field I am more than grateful to my
supervisor prof dr Onno van Nijf He took my abstract and general standpoint over
history and transformed it into a committed passion Any research skills developed
these past two years are a product of his persistence on my frustrating attitude In this
thesis he has been the most precious help Finally my gratitude goes as well to prof
dr Vincent Gabrielsen for his valuable contribution in this work His input comments
and help were priceless Any mistakes or omissions remain my own
To an inspiring archaeologist and his Litsaki
Μακάρι η Ιθάκη να βρίσκεται ακόμα μακριά
3
Abbreviations
ΑΑΑ Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών Αthens
AE Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερὶς Athens
ΑΕΜΘ Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη Τhessaloniki
Agora XVII Bradeen Donald W Inscriptions The Funerary Monuments laquoThe
Athenian Agoraraquo 17 Princeton 1974
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Helleacutenique
BE Bulletin Eacutepigraphique Paris
CIG Boeckh G Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Berlin 1828-1877
Demitsas Demitsas M G Ἡ Μακεδονία ἐν Λίθοις Φθενγομένοις καὶ μνεμείοις
σῳζομένοις Athens 1896
ΕΑΜ Rizakes T and Touratsoglou G Επιγραφές Άνω Μακεδονίας
(Ελιμεία Εορδαία Νότια Λυνγκιστίς Ορεστίς) Τόμος Α΄ Κατάλογος
Επιγραφών Athens 1985
ΕΚΜ Gounaropoulou L and Hatzopoulos M B Επιγραφές Κάτω
Μακεδονίας (μεταξύ του Βερμίου Όρους και του Αξιού Ποταμού)
Τεύχος Α΄ Επιγραφές Βέροιας Athens 1998
Macedonian Hatzopoulous M B Macedonian Institutions under the Kings II
Institutions Epigraphic Appendix Athens 1996
I Aeg Thrace Loukopoulou L D Parissaki M G Psoma S and Zournatzi A
with the assistance of Diamanti T and others Επιγραφές της Θράκης
του Αιγαίου μεταξύ των ποταμών Νέστου και Έβρου (νομοί Ξάνθης
Ροδόπης και Έβρου) Athens 2005
ID Durrbach F Roussel P Launey M Plassart A and Coupry J
Inscriptions de Deacutelos Paris 1926-1973
IG Inscriptiones Graecae Berlin 1877---
ILGR Inscriptiones latinae in Graecia repertae Faenza 1979
4
ILeukopetra Petsas P M Hatzopoulos M B Gounaropoulou L and Paschidis
P Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Megravere des Dieux autochthone de
Leukopeacutetra (Maceacutedoine) Athens 2000
IOropos Petrakos B C Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ Athens 1997
ISmyrna Petzl G Die Inschriften von Smyrna Bonn 1982-1990
IEph Wankel H and Engelmann H Die Inschriften von Ephesos Bonn
1979ndash84
LSJ Liddell HG and Scott R A Greek-English Lexicon 9th Edition
Oxford 1996
Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos M B and Loukopoulou L Recherches sur les
marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte - Kalindoia) 2
vols Athens 1992-1996
Nigdelis ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman
to Early Christian Thessalonike Harvard 2010
OCD Hornblower S and Spawforth A The Oxford Classical Dictionary
4th ed Oxford 2012
Philippi II Pilhofer P Philippi Band II Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi
Tuumlbingen 2000
P Mich V EM HusselmanAER Boak and WF Edgerton Papyri from
Tebtunis Part II Ann Arbor 1944
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Leiden and Amsterdam
1923--
SIG3 Syll
3 Dittenberger W Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Leipzig 1915-
1924
Spomenik Srpska kraljevska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti Belgrade
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
1
Contents 1
Preface - Acknowledgments helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3-4
Introductionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5-11
Chapter I Macedoniahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip12-15
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedoniahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip16-36
Chapter III Funerary Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip37-55
Chapter IV Honorary Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip56-80
Chapter V Religious Practiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81-102
Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103-106
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidencehelliphellip107-110
Appendix II Mapshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111-112
Appendix III Phd Proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113-116
Bibliographyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117-128
1 Cover Illustration photograph of the Roman Forum at Philippi Picture taken by Alexandros Tsouris
April 2015
2
Preface - Acknowledgments
Two years ago Fanourakis Foundation accepted my application for a scholarship and
funded the first year of my research master in the University of Groningen I owe to
this institution my utmost gratitude and respect I am more than morally obliged
Without their generous funding this dream would not have been accomplished To
start thanking friends here would be a long list I am grateful to them all both in the
Netherlands and Greece for their constant support The financial and most
importantly emotional support of my parents and family has been the most valuable
help in this journey I am indebted to them My gratitude and respect goes as well to
Vasilis Linardos for everything and mostly for his friendship Special thanks to dr
Ioanna Papadopoulou (University of Democritus) for improving so much my written
English I am also grateful to dr Paschalis Paschidis (National Hellenic Research
Institute) for letting me consult and cite his forthcoming article Our discussions have
moreover extended my viewpoint on this field I am more than grateful to my
supervisor prof dr Onno van Nijf He took my abstract and general standpoint over
history and transformed it into a committed passion Any research skills developed
these past two years are a product of his persistence on my frustrating attitude In this
thesis he has been the most precious help Finally my gratitude goes as well to prof
dr Vincent Gabrielsen for his valuable contribution in this work His input comments
and help were priceless Any mistakes or omissions remain my own
To an inspiring archaeologist and his Litsaki
Μακάρι η Ιθάκη να βρίσκεται ακόμα μακριά
3
Abbreviations
ΑΑΑ Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών Αthens
AE Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερὶς Athens
ΑΕΜΘ Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη Τhessaloniki
Agora XVII Bradeen Donald W Inscriptions The Funerary Monuments laquoThe
Athenian Agoraraquo 17 Princeton 1974
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Helleacutenique
BE Bulletin Eacutepigraphique Paris
CIG Boeckh G Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Berlin 1828-1877
Demitsas Demitsas M G Ἡ Μακεδονία ἐν Λίθοις Φθενγομένοις καὶ μνεμείοις
σῳζομένοις Athens 1896
ΕΑΜ Rizakes T and Touratsoglou G Επιγραφές Άνω Μακεδονίας
(Ελιμεία Εορδαία Νότια Λυνγκιστίς Ορεστίς) Τόμος Α΄ Κατάλογος
Επιγραφών Athens 1985
ΕΚΜ Gounaropoulou L and Hatzopoulos M B Επιγραφές Κάτω
Μακεδονίας (μεταξύ του Βερμίου Όρους και του Αξιού Ποταμού)
Τεύχος Α΄ Επιγραφές Βέροιας Athens 1998
Macedonian Hatzopoulous M B Macedonian Institutions under the Kings II
Institutions Epigraphic Appendix Athens 1996
I Aeg Thrace Loukopoulou L D Parissaki M G Psoma S and Zournatzi A
with the assistance of Diamanti T and others Επιγραφές της Θράκης
του Αιγαίου μεταξύ των ποταμών Νέστου και Έβρου (νομοί Ξάνθης
Ροδόπης και Έβρου) Athens 2005
ID Durrbach F Roussel P Launey M Plassart A and Coupry J
Inscriptions de Deacutelos Paris 1926-1973
IG Inscriptiones Graecae Berlin 1877---
ILGR Inscriptiones latinae in Graecia repertae Faenza 1979
4
ILeukopetra Petsas P M Hatzopoulos M B Gounaropoulou L and Paschidis
P Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Megravere des Dieux autochthone de
Leukopeacutetra (Maceacutedoine) Athens 2000
IOropos Petrakos B C Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ Athens 1997
ISmyrna Petzl G Die Inschriften von Smyrna Bonn 1982-1990
IEph Wankel H and Engelmann H Die Inschriften von Ephesos Bonn
1979ndash84
LSJ Liddell HG and Scott R A Greek-English Lexicon 9th Edition
Oxford 1996
Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos M B and Loukopoulou L Recherches sur les
marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte - Kalindoia) 2
vols Athens 1992-1996
Nigdelis ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman
to Early Christian Thessalonike Harvard 2010
OCD Hornblower S and Spawforth A The Oxford Classical Dictionary
4th ed Oxford 2012
Philippi II Pilhofer P Philippi Band II Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi
Tuumlbingen 2000
P Mich V EM HusselmanAER Boak and WF Edgerton Papyri from
Tebtunis Part II Ann Arbor 1944
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Leiden and Amsterdam
1923--
SIG3 Syll
3 Dittenberger W Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Leipzig 1915-
1924
Spomenik Srpska kraljevska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti Belgrade
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
2
Preface - Acknowledgments
Two years ago Fanourakis Foundation accepted my application for a scholarship and
funded the first year of my research master in the University of Groningen I owe to
this institution my utmost gratitude and respect I am more than morally obliged
Without their generous funding this dream would not have been accomplished To
start thanking friends here would be a long list I am grateful to them all both in the
Netherlands and Greece for their constant support The financial and most
importantly emotional support of my parents and family has been the most valuable
help in this journey I am indebted to them My gratitude and respect goes as well to
Vasilis Linardos for everything and mostly for his friendship Special thanks to dr
Ioanna Papadopoulou (University of Democritus) for improving so much my written
English I am also grateful to dr Paschalis Paschidis (National Hellenic Research
Institute) for letting me consult and cite his forthcoming article Our discussions have
moreover extended my viewpoint on this field I am more than grateful to my
supervisor prof dr Onno van Nijf He took my abstract and general standpoint over
history and transformed it into a committed passion Any research skills developed
these past two years are a product of his persistence on my frustrating attitude In this
thesis he has been the most precious help Finally my gratitude goes as well to prof
dr Vincent Gabrielsen for his valuable contribution in this work His input comments
and help were priceless Any mistakes or omissions remain my own
To an inspiring archaeologist and his Litsaki
Μακάρι η Ιθάκη να βρίσκεται ακόμα μακριά
3
Abbreviations
ΑΑΑ Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών Αthens
AE Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερὶς Athens
ΑΕΜΘ Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη Τhessaloniki
Agora XVII Bradeen Donald W Inscriptions The Funerary Monuments laquoThe
Athenian Agoraraquo 17 Princeton 1974
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Helleacutenique
BE Bulletin Eacutepigraphique Paris
CIG Boeckh G Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Berlin 1828-1877
Demitsas Demitsas M G Ἡ Μακεδονία ἐν Λίθοις Φθενγομένοις καὶ μνεμείοις
σῳζομένοις Athens 1896
ΕΑΜ Rizakes T and Touratsoglou G Επιγραφές Άνω Μακεδονίας
(Ελιμεία Εορδαία Νότια Λυνγκιστίς Ορεστίς) Τόμος Α΄ Κατάλογος
Επιγραφών Athens 1985
ΕΚΜ Gounaropoulou L and Hatzopoulos M B Επιγραφές Κάτω
Μακεδονίας (μεταξύ του Βερμίου Όρους και του Αξιού Ποταμού)
Τεύχος Α΄ Επιγραφές Βέροιας Athens 1998
Macedonian Hatzopoulous M B Macedonian Institutions under the Kings II
Institutions Epigraphic Appendix Athens 1996
I Aeg Thrace Loukopoulou L D Parissaki M G Psoma S and Zournatzi A
with the assistance of Diamanti T and others Επιγραφές της Θράκης
του Αιγαίου μεταξύ των ποταμών Νέστου και Έβρου (νομοί Ξάνθης
Ροδόπης και Έβρου) Athens 2005
ID Durrbach F Roussel P Launey M Plassart A and Coupry J
Inscriptions de Deacutelos Paris 1926-1973
IG Inscriptiones Graecae Berlin 1877---
ILGR Inscriptiones latinae in Graecia repertae Faenza 1979
4
ILeukopetra Petsas P M Hatzopoulos M B Gounaropoulou L and Paschidis
P Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Megravere des Dieux autochthone de
Leukopeacutetra (Maceacutedoine) Athens 2000
IOropos Petrakos B C Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ Athens 1997
ISmyrna Petzl G Die Inschriften von Smyrna Bonn 1982-1990
IEph Wankel H and Engelmann H Die Inschriften von Ephesos Bonn
1979ndash84
LSJ Liddell HG and Scott R A Greek-English Lexicon 9th Edition
Oxford 1996
Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos M B and Loukopoulou L Recherches sur les
marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte - Kalindoia) 2
vols Athens 1992-1996
Nigdelis ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman
to Early Christian Thessalonike Harvard 2010
OCD Hornblower S and Spawforth A The Oxford Classical Dictionary
4th ed Oxford 2012
Philippi II Pilhofer P Philippi Band II Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi
Tuumlbingen 2000
P Mich V EM HusselmanAER Boak and WF Edgerton Papyri from
Tebtunis Part II Ann Arbor 1944
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Leiden and Amsterdam
1923--
SIG3 Syll
3 Dittenberger W Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Leipzig 1915-
1924
Spomenik Srpska kraljevska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti Belgrade
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
3
Abbreviations
ΑΑΑ Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών Αthens
AE Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερὶς Athens
ΑΕΜΘ Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη Τhessaloniki
Agora XVII Bradeen Donald W Inscriptions The Funerary Monuments laquoThe
Athenian Agoraraquo 17 Princeton 1974
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Helleacutenique
BE Bulletin Eacutepigraphique Paris
CIG Boeckh G Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Berlin 1828-1877
Demitsas Demitsas M G Ἡ Μακεδονία ἐν Λίθοις Φθενγομένοις καὶ μνεμείοις
σῳζομένοις Athens 1896
ΕΑΜ Rizakes T and Touratsoglou G Επιγραφές Άνω Μακεδονίας
(Ελιμεία Εορδαία Νότια Λυνγκιστίς Ορεστίς) Τόμος Α΄ Κατάλογος
Επιγραφών Athens 1985
ΕΚΜ Gounaropoulou L and Hatzopoulos M B Επιγραφές Κάτω
Μακεδονίας (μεταξύ του Βερμίου Όρους και του Αξιού Ποταμού)
Τεύχος Α΄ Επιγραφές Βέροιας Athens 1998
Macedonian Hatzopoulous M B Macedonian Institutions under the Kings II
Institutions Epigraphic Appendix Athens 1996
I Aeg Thrace Loukopoulou L D Parissaki M G Psoma S and Zournatzi A
with the assistance of Diamanti T and others Επιγραφές της Θράκης
του Αιγαίου μεταξύ των ποταμών Νέστου και Έβρου (νομοί Ξάνθης
Ροδόπης και Έβρου) Athens 2005
ID Durrbach F Roussel P Launey M Plassart A and Coupry J
Inscriptions de Deacutelos Paris 1926-1973
IG Inscriptiones Graecae Berlin 1877---
ILGR Inscriptiones latinae in Graecia repertae Faenza 1979
4
ILeukopetra Petsas P M Hatzopoulos M B Gounaropoulou L and Paschidis
P Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Megravere des Dieux autochthone de
Leukopeacutetra (Maceacutedoine) Athens 2000
IOropos Petrakos B C Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ Athens 1997
ISmyrna Petzl G Die Inschriften von Smyrna Bonn 1982-1990
IEph Wankel H and Engelmann H Die Inschriften von Ephesos Bonn
1979ndash84
LSJ Liddell HG and Scott R A Greek-English Lexicon 9th Edition
Oxford 1996
Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos M B and Loukopoulou L Recherches sur les
marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte - Kalindoia) 2
vols Athens 1992-1996
Nigdelis ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman
to Early Christian Thessalonike Harvard 2010
OCD Hornblower S and Spawforth A The Oxford Classical Dictionary
4th ed Oxford 2012
Philippi II Pilhofer P Philippi Band II Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi
Tuumlbingen 2000
P Mich V EM HusselmanAER Boak and WF Edgerton Papyri from
Tebtunis Part II Ann Arbor 1944
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Leiden and Amsterdam
1923--
SIG3 Syll
3 Dittenberger W Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Leipzig 1915-
1924
Spomenik Srpska kraljevska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti Belgrade
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
4
ILeukopetra Petsas P M Hatzopoulos M B Gounaropoulou L and Paschidis
P Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Megravere des Dieux autochthone de
Leukopeacutetra (Maceacutedoine) Athens 2000
IOropos Petrakos B C Oἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ Ὠρωποῦ Athens 1997
ISmyrna Petzl G Die Inschriften von Smyrna Bonn 1982-1990
IEph Wankel H and Engelmann H Die Inschriften von Ephesos Bonn
1979ndash84
LSJ Liddell HG and Scott R A Greek-English Lexicon 9th Edition
Oxford 1996
Meletemata 11 Hatzopoulos M B and Loukopoulou L Recherches sur les
marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte - Kalindoia) 2
vols Athens 1992-1996
Nigdelis ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman
to Early Christian Thessalonike Harvard 2010
OCD Hornblower S and Spawforth A The Oxford Classical Dictionary
4th ed Oxford 2012
Philippi II Pilhofer P Philippi Band II Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi
Tuumlbingen 2000
P Mich V EM HusselmanAER Boak and WF Edgerton Papyri from
Tebtunis Part II Ann Arbor 1944
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Leiden and Amsterdam
1923--
SIG3 Syll
3 Dittenberger W Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Leipzig 1915-
1924
Spomenik Srpska kraljevska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti Belgrade
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
5
Introduction
One of the well attested phenomena of the Greco-Roman world is its wide range of
private groups Connected under certain common characteristics various people quite
often gathered together and participated in communal activities forming in this way
group of some cohesiveness Such groups are labeled by modern scholars with a
variety of terms including collegia guilds clubs societies and private voluntary
associations2
Although scholars approached the issue from multiple viewpoints and examined
the way it appeared in most corners of the Empire3 northern Greece and more
specifically Macedonia is still terra incognita Hitherto private groups of this area
have been mostly subjected to a comparative analysis pertaining to early Christianity
or by focusing on specific cities and themes Hence a comprehensive examination of
the whole area is still unavailable In my master thesis I am going to investigate the
activities of private associations in the cities of Macedonia
Apart from the gap in the literature there is also a variety of reasons making
Macedonia a case study that may provide a new insight in our understanding of these
groups and of Greco-Roman society Macedonia comprises an area with certain
peculiarities such as a cultural entity and an ethnic identity Such peculiarities which
Paschalis Paschidis has so aptly termed as ldquoMacedonian mentalitiesrdquo4 are not often
easily spotted elsewhere The private associations of this area moreover present a
visible difference as opposed to other parts of the Greco-Roman world Namely they
seem to have been primarily focused on religion on which they also built their public
representation Setting this observation within the distinctive cultural features of this
region raises the question as to whether private associations in Macedonia served
different purposes compared to other places Therefore the main research question
posed in this master thesis will be ldquoWhat was the role and function of private
associations in Macedoniardquo
How then were the associative activities of other regions perceived so far Briefly
observing at this point the ways scholars have touched on the topic of associations in
2 Wilson (1996) 1
3 It was already noticeable from the early lsquo80s that associations of the West had received much more
attention than their Greek counterparts see Ausbuumlttel (1982) 12 n 5 The Greek East has also
received fair attention Indicatively Poland (1909) focus on the Greek mainland van Nijf (1997) and
Harland (2003) mainly on the Greek East (Asia Minor) Arnaoutoglou (2003) on Athens Gabrielsen
(1997) (2001) on Rhodes Gibbs (2011) Muhs (2001) and Arnaoutoglou (2005) on Egypt 4 Paschidis (2012) 12 n 55
6
general and specifically in Macedonia will provide a general background and locate
the present work within the debate
General Historiography on Private Associations
Despite the fact that these groups played a vivid role in their cities ancient
historiography did not really commit itself with these groups In 1932 when Marcus
Tod gave his three lectures on Sidelights on Greek History he spoke of concerning
the ancient literature references to clubs an ldquoalmost unbroken silence on the
subjectrdquo5 A lesser interest in the study of associations does not go unnoticed in
modern literature for the greater part of the 20th century It was noted almost twenty
years ago that the specific subject was somehow neglected6 yet the interest in
associations studies has significantly increased since then
Before the mid 19th century associations did not really attract the interest of
scholars7 The second half of the 19
th as well as the greater part of the 20
th century
saw works that examined these groups in a formalistic way as well as some scrutiny
from theologians8 Concerning the latter half of the 19
th century the works of Theodor
Mommsen and Jean Pierrew Waltzing stand out as studies that set the terms of the
debate for more than half of the previous century9 Namely associations were
approached from a legalistic perspective and attention was given mainly to the
relationship with the state and whether their creational purpose was sociability or
necessity10
From the mid 20th century onwards it seems that the social examination of collegia
was more favored The contribution of the Italian scholar Francesco Maria De
Robertis in that direction is valuable11
A theme emerging from his works is the study
of the workerrsquos position within the economy and his interaction within the stratified
society12
5 Tod (1932) 71 6 Van Nijf (1997) 5 7 See Arnaoutoglou (2003) 25 who cites only two examples as exemptions to this observation See
moreover Ascough (2003) 3 n 1 for the few works from the 16th till the 19th century 8 For the first steps of the comparison between associations and early Christian communities see Kloppenborg (1993) McLean (1993) and Perry (2006) 41-60 9 Mommsen (1843) Waltzing (1895-1900) 10 For an analysis of Mommsen and Waltzingrsquos works see Perry (2006) 23-88 11 For a collection of all of his articles see De Robertis (1987) 12 For an analysis of De Robertisrsquo works see again Perry (2006) In his book Jonathan Perry provides
in general a good understanding of the historiography on Roman collegia from Mommsen till the lsquo90s
7
A shift towards focusing more on the social implications of associative life started
coming into being in the early lsquo70s Studies appeared professing that associations
pursued honor and status and social prestige rather than economic advantages They
also argued against the idea that their creational purpose was a pure need for social
interaction13
Upon this path the lsquo90s seem to have established the civic importance
of associations14
The past twenty five years have witnessed a boom in studies analyzing
associations from every possible perspective Following the global approaches of the
previous century and a half what is currently noticeable is works examining
associations within their geographical and historical context as well as on a limited
thematic scope In this way they focus on unexplored issues or re-evaluate previous
debates15
A common feature of these works is that they all view private associations
as fundamental elements of the cityrsquos life functioning and interacting with its various
parts and having their own distinguished yet fully integrated place in the cityrsquos social
order
It seems thus that the old tradition of approaching these groups in the monolithic
way dictating hostile relations with the state is not so much favored anymore16
Nowadays scholars investigate associations as crucial constituents of our general
understanding of the Greco-Roman world Yet as already noticed the works focusing
on the northern part of the Greek world and more precisely on Macedonia are
substantially fewer Let us take a look at the ways these studies have approached
private associations of this region
13 MacMullen (1974) 76-80 See moreover Hopkins (1983) who stressed the social needs that were
fulfilled by associative burials Hasley Royden (1988) focused on the social status of collegiarsquos magistrates Sandra Joshel (1992) 98-122 argued that being a collegiatus and especially holding an
office was a prestige symbol The focus on collegial sociability as the binding reason has led to a
lasting debate concerning the comparison between Roman collegia and medieval guilds In that
direction De Ste Croix (1983) 273 argued that collegia were convivial bodies and not organized
guilds that promoted their financial interests For this discussion see Finley (1999) 137-8 Epstein
(1991) 10-49 van Nijf (1997) 11-18 and now Liu (2008) 11-24 14 See Patterson (1993) and (1994) who effectively challenged the conception of hominess tenuiores
and argued towards the elevation of the prestige of collegia in towns See moreover van Nijf (1997)
who examined the associative activities of Asia Minor and suggested that collegia functioned as
sources of identity for those socially below the local governing elites 15 It is especially the debate regarding governmental interference that has been extensively revised
with scholars mostly arguing that there is no universal ban on collegia no morbid fear but rather temporary and of limited scope interferences Characteristic examples are Cotter (1996) de Ligt (2000)
and (2001) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Liu (2005) and Bendlin (2011) 16 However see Bendlin (2011) who doubts associationsrsquo accepted place in the cityrsquos social structures
that is next to the elite by processes of imitation and adaptation and he rather suggests that collegia
provided an alternative space of political social and religious networking
8
Historiography of Private Associations in Macedonia
Various works have dealt so far with private associations of this region Yet they have
mostly been analyses of different issues such as the religion and the cults of the
province For such themes associations were part of their sources17
Publications that
have specifically focused on Macedonian associations are noticeably few
Franz Poland included some evidence from Macedonia in his study yet there is no
special treatment of the area as his book lacks a geographical distribution in
general18
Almost half a century later a recognized leading expert on Macedonian
studies Dimitris Kanatsoulis had a few pages of his thorough analysis of the
Macedonian polis dedicated to associations In his investigation however he
basically observes and describes issues of nomenclature organization and religious
characteristics19
It can hardly be seen as an attempt of a historical interpretation
After Kanatsoulisrsquo brief description of Macedonian associations it is only recently
that the interest in this area has been revived again Yet most works deal with specific
issues such as certain types of associations like the Roman merchants or Dionysiac
groups Studies concentrating only on the latter provide useful insight into our
understanding of the regionrsquos associative phenomenon but due to their limited scope
they are incomplete20
Moreover a fair amount of attention has focused on the cities of Thessaloniki and
Philippi though mainly compared with early Christianity21
Such comparative
analyses indeed contribute a lot to the field since they examine various social
implications of associative life in depth22
However their initial purpose is to utilize
collegia as a model to further understand the first Christian groups hence they cast
out important aspects of the associations In addition they are not complete
collections of the available sources On the other hand Pantelis Nigdelis has quite
recently conducted an excellent study of the associations of Thessaloniki His
17 Edson (1948) examining the cults of Roman Thessaloniki presented some information about a few
religious associations of the city regarding mainly their organization and membership Similarly see
Tsochos (2012) Steimle (2008) Jaccottet (2003) and Mitrev (2003) 18
Poland (1909) His study is a characteristic example of a work reflecting the tradition of a formalistic
perspective predominant in his period He dealt with the Greek East describing associationsrsquo historical
origins nomenclature organization regulations and finances 19 Kanatsoulis (1955) 269-279 20 Roman merchants Rizakis (1986) Belenis (1996) Dionysiac thiasoi Mitrev (2002) 21 Very representative examples of such comparisons are the works of Richard Ascough See Ascough
(2000) (2003) and (2010) 22 For instance see Ascough (2003) 47-59 who attempts to identify the social location as well as the
gender of the membership of Macedonian private associations
9
approach is characteristic of the recent consensus He examines the civic activities of
collegia religious and identity issues considering associations as an integral part of
the cityrsquos networks23
Yet his focus is restricted only on one place
The only work at least to my knowledge that addresses solely and almost
completely the associative phenomenon of the region is Paschalis Paschidisrsquo latest
article (forthcoming) Paschidis examines the nature of difference between religious
associations and what is traditionally deemed as civic cults ldquoin terms of mentality
patterns and religious and social experiencesrdquo24
In fact he illustrates the lack of
substantial differences between religious associations and other cultic structures in
Macedonia and advises against clear cut distinctions
Moreover he makes some very important suggestions explaining the fact that the
majority of religious associations are found in the eastern part of the province
Accordingly this can be understood as a result of the different religious traditions
between western and eastern Macedonia with the river Axios being the boarder He
argues that western of Axios the need of collective identities was fulfilled via cults
that were successful due to their appearance as historically attached to the local
communities The absence of such cults eastern of Axios opened the way for the
creation of different religious structures such as religious associations25
However while his approach indeed broadens the discussion his focus is
exclusively fixed upon religious associations thus excluding a crucial portion of the
available evidence of the region whilst his questions are of a limited scope Other
associations that do not seem to have been explicitly involved in religious practices
are dismissed with other activities like funerary or honorific being left aside On that
account it is not an exhaustive work in regard to the overall function of these groups
in the region
It should be clear by now that what the literature concerning Macedonian
associations is lacking in is a study incorporating all of the evidence and investigating
their general engagement in their cities It is worth wondering whether the analysis of
private associations of this region co-aligns with the recent academic consensus
regarding the role of these groups in their cities Therefore a firm appreciation of
23 Nigdelis (2010) 24 Paschidis (2012) 1 25 See ibid 14-17
10
their overall existence will hopefully contribute to our understanding of the function
and structure of the Greco-Roman city
For this inquiry I am going to study the activities of these groups namely
funerary honorary and religious ones Associations buried and commemorated
people they honored them and they were involved in various ways with religion
There are some hints regarding other activities for instance economically oriented
ones yet I have chosen to study these activities due to the fact that they are the best
documented ones26
These practices are depicted on sources that are their own
products inscriptions
Ever since the early lsquo80s scholarship investigates this type of evidence not only as
sources of information but as indicators of a culture This ldquosense of audiencerdquo in
which MacMullen saw a possible explanatory factor for the inscriptional explosion27
means that individuals made certain statements when inscribing something on stone
and setting it in public view Inscriptions were used to build identity and to assert a
personrsquos status or claim for one within society28
From this perspective examining
the inscriptions that these groups left behind I will be attempting to reconstruct and
understand stories motivations experiences as well as self and collective
representation in other words identities
Bearing the above in mind Chapter I will set out to briefly explain the afore-
mentioned idiosyncrasy of Macedonia In Chapter II I will provide a framework
describing what a private association is and proceed with an account of my primary
sources and of the information they provide I am going to introduce the evidence
from a comparative perspective laying out results and interpretations from other
regions in order to discover similarities and most importantly differences Pointing
out especially the associative differences is going to demonstrate the necessity of this
research since it can be used as test case for the present academic consensus Having
done so I will begin my analysis
26 It also be noted that there is a certain overlap between these three categories For instance the
performance of mortuary ritual can be seen as funerary activity as well as a religious one Hence this categorization is used as a tool for the investigation of the role of private associations 27 MacMullen (1982) 246 28 There is by now a plethora of works dealing with the function of epigraphy as a tool for the
construction of identities An excellent one is Woolf (1996) He argues that ldquocivic epigraphy was an
important medium for those individuals who defined their identity at least in part in relation to a
public usually a civic settingrdquo See ibid 39
11
The breakdown of the following chapters lies in accordance with the types of
associative activities funerary (Chapter III) honorific (Chapter IV) and religious
(Chapter V) In these three chapters a core of questions will be addressed each time in
order to answer the above set research question Namely I will try to understand the
crucial why Why did they bury and commemorate people why did they honor them
and why did they devote to the specific deities and performed certain religious
practices The second most crucial question underlying the whole study is that of
identity In other words I will try to understand how these colleagues and fellows
perceived their practices and how the city looked upon them Comprehending the
reasons and motives behind their practices and how they communicated these
activities will provide a comprehensive appreciation of their role and function in
society
12
Chapter I Macedonia
In the Introduction I showed that a systematic and complete treatment of the northern
Greek fenomeno associativo in contemporary research is rather deficient29
Yet my
intention is to focus on Macedonia since certain reasons render the area a separate
case study of northern Greece In the paragraphs to follow I will elaborate on the
latter
Why Macedonia
It is fair to ask why should we treat this region separately from its surroundings Ever
since its early history Macedonia has been a peculiar case Whilst the integration of
the region in the Hellenic world undeniably started coming into being as of the early
5th
century BC30
at the same time there are features indicating a distinctive and
differentiated culture For instance Greece in general witnessed the rise of city-states
from the 5th
century BC onwards whereas the Macedonian region functioned as a
kingdom exhibiting very different administrative social and political characteristics
The sociopolitical structure of Macedonia was quite different from the model of
the polis which was quite common in the rest of the Greek world This kingdom was
dominated by an aristocracy that possessed the wealth desire and freedom to invest in
familial rather than civic monuments31
as the famous monumental tombs of Pella and
Vergina indicate Such monuments stood for aristocratic values and ideas as opposed
for instance to Athens the funerary monuments of which -it has been argued- were
products of isonomic ideals32
Moreover this kingdom included multiple ethnic
groups who were gradually incorporated into the larger polity33
All the more in the late Classical and Hellenistic period and even in the Roman
era Macedonia continues to show some distinctive features that make the region a
cultural entity to the point of treating it separately from the rest of northern Greece
This shared culture is portrayed in a variety of characteristics In presenting the latter
I will mainly pay attention to the Roman period which is the main focus of this work
29 The term fenomeno associativo was introduced by De Robertis (1955) 30 See Hatzopoulos (2011) who lays out the necessary evidence in a recent article Studying archaeological literary and epigraphic evidence and focusing among other features on onomastics and
funerary culture he proves that even in Upper Macedonia that is the less Greek part of the areas that
Phillip II incorporated in his kingdom we can talk about Greek civilization and culture 31 Christesen-Murray (2010) 437 32 Meyer (1993) 33 For a comprehensive study of Macedonian history analyzing all the above see Hammond (1989)
13
A typical example is the Macedonian Koinon the political confederacy between
cities during the Hellenistic times that was transformed in the Roman era into an
institution dealing with the imperial cult and organizing games and festivals34
Although the geographical spread of this confederacy cannot be clearly confirmed the
absence of its officials from the Illyrian territory of the Roman province strongly
suggests that its activities were confined to the traditional area of Macedonia that is
to say the Macedonian kingdom as created by Philip II35
One indication that the region had a strong sense of identity was that this
institution produced coins with ethnic symbols and themes36
In addition the
Macedonian Koinon was not the only remnant-institution of the Hellenistic past that
was allowed to function under Roman rule There is evidence that the Senate
permitted other koina to exist such as those of Upper Macedonia Their function in
the imperial era seems to bear a close resemblance to the one of the Macedonian
Koinon37
The survival of these institutions is a clear attestation that the Roman
authorities recognized the political and cultural idiosyncrasy of the area
Shifting our attention back to the issue of coinage it has shown that both local
identities and an ethic Macedonian one persisted during the Roman rule38
Moreover
there was an increase in the use of the ethnic Μακεδών (Macedon) in the period 2nd
-
3rd
centuries AD The illustrative examples derive from the cities of Thessaloniki and
Beroea39
This can be interpreted as an increased emphasis on Macedonian identity It
is beyond doubt that ethnic names refer to an historical consciousness and serve the
construction of identities40
34 Kanatsoulis (1956) is the most standard work but see now Hatzopoulos (1996) 127-65 which has a
comprehensive bibliography Herz (2008) discusses only the 3rd century AD 35 See Nigdelis III Roman Macedonia at wwwmacedonian-heritagegr Mitrev (2003) 320 argues
that under Hadrian initial boundaries -Lower Macedonia- were extended to Upper and Eastern
Macedonia 36 Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 102 37 For the functions of the Koina in Roman Macedonia see Sverkos (1997) 55-60 38 For an excellent analysis of the variety of depiction on coins of cities the differences with colonies
and the developments over time see Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) 39 Ibid 102 n 91 40 See van Nijf (2010) for a similar argument He maintains that the exhibition of historically prominent family names in the tomb monuments of the Pisidian city Termessos served as a tool for the
construction of identities for the elevation of status within the community that would essentially lead
to the safe-keeping of a hierarchically significant socio-political position See especially ibid 171-4
for a short description of this habit around the Greek East In a different context Aceto (2002) shows
that ethnic names should be understood within their socio-cultural world and situation in which they
occur
14
Religion poses yet another sign of cultural uniformity There is evidence of
religious practices ldquoin which Macedonians diverged from their fellow Greeksrdquo41
It
has been suggested that common religious beliefs during the reign of Temenid and
Antigonid Kings was one of the contributing factors that molded Macedonia into a
distinct entity42
Specifically there are certain deities including Zeus Herakles
Dionysus Artemis Asclepius or the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis that although
they were widely worshipped around the Greek world they were of particular
importance for the Macedonians The cults of these deities in the region seem to keep
existing within the Roman era43
This persistence of common cults may be regarded
as the survival of a shared religious mentality among Macedonians during the Roman
period Further details upon this matter will be given in the final chapter of this study
The features described thus far are sufficient enough to indicate a common culture
and identity something that Epirus Illyria and Thrace did not share neither before
nor after the Roman intrusion
Hence referring henceforth to
Macedonia and more
specifically to Roman
Macedonia I will not imply
the Roman province in its
exact boundaries which at
various points included the
above-mentioned regions44
but the
Macedonian region in Roman times with an identifiable Macedonian culture Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
41 Christesen and Murray (2010) 429 42 See Mari (2011) who discusses traditional cults and beliefs of Macedonia 43 For a relevant discussion see Christesen and Murray (2010) 44 The exact definition of its borders the dates of the creation of the province as well as its status and
administration are still debated For such issues see Gruen (1984) 359-436 Papazoglou (1988) 81-9
Kallet-Marx (1995) 11-41 and Vanderspoel (2010) 255-271 The reference above to Epirus Illyria
and Thrace was made since at several stages they were part of the Macedonian province
15
traditional Macedonian core that entails the afore described distinct ethnic and
cultural distinctiveness as depicted on the map above45
To sum up in this short chapter I have argued that Macedonia should be treated
separately of northern Greece due its cultural distinctiveness It is within such an
environment particularly different from other parts of the Greco-Roman world where
I want to discover the role of private associations Yet a definition of the groups
under scrutiny as well as a description of their main features is first required
45 The four demarcated parts represent the four meridai that is the four administrative units as divided
by Rome That is simply another way of stating that my analysis will leave out Lissus Apollonia
Dyrrhachium and Aulon namely Illyria regarding the West and setting the river Nestos as the eastern
border In essence from Dion to the south Stobi to the North Filippi to the East and Lychnidos to the
West The maps in this paper were created by GEOPSIS [wwwgeopsiscom]
16
Chapter II Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
Introduction
In the previous chapter I presented the reasons that make Macedonia a distinct case
study from the rest of northern Greece Let us now focus on the associations What
kind of groups has scholarship perceived as private associations so far Ilias
Arnaoutoglou has noted that most scholars avoid providing a definition of
associations in relevant studies46
I have no intention here to offer a new definition I
will rather summarize the discussion and provide a practical working framework to
proceed further Having done so I will provide a detailed account of the key social
characteristics of Macedonian private associations
Main Part - Private Associations
1) Private Associations Description
Thus far scholars have identified as associations groups of voluntary and private
nature47
These two fundamental criteria draw a distinguishing line between
associations and groups that were created by the state and were either manned by it or
at least served its agenda Examples of such official associations are the sacerdotal
collegia and sodalities established by the Roman state for religious functions48
Moreover some scholars have added a temporal and organizational criterion meaning
that associations were viewed as groups of permanency in time of a strictly defined
organization and of specific planning49
What scholars have therefore generally examined as associations are groups that
present some sort of structure and organization assemblies possession of premises
and some financial power In addition to this groups that actively participated in civic
life parades processions public commensalities mortuary honorific and religious
practices and the list could go on These groups do not seem to have had a connection
with the state in terms of being shaped by the latter or serving its purposes50
and
46 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 22 47 See De Robertis (1938) 7 who defined his subject as voluntary organizations of people in reciprocal
relations who pursued a permanent common goal 48 See Kloppenborg (1996) 16-17 49 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23-24 for a short presentation of relevant works he argues that what these
approaches have shown is that a single interpretative model is insufficient 50 However see Jones (1999) who includes in his analysis of Classical Athenian associations a wide
range of groups such as the constitutional ones (demes tribes trittyes) that sprang out of Cleisthenisrsquo
reformation the voluntary and private nature of which are questionable Both Arnaoutoglou (2003) 23
17
participation was not mandatory nor was it imposed by ties of kinships or some other
compulsory reasons However the voluntary nature should not be overstressed since
participation in some collective forms such as a family trade group could have been
obligatory for various reasons These characteristics are more or less applicable in
plenty of groups in Macedonia
Yet it is not always easy to distinguish organizations of private and voluntary
nature in this part of the northern Greek world As Paschidis has effectively shown
the non-associative cults in this region in other words the ones traditionally perceived
as official shared many similarities with those groups that were also traditionally
considered as private religious associations51
Moreover the criterion of endurance in
time would limit our sample It is rather difficult to discover whether these groups had
plans or expectations to last for an extended period of time The existence of
clubhouses and sanctuaries built by associations would be such an indication yet we
do not possess such evidence for every group
Bearing all the above in mind in the subsequent analysis I will follow the middle
ground instead of applying rigid border lines between the afore-stated categories
Moreover instead of addressing issues of permanency and endurance over time or
whether there is a strictly delineated structure and organization the criterion to be
adopted here is an attempt for identification via the epigraphic medium
To sum up focus will be drawn to groups who ascribe a certain title to their
collectivity52
and for whom at least some of the above mentioned features are
applicable I will examine groups that do not appear to have been created or regulated
by the state and were not affiliated with functions that were assigned by the
municipal elites although they may have been of their concern What will be left
aside are ldquoofficial associationsrdquo like the koina of Macedonia ephebic groups and
cultic structures or certain collectivities traditionally reckoned to be associated with
the state and composed by individuals of the higher social strata53
Finally any
and Paschidis (2012) 1 n 3 stand very critical towards Jonesrsquo viewpoint See Gabrielsen (2011) 179
who argues about their public nature 51 Paschidis (2012) The most important clues that he stresses out is the lack of structural differences between the two categories the fact that both shared a voluntary character and the lack of exact
determination between religious activities of the private spectrum and official ones sanctioned by the
state 52 For the great variety of nomenclature adopted by these groups see Poland (1909) 5-172 53 An example of these official cults and groups in Macedonia is the cult (or club) of Herakles
Kynagidas [in the Hellenistic era it was a royal formation with extensive jurisdictions and under
18
random catalogue of names lacking any information on the nature of this group will
be omitted as well except for cases that -although questionable- present strong
similarities with identified private associations54
2) Fenomeno Associativo in Macedonia
So far I have briefly described the types of groups that I will focus on Bearing the
above considerations in mind and searching within the borders of the Macedonian
core the database compiled contains 120 inscriptions that provide implicit or explicit
information on the associative existence and activities Most of them were created by
the associations themselves Below I will present a broad overview of the
characteristic of these groups Where and when do we find them Who composed
them Can we categorize these associations How were they organized These
questions will be set in a comparative perspective on what we know regarding these
groups from elsewhere
Distribution in Space
Most of the inscriptions are found in or at least close to significant cities yet
unequally distributed Thessaloniki holds the absolute majority of the evidence (49)
Philippi is second (28) and Beroea follows third (10) All the rest are to be found
scattered in a variety of urban sites such as Dion and Pydna in the South Stobi
Edessa and Herakleia Lyngistis in the North Amphipolis Kassandreia and Akanthos
in the East and more How should we interpret this unequal distribution The graphs
below are quite useful
Roman rule the cult were composed by priests of the Asclepius cult see EKM 134 with commentary
and bibliography as well as EAM 6 20 96 97 115] 54 For instance EKM 388 which is a catalogue of names and every name is accompanied by an
occupation is most probably an association devoted to Zeus Hypsistos A reaffirming clue is that the
monument entails a relief with an eagle a frequent pattern in similar associations of the area (Beroea) An example of a group which is highly unlikely to have formed a collectivity connected under a same
interest and purpose is -although they bare a title- the case of IG X 22 403 an unidentified number of
freedmen probably burying their former master calling themselves κληρονόμοι that is the heirs of
some possession Apart from the uncertain reconstruction of the broken inscription a number of people
pursuing as heirs a possession do not suffice as an indication to assume that they actually formed a
cohesive group that performed some communal activities
19
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia Map created by E Tsouris GEOPSIS
Quantitative distribution of associations in Macedonia cities
In the map55
the red dots represent major settlements in terms of the cityrsquos size
and of the general administrative cultural and economic significance for the entire
province56
It is evident that in the north-west region that is Upper Macedonia
55 Certain clarifications regarding the map are required Certain inscriptions were found around specific
cities built sometimes in modern houses or in places that prevent us to identify the original location I
have included these inscriptions in the closest cityFor instance Spomenik 71 75176 was found build
in a house in Čakovec in the region of Resava (modern Macedonia-FYROM) discovering its original
place is impossible thus I have included it in Stobi which is the closest city The same applies with
plenty of inscriptions of Philippi Moreover there are quite a few inscriptions that have been found in various sites like Neapoli which I have included as well in Philippi since administratively they belong
to Philippirsquos territorium Finally the city of Thasos is also depicted on the map as a major settlement
and includes several associations Yet it was not examined in this paper since it was not part of the
traditional Macedonian kingdom and did not share any element of this argued Macedonian mentality
and culture 56 For such information Papazoglou (1988) remains essential
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
20
associations were fewer Its cities followed a different and slower urbanization level
than the rest of Macedonia57
which could explain the observable small number of
associations found there (for instance Herakleia Lyngistis Lychnidos Styberra) as
opposed to other well developed urban centers such as Thessaloniki Philippi and
Beroea
Moreover our attention is drawn to cities and colonies alike Philippi Dion
Kassandreia and Stobi were colonies with the remaining ones being cities58
The
difference lies on attributing to preexisting urban establishments the status of a
colony with every implication that colonization bears For instance while both
Thessaloniki and Philippi existed from the Hellenistic times and while both received
Roman population only Philippi was deemed a colony Philippi received far larger
numbers of Roman-Italic settlers than Thessaloniki Simply put colonies received
more people which could explain as well the existence of more associations than in
less populated settlements
All of the above provide a possible explanation in regard to the question set above
Namely associations in Macedonia seem to have been mainly -yet not exclusively- an
urban phenomenon59
Yet it is very important here to state that caution is needed My
implication is that since some places such as Thessaloniki and Philippi have been
more densely excavated and researched than others the above picture could
substantially change in time
Another point should be stressed before I proceed further As already written we
find associations both in cities and colonies The latter included foreigners that is
Italians It is reasonable to assume that populations of different ethnic origins had
different cultures An obvious indication is the lingual instrument Particularly in
Philippi which holds the majority of documented inscriptions from the five colonies
of the province the epigraphic habit appears mainly in Latin Yet associations used
both Greek and Latin in their epigraphic production The same observation applies in
Dion On the contrary in ldquomorerdquo Greek cities such as Thessaloniki or Beroea there
are hardly any Latin inscriptions It is thus quite interesting to investigate whether
associations had different roles in the two categories This question will be addressed
along the way
57 Rizakis-Tourasoglou (2000) 239 58 Pella was also a colony yet since no associations was found there I did not mention it here 59 See Kloppenborg and Ascough (2011) 3 arguing likewise concerning associations in general
21
Distribution in Time
With regard to the chronological spectrum of the Macedonian associative life the
absolute majority of the inscriptions belong as implied by now to the Roman era
counting here as Roman period the years after 168 BC namely after the battle of
Pydna that led to the subjugation of the Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom to Rome It
is worth wondering how can we explain this time difference in associative life The
following charts prove quite useful60
Time distribution of associationrsquos inscriptions in Macedonia
Time distribution of inscriptions in Macedonia
The rise of associations during the imperial years poses the question as to whether
associations in Macedonia can be seen mainly as a Roman phenomenon It is true that
the epigraphic production of associations in Macedonia lies in accordance with what
60 Again some clarifications are required there are plenty of inscriptions that cannot be dated with
precision rather the editors provide dates such as 2nd3rd AD early 3rd 1st half of 2nd AD and so on
Thus the above graph is to a certain extent summarizing for instance inscriptions with dates as the
above three examples I have included them in the category 2nd3rd AD Moreover 19 inscriptions are
completely undated hence they are excluded from this graph However it is almost certain that these
19 originate from the Roman period
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
2nd BC 1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
The rise of private associations in Macedonia
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
6th5th BC 4th3rd BC 2nd1st BC 1st AD 2nd3rd AD 4th AD later
Epigraphic habit in Macedonia
22
is known from other parts of the Greek world where associations rose in Roman
times61
as well as the general rise of the epigraphic habit62
Moreover as the second
chart depicts it corresponds as well to the rise of the Macedonian epigraphic habit
which also exploded in the Roman period63
An assumption however whereby
associations in Macedonian soil was solely a Roman import cannot be supported
thanks to the slight indication of associative activities dating back to the early 2nd
century BC64
This scarcity of associations in the pre 1st century BC period presents a marked
contrast with the Greek world where associations are attested from the late 4th
century
BC long before the Roman settlers inhabited the Greek cities65
How then can we
explain this lack of associations in the Hellenistic era A plausible hypothesis is that
perhaps in the regal period the associative life could have been more detained or at
least not greatly encouraged Athens and Rhodes for instance that witnessed
associations from the late 4th century BC were states with different political traditions
than Macedonia Both of them had polities that allowed and even more encouraged
the participation of their inhabitants in communal life In direct contrast Macedonia
was a monarchical kingdom
Therefore the safest conclusion at this point is that the rise of the Macedonian
associative phenomenon in the Roman imperial period can be seen in the light of the
61 See for instance the case of Asia Minor van Nijf (1997) examined about 1000 inscriptions dating
more or less from Roman times Or see for Egypt Arnaoutoglou (2005) 213-216 only 9 pieces of
evidence for associations on the late 1st century BC while 46 from the 1st century AD I chose these
two regions as examples since they are very well documented 62 See MacMullen (1982) and Meyer (1990) 63 Tataki (1996) 106 notes that in Macedonia approximately 6000 inscriptions are estimated to have been found 80 of which date after the Roman occupation Concerning the chart some clarifications
are required from this approximation of 6000 inscriptions I have counted the dates of nearly half of
them (3356) checking the main epigraphic corpora of the region thus constructing a quite
representative picture (IG X 21 22 Philippi II EAM EKM I Leukopetra Meletemata 11)
However the graph shows the timeline of 2772 inscriptions since 584 appear undated hence they
were not included what should be noted with regard to the latter is that around frac34 of them are surely of
Roman times 471 of these undated come from Philippi and more than half of these 471 are of Roman
times since they are constructed either in Latin or in Greek yet with Latin names in Greek Finally as
with the previous chart this one is to a certain extent summarizing for the same reasons written above 64 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 49 697 There is moreover another inscription from Aigai SEG
43 472 It is a dedication of a vase to the Mother of the Gods and the synteleia There is a discussion
whether this word refers to an association or not see Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 Due to the lack of more substantial evidence I did not include it in my database 65 Gabrielsen (2009) 180 More specifically in Athens plenty of private associations dated in the mid
and late 4th century BC see Arnaoutoglou (2003) 171-185 Appendix 1 In Rhodes they are dated in
the period 3rd BC-2nd AD centuries with the last two centuries BC holding the majority see Gabrielsen
(2001) 216 See Gibbs (2011) in regard to Egypt who notes that ldquoBy the time Egypt was annexed by
Rome collective life in the new province already had a significant historyrdquo
23
general epigraphic trend of the first three imperial centuries As far as the pre-Roman
period is concerned we could only construct hypotheses
Typology
So far scholarship has been strictly fitting private associations into corresponding
categories Professional and religious are the most common types66
In Macedonia in
terms of classification eighty-one inscriptions of a hundred-twenty refer to religious
associations twenty-eight cite professional groups of which nine mention
associations of Roman merchants and six allude to those groups that could be
designated as convivial clubs namely with no apparent religious or professional
binding constituent As for the remaining six they are too fragmentary or providing
insufficient information67
Once these results are compared with other parts of the Greek world and even
more with the Empire the Macedonian picture is somehow different since elsewhere
professional groups are more noticeable68
As far as the Greek East is concerned
particularly Asia Minor van Nijf has studied nearly 1000 inscriptions produced by or
mentioning professional groups Although categorizing is a useful research tool
casting doubt upon such clear cut distinction becomes more and more popular among
scholars69
Thus the question to be addressed here is to what extent can we apply
such rigid categorizations
I) Categorizing Associations An Outdated Practice
Franz Poland attempted an exegesis of titles linking them to certain functions70
Yet
the variety of titles that these groups settle upon their public image which is
connected with different content in several cases makes it somewhat problematic to
66 More types have been suggested For instance neighborhood ethnic household and more
Indicatively see Meeks (1983) 75-84 Kloppenborg (1996) 18-26 Ascough (2003) 20-24 Harland
(2003) 28-52 67 Examples of what I describe here as convivial associations are group with titles such as The Friends
or The Freedwomen For a list with all the associations examined here and their titles see Appendix I 68 Indicatively see for the West Waltzing (1895-1900) and the East van Nijf (1997) 69 See Kloppenborg (1996) 18 who points out the problem of clear cut distinctions between religious
and professional associations since ldquooften the boundaries are blurred and the nomenclature misleadingrdquo Moreover see Arnaoutoglou (2011a) who has effectively shown that there is no
distinction between ldquoprofessionalrdquo and ldquosocialrdquo association Gabrielsen (2001) who showed the
inadequacy of the typology of ldquoprofessionalrdquo association as the basic criterion for the investigation of
associative economic activities Steinhauer (2014) 16-18 stressed the weakness and limitations of any
given modern terminology to describe the complex and multifaceted associative phenomenon 70 Poland (1909) 1-172
24
determine whether the raison drsquoecirctre of a group that is the purpose of existence the
binding element was religious motives social professional some other multiple
ones or even developing and changing over time An example is the terms thiasos
and thiasotai which as Arnaoutoglou have noticed were thought to be always
associated with collectivities dedicated to the Dionysiac cult However he has
recently shown that the wide range of possible meanings of these two terms may
highlight different patterns of communal life71
Names of groups that performed
similar functions may have varied depending on the geographical location72
All the more whatever their titles the majority of Greco-Roman private
associations were involved in some kind of religious activities73
In fact the term
ldquoreligious activitiesrdquo is a problematic concept Religion in the Greco-Roman antiquity
was not an autonomous sphere Its close affiliation with the state was evident instead
Religion was fostered by the state and it may have been used as a mechanism for the
integration of the people into the civic community and at the same time as an
instrument by the governing classes to legitimize their authority74
From this
perspective occupation with the religious spectrum might be perceived not only as
evidence of spiritual and existential needs but as a socio-political activity Simply
put although many associations would have performed religious activities it cannot
be assumed that religion was their primary purpose of existence In this way
classifying a group as religious might imply solely a religious creational purpose
which could be misleading Plenty of examples from Macedonia illustrate the latter
Naming a group of people designating themselves as the collegium of the Hero
God a religious association would be reasonable Likewise there is no hesitation in
terming an association that identifies itself as the synetheia of donkey drivers as
professional or occupational75
Yet how should we label the doumos of Aphrodite
Epiteuxidia whose existence is attested on a funerary monument the club raised for
one of its members The title suggests a group of people for whom the unifying
element of their community is the worship of Aphrodite76
However the epitaph described the deceased as having died abroad and the
monument carries a relief portraying a ship and a man at the helm which indicates
71 Arnaoutoglou (2003) 60-4 72 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 33 73 See Poland (1909) 5-6 who stressed out that in essence every club is a religious one 74 There are many works dealing with such issues An excellent analysis is Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 75
In the same respect of order to the above EKM 1 122 CIG II 2007f EKM 1 372 76 SEG 42 625
25
that he did not just die abroad or during a sea travel as a passenger but most likely his
profession was that of the captain or of the ship owner Hence it could be a case of a
professional group of sea merchants or ship owners77
or simply that only the
deceased had this profession during life while the rest of the members held different
occupations The possibility that the composition of this group included people of
different professions cannot be excluded What matters though is that his occupation
did not prevent him from participating in a collectivity advertising itself as one of
worshippers of some deity78
A similar pattern is observable with the synetheia of Hero Aulonites a religious -
according to the title- group that buried a fellow member decorating his grave with a
relief depicting a man driving a horse-wagon implying most probably that this was
the occupation of the deceased79
The specific deity was the protector of those who
crossed narrow passages80
A binding force (among other motives like sociability and
funerary provisions) uniting this group could have been the improvement of their
business conditions Yet the public face of this association was chosen to be a
religious one
The same applies to a few groups titled synetheia or synetheis It has been
suggested that this term indicates professional groups81
The synetheia of purple-dyers
reaffirms this assumption However applying the meaning of the word συνήθεια
namely a habit a custom to the group entitled synetheis of Herakles does not provide
implications of professional concerns The synetheis of Herakles can be simply
understood as people committed to the worship of Herakles Even more the synetheia
filopaiktoron does not provide clear hints of religious or professional interests It may
have been a group of sports-fans or a group of gladiators82
Yet even with the purely
professional group of the purple-dyers mentioned above doubts may rise This
Thessaloniki-based group buried a member and decorated the tomb-monument with a
relief depicting the deceased as heroic horseman83
implying the Thracian horseman a
77 Voutiras (1992) suggests that this group is at the same time a professional and a religious
association 78 See Gabrielsen (1997) 124 ldquoPreoccupation with the worship of often a multiplicity of deities and
the use of cult names are certainly distinctive features but that does not make necessarily religion the sole or even primary concern of all associationsrdquo 79 Nigdelis no 27 For the depiction see Petsas (1969) 311γ a man driving a wagon with two donkeys 80 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 304 81 Poland (1909) 51-52 Kanatsoulis (1955-1960) 271 82 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 291 IG X 21 288 SEG 56 768 83 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3
26
widely found motive in Macedonia84
Was it only a stylistic preference or a statement
of religious concerns
The preceding discussion sufficed to demonstrate that clear cut distinctions cannot
always be maintained Contemporary terms as well as the ones used in antiquity are
inadequate to describe collective phenomena85
Of course it is extremely convenient
to use terms such as professional and religious association Nonetheless I will try to
avoid them using instead phrases as professional or religious identity cover blanket
face At some point I might as well make use of the traditional terminology Having
though clarified all the above I will not imply some specific and rigid raison drsquoecirctre
strictly connected with the name of the group The only type of group I differentiate
more clearly from all the rest is the one of Roman merchants
II) Roman Businessmen
We can see the associations of Roman businessmen merchants as a separate type of
group from the rest due to a variety of reasons86
First of all they were a foreign unit
part of the general influx of Roman-Italian immigrants in Greek lands which can be
traced in the late 3rd
century BC yet is only after the 2nd
century BC and the gradual
subjugation of the Greek East to Rome that some increase is detected87
Shifting focus
on Macedonian cities the first and rather hesitating phase of Italian immigration to
this region commenced in the 2nd
century BC88
The city of Abdera is a useful yet
exceptional testimony Some high profile Roman families are attested to be residing
there in this century89
The numbers though increased in the late Republican era90
For what is more after the 2nd
century AD they disappear from our sources91
thus
attesting a very distinguished picture than other associations The title of their
associations testifies as well to their distinctiveness They wished to advertise
84 Pandermalis (1983) 162-3 85 Woolf (2014) 66-7 points out the inadequacy and awkwardness of the terms that Roman authorities
used to refer to associations 86 There is a discussion whether these groups were private associations or official collectivities
instituted by the civil authorities See van Nijf (2009) 13-15 87 Wilson (1966) 85-93 88 Rizakis (1998) 131 89 See I Aeg Thrace E8-10 with commentary While Abdera falls out of the scope of this study since it was not a city representative of this Macedonian culture it was still within the Macedonian kingdom 90 Papazoglou (1983) 196 n 23-24 91 From the eight inscriptions of Roman merchants examined here seven are dated in the 1st BC-1st
AD while only one CIG II Add 1997d is dated in the period 2nd3rd centuries AD I would dear to
limit down the date to the period before the 212 AD since after that point Roman citizenship was not a
privilege to demonstrate
27
themselves as Romans that is to say ethnically distinguished yet the sole fact of
composing inscriptions in Greek suggests that they accepted as well their Greek
environment Regarding the implications for their status more will be discussed in
Chapter IV
Moreover their appearance comes quite different comparing to other associations
These Romans never present in their inscriptions any details regarding their
organization or membership but they always appear as the Roman merchants
revealing no further information On the contrary all of the other groups examined
here present officers organization hierarchy details about their members and so on
It is the same title that signifies further their being a separate type of group They
never presented themselves with any religious identity but solely with a professional
one as συμπραγματευόμενοι (sympragmateuomenoi) that is to say the ones who dealt
with business transactions92
The professional orientation of their associations is
testified from more clues Specifically concerning generally the Greek world it is
identifiable that they settled in such places that provided opportunities for commerce
with the most famous example being the island of Delos93
The epigraphic material of
these places bears witness to the fact that these Western foreigners were mainly
occupied with business activities94
They were usually traders salesmen even
representatives of Roman ldquotax-farming companiesrdquo95
An interesting point of the Romano-Italian emigration to Macedonia is what
Athanasios Rizakis has observed Studying the epigraphic production of the province
Rizakis has argued that many of the Roman-Italian settlers attested in the area may
have actually descended apart from Italy from Greek soil as well96
He maintained
that after the economic decay of Delos Roman merchants could have found shelter in
the provinces of Achaia Asia Minor and Macedonia resting his argument on Roman
name similarities between Delos and these areas and in the time sequences of the
disappearance of Roman names from Delos and the appearance of the same ones in
the afore-mentioned regions97
92 Only one of these inscriptions terms them as ἐνκεκτημένοι (enkektemenoi) which can be translated as
landowners without excluding the possibility that they were traders as well EKM 159 The verb ἐγκτάομαι (ἐγκέκτημαι is its past perfect) translates as obtain land in a foreign country (LSJ) 93 Wilson (1966) 94-126 94 Ibid 95 Errington (1988) 142 96 Rizakis (1986) 97 Ibid 512-7
28
Looking also at their distribution in Macedonian cities provides more clues They
were located in urban centers of commercial significance or at least of some civic
vitality such as Thessaloniki Beroea and Edessa They were even located at Styberra
Idomene and Acanthus A possible explanation for the choice of such smaller cities
which were not really prominent for their role in the provincersquos economy may be
explained by the fact that they were found in relatively close proximity to Via
Egnatia the main artery connecting peoples and goods from the Adriatic to the East
Moreover the hypothesis drawn is that the presence of such communities could be
assumed for other cities on the basis of numerous persons bearing the Roman tria
nomina98
Whether this hypothesis can be proven exceeds the concerns of this paper
The evidence shows that Roman immigrants were organized in distinguishable
collectivities either in places of commercial and general economic importance or in
places linked with the main ldquointernationalrdquo road of the region that could provide
opportunities for commerce All the above suffice to illustrate that Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi in Macedonia were almost certainly associations with strong
professional interests What is more they never involved themselves at least
according to our evidence with any funerary or religious activities Instead we find
them only honoring prominent individuals
The latter does not mean that they could not have had more interests as
collectivities such as religious ones or burial provisions for their members Yet the
fact that they left behind a public image only as groups occupied with honorary
activities ethnically demarcated from their Greek environment is a sufficient
criterion to treat them separately from the rest of the Macedonian private associations
To conclude here I suggested that strict categorization does not come of use Yet
there is one type of association Roman businessmen that needs to be examined as a
separate category Apart from the latter the main observation is that broadly
speaking cultic concerns were of such significance for the Macedonian population
that collectivities preferred to build their identities as initiates of deities rather than as
groups of professionals even if they were actually the latter This comes in contrast to
other places where professional identities are more prevalent Does the composition as
98 Loukopoulou (1996) 143
29
well of the Macedonian associations set them apart from the overall picture we hold
of the rest of the Greek world
Membership
With regard to the rest of the Greek East and the Empire in general scholars
nowadays seem to agree that members of associations descended from the classes
below the elite yet not necessarily from the socially and economically weakest strata
These private organizations included in their ranks individuals of every kind of legal
status free freed and slave who represented as well various financial levels99
Let us
observe to what extent the Macedonian picture corresponds with this consensus
I) Ethnicity and Gender
The study of the two pieces of evidence from the early 2nd
century BC indicates an
exclusive membership including only men and most probably of free status The
former group consists of dedicants to the Egyptian Gods Isis and Sarapis probably
soldiers of the Macedonian army while the latter is an association called Mousaistai
that honored king Perseus100
Whether this picture can be used as a representative one
for more associations of that period the existence of which has yet to be confirmed by
archaeology is rather difficult to decide Associations in Macedonia increase in
numbers progressively in time
Once we approach the 1st century BC and later the Imperial years the associative
composition becomes more variable To begin with the Roman presence becomes
evident What is interesting is that it is not in isolation but it blends in with its Greek
99 There seem to be a general consensus that members of private associations around the Empire
originated from the upper echelons of the urban plebs [contra to Finley (1999) 138 or Kloppenborg
(1996) 23] See indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 44 who considers collegia as coalitions of employers
and not employees moreover see Patterson (2006) 254-55 who considers collegiati slaves and
freedmen with the latter being the majority and generally representing the plebs media which is
implied ldquoby the costs involved in belonging to a collegiumhelliprdquo [this is largely the summary of Patterson
(1992) and (1993)] van Nijf (1997) representing generally the Greek East is in accordance with this
view see ibid 18-23 likewise Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 7-8 Bollmann (1998) 27-31 Tran
(2006) 46-7 100 The dedicants to Sarapis and Isis is a list of names in the form name and patronymic it has been
argued that they were soldiers by Hatzopoulos (1996) 457-8 For more associations composed from
soldiers of Hellenistic states specifically Rhodes see Gabrielsen (1997) 123-9 Regarding the Mousaistai due to honors towards the king Paschidis (2012) 2 n 6 doubts the private nature of the
association however there are parallels from the Hellenistic world that contradict this opinion Only
the terminological parallels suffice plenty of synodoi or koina of associations with theophoric names
(Apolloniastai Posidoniastai Ermaistai and so on) are to be found in a variety of cities see for
instance IG XII 1 680 which is another koinon of Mousaistai from Hellenistic Rhodes for more
examples see ibid
30
surrounding The obvious linguistic interplay constitutes a solid proof as associations
of Roman merchants constructed inscriptions in Greek and other groups carried the
title thiasus -the Latinized version of the Greek θίασος- or Greeks carrying both
Greek and Roman names and Romans inscribing their names in Greek
As far as the gender is concerned there are also associations including or even
being exclusively composed by women However such groups appear to be a
minority Out of hundred-twenty inscriptions only ten present associations that
included women and one reveal a group composed solely of them101
There are
moreover plenty of instances where we observe associations honoring or burying
women yet it is not discernible whether they were members or not102
Thus private
associations of this region can be mainly seen as a male occupation with some
exceptions of female participation With regard to the gender the picture of private
associations in Macedonia corresponds to the general picture throughout the Greco-
Roman world103
II) Legal-Social Status
Men or women what were the legal-social origins of these people Trying to identify
the legal-social status of a person who lived two millennia ago is not a comfortable
task The study of names is a valuable aid yet absolute assertions based on an
onomatological analysis are difficult to make Scholars do not seem to have reached a
consensus regarding this issue To begin with the identification of slaves while
almost fifteen years ago there were opinions supporting the concept of typical slave
names in the Roman Empire104
scholars now seem more cautious with such
approaches105
101 Including women SEG 46 744 IG X 21 65 IG X 21 208 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 260 IG X
21 480 SEG 49 814 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 765 SEG 46 800 Exclusive female composition
Philippi II 340 102 For instance EKM 1 122 IG X 21 70 IG X 21 299 Philippi II 029 103 There are many instances of private associations including women in their ranks all around the
Greco-Roman world One of the most renowned examples is the Agrippinilla inscription the product
of a large Dionysiac association including numerous women For its analysis and plenty of similar
evidence from various places see McLean (1993) 104 See the discussion at Wilson (1998) 25-30 reflecting on previous scholarship 105 The authors of the Oxford Classical Dictionary warn us that the concept of the typical slave name
seems now outdated See OCD (2012) sv ldquonames personal Greekrdquo ldquoThe naming and renaming of
slaves hellip on enslavement or at birth into slavery in the household or at manumission and the passing
of manumitted slaves into the local population are all factors tending to loosen the concept of a lsquoslave-
namersquo Servile status can never be deduced from the name alone without supporting circumstantial
evidencerdquo
31
Taking as a possible guideline to suggest that some individuals in the examined
sources were of servile status could be the fact that they carry only one name no
patronymic as free Greeks neither the Roman tria nomina106
or the fact that their
names indicate professional or some other status An example is the case of a group of
gladiators who buried a fellow with the name Θουρίνος (Thourinos) which denotes
aggressiveness in the field107
However we cannot exclude the possibility that he
wanted to be remembered as an efficient fighter Yet even if some individuals carried
a second name in genitive according to the Greek tradition it is hard to determine
whether the second name in genitive indicates an owner or a parent108
Furthermore
as Heikki Solin has stressed Roman citizens appear frequently in Greek context with
only one name influenced by the Greek naming traditions109
It thus becomes in
some cases quite difficult to determine peoplersquos status
Similarly perplexed is any attempt to assert freed status Those bearing only the
Roman tria nomina like Gaius Cornelius Severus110
can be surely considered to be
people of free status originating also from the Italian peninsula Those on the other
hand having only a Roman praenomen and nomen with their cognomen being Greek
such as Lucius Livurnius Chrysippos111
could be identified as freedmen on the basis
that they kept their former masterrsquos credentials after their manumission
At the same time however it cannot be determined whether people with similar
names were not sons of mixed marriages between Italian immigrants with Greek
women or simply provincials of free status who were granted Roman citizenship and
adopted the nomenclature of the sponsor to whom they owed their civil rights For
instance what was the status of the donkey driver Ailius Orestis who was buried by
his colleagues112
Was he a freedman manumitted by someone from the family of
Ailii was he a provincial who acquired citizenship or the product of an Italic-Greek
marriage
Moreover what can be concluded of Claudius Lycos member of a Dionysiac
association and at the same time quite probably also a local councilor113
He might as
106 See Salway (2013) for a very simple yet adequate introduction to the meaning of the tria nomina 107 EKM 1 377 108 For instance IG X 21 69 and SEG 46 744 109 Solin (2001) 189-90 110 IG X 22 75 111 SEG 46 744 112 EKM 1 372 113 See IG X 21 244 Kubiacutenska (2001) makes this assertion concerning Claudius Lycos discussing
relevant inscriptions confirming the civil status of Claudius Lycos
32
well have been a freedman who reached the point of participating in the lowest ranks
of civil administration or any of the above cases who simply kept the gentilicium
Claudius to assert more prestige
All the more Emperor Caracallarsquos move to award citizenship to almost all the free
inhabitants of the empire (Constitutio Antoniana) makes it even more complicated to
discern between the above after 212 AD It is a thorny issue in our case since the
majority of the inscriptions is vaguely dated during the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD
Hence when we meet Aurelius Zipyron114
who adopted the gentilicium of the
Emperor to proclaim his citizenship it proves rather dubious whether he had achieved
free status before 212 AD or he was freed later on
Having all the above in mind attempting a statistical analysis to identify the legal
status dominating these groups would be to a certain extent speculative115
Instead
every case should be addressed separately taking into account internal details and
scholarly interpretations116
The safest conclusion though we can come to at this
point is that private associations of Macedonia seem to have been all inclusive groups
which were composed by people of servile freed and free status117
Let us now
examine their financial status
III) Economic Status
There is a variety of information to help us reconstruct to a certain extent the
economic standpoint of the Macedonian collegiati The crucial question regarding this
issue is whether they represent the urban poor according the tradition created by
Mommsen or something more than that
To begin with since it appears that associations enlisted members from every
social-legal class their economic background should be expected to be a mixture as
well118
Another indicator is the fact that as described so far many of these people
114 Philippi II 133 115 See Nigdelis (2010) 24 regarding the legal status of associative members of Thessaloniki who
considers that ldquoany effort at a statistical approach to the evidence from the late second and third
centuries CE based on onomastics is in vainrdquo 116 See for example EKM 1 27 and SEG 46 800 both are dedications to Zeus Hypsistos in the form of
a membership list among the variety of names (members with name and patronymic with Roman tria nomina and more) we encounter single Greek names accompanied by professional titles this has led
the editors of EKM to argue that in both inscriptions the ones with a single Greek name and the
professional title are slaves It seems like a convincing interpretation 117 For instance SEG 46 800 SEG 46 744 IG X 21 58 IG X 22 75 118 For instance it is well known that many freemen-depending on the general financial status of the
place- could have reached considerable amounts of wealth and power A rather indicative case are the
33
exercised some sort of occupations It has been argued that craftsmen traders and
artisans generally represented a class above the very poor yet below the wealthy
elites with cases of increased wealth119
Furthermore there are some cases where
certain civil status is revealed concerning some members For instance among the
associative ranks lies a local councilor most probably ldquoa modest civic official a
curialisrdquo120
and a treasurer of the city121
There are even several cases where associations seem to have forged ties with
prominent citizens such as a member of the provincial assembly a Macedoniarch
the treasurer of the city the head of the gymnasion or a honorary consul who held
more offices Unfortunately we cannot tell whether these citizens were members of
the group or not122
Overall it seems that these groups occasionally included or
networked with individuals of the municipal aristocracies or at least their lowest
components We can hardly therefore visualize them as people of the weakest
economic level of the Greco-Roman city
Additionally there are more indications suggesting the latter Precisely there is
some information revealing certain financial status The first clue is the fact that quite
a few of these groups seem to have possessed their own premises either meeting
places or establishments of professional groups (perhaps for business purposes) or
buildings for religious activities such as temples123
This fact implies that these
people could afford analogous contributions to build and maintain such possessions
For what is more apart from property holding there is a variety of evidence
concerning economic activities The first and most apparent indication is that a great
number of these groups had their own treasurer In addition quite a few associations
were the recipients of endowments either in the form of money or land to be
exploited for burial and ritual purposes or regulating funerary expenses to be shared
freedmen of Puteoli and Ostia see Drsquo Arms (1981) 121-148 More generally see Garnsey and Saller
(1987) 44-5 119 A relevant discussion can be found at van Nijf (1997) 18-23 120 Ascough (2003) 52 121 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 506 CIL 633 See moreover IG X 21 244
which is a list of dedicants to Dionysos Gongylos The local councilor must have been a member Claudius Lykos see above n 113 Additionally see SEG 49 814 for which Nigdelis (2006) 128
considers that there is strong possibility that this association included elite members 122 Examples IG X 21 16 IG X 21 192 SEG 24 496 Philippi II 095 Philippi II 252 Philippi II
311 Philippi II 350 SEG 49 697 123 See IG X 21 58 IG X 21 255 IG X 21 259 IG X 21 261 IG X 21 291 SEG 49 814 SEG
56 746 SEG 56 753 SEG 56 763 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 133 164
34
by the family and the club Additionally there are cases where associations accepted
donations by their leaders or even shared the expenses of raising their premises124
All the above demonstrate that at least a substantial portion of these groups had
some mediocre financial power Whether this description applies to all the groups of
the area or whether the people below the subsidy levels were excluded is rather
difficult to determine since our evidence is fragmentary and enigmatic125
Nonetheless it would be reasonable to argue that in general we could understand
Macedonian associations not as a matter of the urban poor rather as organizations
representative of the cross-section between the destitute of the cities and the upper
social strata126
Hence it seems that the composition of private associations of
Macedonia in terms of legal-social and financial status as well as gender
corresponds to the picture we have from the rest of the Empire The final feature of
associations to be examined in this chapter is the ways they organized and structured
their groups
Organization
Were these groups organized and structured at some manner Property holding
constitutes a solid proof of some form of organization There are some more evidence
regarding the organization and structure of these groups Specifically in numerous
inscriptions we can detect titles of officers Apart from the omnipresent
archisynagogos that is the leader of the group there are also secretaries treasurers
curators and so on Although we are far from fully grasping the duties every office
was accompanied with since relevant information are pretty sketchy the title of the
treasurer clearly implies the existence of a communal funds In addition it is easy to
conceptualize that titles denoting a chain of command were actually translated into a
hierarchical structure Such organization can be seen in the official civil
administration127
124 See IG X 21 259 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 746 BCH 56 (1932) 291 Philippi II 029 133 164
410 524 525 529 597 SEG 53 596 125 See Liu (2009) 161-212 who argues -regarding the West- that collegati came from a wide range of
social and financial status 126 For similar conclusions regarding the general location of private associations of Macedonia see
Ascough 50-54 and Nigdelis 22-24 though only for Thessaloniki 127 See Gabrielsen (2009) 180 who notes that associations and public institutions became ldquoin effect
terminologically indistinguishablerdquo
35
The organization of these groups is also suggested by the existence of laws and
regulations Another indication is a very particular lingual formula Specifically there
are handful inscriptions showing that associations duplicated the dating formula of
official decrees A typical pattern is the following this happened when secretary (or
any other officer) was this person128
As everywhere in the Greco-Roman world here
as well associations adopted the official civil structure129
This imitation could be
understood as a very convenient system to keep records yet it can also be viewed as I
will argue in the following chapter as a clue of the general acceptance of the civil
organization model
Conclusion
In this chapter I have constructed a general framework describing the kinds of groups
that fall into the scope of this research In addition I presented the features of these
groups in Macedonia comparing them with what we know from other regions to
provide a first step in our understanding of them
The fenomeno associativo of Macedonia exploded during the imperial years while
its Hellenistic origins are identifiable I suggested that we should understand this rise
within the general rise of the epigraphic habit while a hypothesis was offered for the
absence of these groups in Hellenistic times Private associations in Roman
Macedonia are to be found in urban centers mainly in the two most important ones of
the province The above plainly demonstrates that associations in Macedonia were an
urban phenomenon Furthermore they were composed by both sexes yet male
presence was predominant Slaves freedmen and freeborn can be traced among them
They must have generally originated from classes the economic standpoint of which
was certainly above the urban poor and below the wealthy municipal elites without
excluding cases of financial weaker or better off members It is moreover
identifiable at many cases that these groups retained their own premises and it is
possible that some of them could have their own temples sanctuaries and generally
structures for cultic purposes They were additionally organized with offices and
internal hierarchies imitating the model of the state All these features -apart from the
128 For instance IG X 21 288 IG X 21 289 IG X 21 309 SEG 56 763 SEG 56 796 SEG 56 766
SEG 43 462 SEG 42 625 129 See for instance the example of Rome Joshel (1992) 116 That associations in general duplicated
the titles of the city for their officers is not a new observation rather it has pointed out from the very
beginning of associative studies see for instance Foucart (1893) 50-1 Waltzing (1895-1900) II 184
Poland (1909) 330-423
36
lack of associations in the Hellenistic era- generally correspond to what we know
regarding private associations in most parts of the Greco-Roman world However
there is an observable difference Namely Macedonian private associations mainly
represented themselves under the banners of deities even though professionals were
among their ranks Groups with identities based on professions were also found yet
they are the minority
Concerning the typology of associations I proposed that clear cut distinctions such
as ldquoreligiousrdquo and ldquoprofessionalrdquo can be misleading and do not always come of use
Hence further down I will not use such categorization and if I do it will not imply
specific creational purposes Finally I only distinguish as a separate category the
associations of Roman businessmen since there are sufficient indications to do so
Let us now see what these associations did in the cities of this region the cultural
identity of which was considerably distinctive in comparison with other parts of the
Greco-Roman world While as already written the majority of the evidence is
concentrated primarily in Thessaloniki and Philippi and while every city regarding its
associations features certain distinguishable traits130
at the same time similar patterns
and characteristics are shared by the cities of the province In this way it becomes
somewhat safer to argue about their role and function for the whole area of
Macedonia and avoid extensive generalizations Of course cases in which local
features provide signs of differentiated functions than elsewhere it will be stressed
out Concerning these common activities funerary ones seem to have been a crucial
part of associative expressions More or less half of the inscriptions studied here
embody mortuary content131
Thus my analysis will begin with them
130 For instance in Beroea we find many groups of gladiators or at Philippi the festival of rosalia were
at its picks 131 See Appendix I
37
Chapter III Funerary Practices
Introduction
Throughout the Roman Empire involvement in burials has been one of the most well
attested activities of private associations132
Similarly in Macedonia nearly half of the
examined inscriptions reveal some activities concerning the world of the dead (forty-
six out of hundred-twenty) After Mommsen literature was fixed on studying these
activities as proof of low class membership and as evidence marking the distinction
between legal and illegal collegia It was often assumed that there were funerary
associations only for the poorest strata the homines tenuiores133
This tradition
suffered strong criticism mainly after the lsquo80s134
with recent approaches having
shifted their focus on the social implications of such activities Accordingly burial
and commemoration rites carried out by an association are better understood more as
a choice and a strategy meaning to serve social identification purposes elevation of
status and civic integration rather than as a necessity and a point of exclusion135
What are though the implications of the Macedonian evidence regarding the
associative funerary activities The main question to be answered in this chapter is
ldquoWhat was the overall role of funerary practices of private associationsrdquo Before I
proceed with laying out sub-questions that will provide an answer to the above it
would be appropriate to first examine the meaning of mortuary practices performed in
the Greco-Roman world In this way the associative funerary activities can be
understood within a broader framework
Main Part - The Role of Associative Funerary Practices
1) Mortuary Practices in the Greco-Roman World
The importance of these practices for the inhabitants of the Greco-Roman world is
suggested by the fact that half of the total epigraphic production generally in the
132 Indicatively Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59 estimates that one fifth of all Italian collegia performed funerary
activities van Nijf (1997) 31 n 2 mentions that from about thousand inscriptions three hundred had
a mortuary content 133 Mommsen (1843) Schiess (1888) Hopkins (1983) 211-217 The concept of hominess tenuiores
was first suggested by Mommsen who argued over a distinction between legal and illegal collegia The
lawful ones were permitted to exist on the basis that their services were not harmful to the state These services were burials for rather ldquothinrdquo men tenuiores socially and financially inferior population that
could not otherwise afford funerals 134 Ausbuumlttel (1982) 59-71 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Cotter (1996) de Ligt
(2000) and (2001) Liu (2005) Arnaoutoglou (2002) and (2005) Perry (2006) 33-35 135 Patterson (1992) 19-24 van Nijf (1996) 38-69 Rebillard (2009) 37-41 following the previous
two
38
Empire is epitaphs136
It is commonly accepted by now that funerary activities in
general served as a field of social advertisement and cultural or even political self
definition137
People did not simply bury their dead but made statements in regard to
personal status and identity The depiction of these identities was not linear in time
since certain developments are detectable
In particular the transit from the Classical polis to the Hellenistic kingdoms and
later on to the Roman Empire brought about considerable changes not only in the
political arena but in every social aspect The isolated Classical city state experienced
the collapse of local barriers coming up against a developing globalized world
witnessing unprecedented mobility of populations multiculturalism various trans-
local networks oligarchization processes the diffusion of patronage in social
relationships and of euergetism in society
All of the above had a tremendous impact on the ways individuals built their post-
mortem social identification While in the Classical polis people identified themselves
as participants of an isonomic political organization138
in the subsequent centuries
this organization even though it did not decay rather it survived and even more
revived139
it did not function as a source of identification On the contrary the
Hellenistic era witnessed a progressive competition for status The latter can be traced
in the ways local elites constructed their mortuary monuments from the later 4th
century BC onwards Namely apart from the increased expenditure attention was
brought to worshipping heroized ancestors ascribing therefore a powerful status
within their given social orders140
The whole process can be viewed as an attempt to
legitimize their claim as the predominant class
This attitude was further expanded in the Roman era It is finely manifested in the
renowned ldquotomb suburbsrdquo where the municipal elites displayed the extravagant
architectural and monumentalizing style that one would expect to find further into the
city and for which Nicholas Purcell has maintained that they are ldquoreflections of the
136 Meyer (1990) 74 137 Indicatively see Morris (1992) and (1994) Pearson (1982) and Alcock (1991) 138 See for instance Meyer (1993) who noticed that the high frequency of use of the demotic in Classical-Athenian epitaphs identified individuals primarily as Athenian citizens in other words as
members of a political organization For countless such inscriptions from Athens see Agora XVII 139 There are various examples of this revitalizing Woolf (1997) Millar (2006) Mikalson (2006)
Salmeri (2011) Alston (2011) Wiemer (2013) 140 Alcock (1991) For similar developments in 2nd century BC Rome see von Hesberg and Zanker
(1987)
39
pursuit of statusrdquo141
All the more this struggle for the status acquisition was largely
adopted by all social strata142
It is within such an interpretation of funerary practices
that I am going to study the associative ones
2) Burials and Commemoration by Private Associations
The above interpretation of mortuary activities does not necessarily imply that
everybody had the means to construct their tombs and inscribe epitaphs In other
words we should not exclude without any scrutiny the case whereby such practices
were a important reason for people who could not afford them on their own to
participate in these clubs Especially since individuals of lesser means could have
been members as suggested in the previous chapter Hence it is worth wondering
whether the funerary practices of the Macedonian private associations correspond to
the Mommsenian tradition or to the recent consensus Simply put to what extent
people joined these clubs to secure a proper burial and to what extent they did out of a
choice To provide an answer in the following pages I will be occupied with two
questions 1) Why were people buried by private associations 2) What was the
meaning of these practices for the whole group Let us begin with a few examples
In a peripheral settlement of a town by the name of Meneis almost 7 kilometers
north-east of Edessa an unidentified number of people created during the 3rd
century
AD an association most probably for the worship of Dionysus It was a dedicatory
inscription used as a base for something -maybe a statue of Dionysus- constructed by
the priest and his initiates (mystai) that brought the existence of the group to our
knowledge143
The excavations on the spot unearthed as well a small sanctuary and
twenty three graves144
The discovery of a boundary stone nearby145
suggests that the
specific burial site was the private burial plot of this group146
Moreover the whole
site is to be found in a profound locus in regard to the settlement On the west side of
the small temple lie four graves most probably of a family (found in the graves a
man a woman a young girl and a boy) and on the south nineteen more The fact that
141 Purcell (1987) 142 See van Nijf (1997) 37-8 ldquoThe funerary styles of the plebs in Rome as in the provinces are remarkable for their cultural dependence upon elite categoriesrdquo 143SEG 50 599 Μάκκις ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ οἱ μύσται ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν ἔτους β[ ] 144All of the details regarding this site can be found at Chrysostomou (2000) 145 Chrysostomou (2003) 195-8 146 For the use of boundary stone see Harris (2013) The most typical associative burial plots can be
found at the islands of Rhodes and Kos see Fraser (1977) 60-3
40
the graves containing the woman and the two children were constructed earlier than
that of the man their position in regard to the temple and the manrsquos grave as well as
the grave findings made Paulos Chrysostomou argue that the buried male was the
priest-leader of this group who founded this association after the loss of his family147
Furthermore the rich findings of these graves as opposed to the findings or the
absence of findings of the other nineteen ones which quite plausible were of the other
mystai indicate that those buried in these nineteen graves could have been financially
weaker members All in all the children that were found buried in the latter were
located around adults indicating that they were families Chrysostomou counts two
families148
The afore-mentioned dedicatory inscription as well as the surrounding material
furnishes an idea of a group of people that could afford relevant contributions It is
reasonable to claim that some of these people could afford a burial without the
assistance of their associates The graves with the rich findings support the latter Yet
at the same time the numerous graves with poor findings or with no findings at all
make the 19th
century tradition attractive Could some of these people have
participated for burialrsquos sake There are quite a few examples in Macedonia
indicating that these groups provided adequate burial provisions thus supporting
further Mommsenrsquos tradition
An inscription from Thessaloniki shows the existence of a funerary law of an
association149
Despite being quite fragmentary the text clearly suggests that the
group regulated upon the management of funerary expenses between relatives of the
deceased members and the association150
Another example is a collegium urbanorum
from the colony of Kassandreia most probably a group of merchants151
which paid
fifty denarii for the burial expenses of one of its members Similarly the funerary
costs for a gladiator in Stobi were shared between himself and his association152
and
in another instance the priest of the group paid for the sarcophagus of the deceased153
147 Chrysostomou (2000) 463-4 148 Ibid 465 149 SEG 56 746 150 See moreover Patterson (1992) who argued that collegia worked together with the family as a safety
net of securing a burial 151 SEG 39 597 κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν Πλωτιανῷ Μάρκῳ ἔδωκαν ἰς κηδείαν νʹ For the assumption
that collegia urbanorum are professional groups see Pavis DrsquoEscurac (1988) 152 SEG 47 954 Αὐρήλιος Σεβῆρος σεκουνδαρούδης προστάτης τοῦ κολληγίου Καυκάσῳ τῷ πρὶν
Στρατηγῷ ἐκ τοῦ κολληγίου καὶ τ[ῶ]ν ἑαυτοῦ μνείας χάριν χαίραιται 153 Nigdelis no 27
41
There are also cases where a member would die abroad but his colleges would at least
carve a funerary inscription for his memory154
Additionally the case of funerary
endowments and bequests implies as it will be argued below that associations were
considered trustworthy organizations capable of safekeeping grave monuments and
performing relevant rituals
There are more examples of associative funerary provisions yet these ones are
enough to demonstrate that private associations of the region took enough measures to
secure burials for their members Do these examples though suffice to resurrect the
ldquoghostrdquo of collegia funeraticia namely that people joined these clubs for burialrsquos sake
and that they were composed by people of lesser finances and status
In the previous chapter I showed that private associations of Macedonia represent
various financial strata hence we can safely exclude the latter question However
they could also have included in their ranks poor members as the case of Meneis may
indicate for whom we cannot exclude the possibility that they could have enlisted
themselves in the club for burial purposes155
This conclusion partly answers the first
question set at the beginning of this section as to why people were buried by private
associations To fully answer this question we need now to understand why would
those people who could otherwise secure a burial prefer to be buried and
remembered as part of some group156
21 Buried with Status
To begin with the action of collegial burial can be interpreted as an expression of
feelings of belonging and solidarity Such a motive should not be easily
underestimated However can that be the reason for everybody The evidence of
Meneis indicates otherwise First of all the burial territory was founded as written
above on a prominent location reserved -as the boundary stone suggests- only for the
associates and as it seems for their families as well Such an arrangement seen within
the framework outlined above -regarding the meaning of mortuary practices in
general- could be understood as a tool for status enhancement
154 See SEG 42 625 SEG 56 763 155 Jinyu Liursquos claim appears to be quite to the point whereby associative burials may not have meant
the same thing to all collegiati since they may have originated from diverse legal-social and financial
classes something that could have also varied by association to association region to region and
member to member see Liu (2009) 271 156 The conscious choice of any type of funerary facets can be explained by the lack of rules in Rome or
Greece compelling the construction of mortuary monuments and inscriptions see van Nijf (1997) 32
42
More precisely a private association distinguished itself in society or at least
attempted to by constructing its own burial grounds in a noticeable place Although it
seems like a tactics of exclusion it can be interpreted as a claim for inclusion within a
stratified society As the elite retained elaborate funerary monuments sometimes
including gardens or evolving in whole complexes157
advertising in this way their
prominent place in society this association made a relevant statement it proclaimed
its acceptance of the specific social values aiming for a recognizable position within
the given social orders
At a second level the spatial distribution of the graves shows that the established
hierarchy of the group -during life- (leader-priest and then initiates) was also applied
in their funerary arrangements The drawing of the site is more than helpful
Plan of the archaeological site near Meneis Paulos Chrysostomou (2000) 459
The graves on the west side (TA TB ΤΓ ΤΔ) were of the leader and of his family
The others on the east side (Τ1-19) belonged most probably to the rest of the
members The fact that the hierarchical figure of the group along with his family
were buried separately from the rest of the members can be understood as an attempt
to negotiate status within the group158
The priest-leader utilized the mortuary
157 There are countless examples of such monuments all around the Greco-Roman world and throughout an extensive time spectrum Characteristic examples can be found at Purcell (1987) Fedak
(1990) and van Nijf (2010) 167-171 regarding only a specific city in Asia Minor Termessos
specifically for funerary garden complexes see Toynbee (1971) 94-100 158 See van Nijf (1996) 43-49 arguing likewise The most useful parallel plainly illustrating these
suggestions is the island of Rhodes where numerous associative burial plots have been found see
Fraser (1977) 58-70
43
spectrum to ascribe more status and prestige following the established hierarchical
model He wanted to be remembered as a distinguished figure of this group For what
is more the construction of this private cemetery around a sanctuary -the rectangular
building in the middle- gave a strong religious identity to the whole group
The marked cemetery though of this religious association is rather a rare case in
Macedonia No similar case was possible to be identified The rest are funerary
epitaphs While the general context of any inscription provides a better understanding
of its function than simply the text159
the original provenance of these inscriptions
remain hazy and sometimes is completely dismissed160
Therefore henceforward I
will be mainly analyzing the information given by the inscriptions
211 Burials of Members
What these epitaphs depict is repetitive patterns burying and commemorating
members and their leaders quite rarely socially prominent individuals participating in
funerary rituals and receiving endowments to perform the latter A problem though is
that in some cases it is rather difficult to determine whether the deceased was a
member or an outsider The most dubious ones are the cases of endowments Apart
from these instances it is almost certain -with a few questionable cases- that the
majority of the evidence refers to funerary activities concerning members Observing
what associations offered with their mortuary activities will provide an answer to the
question as to why did people choose to be buried by them
A very representative example of a funerary inscription set up by private
associations in Macedonia is one engraved at some point during the 2nd
century AD
by a group in the capital of the province Thessaloniki161
The synetheis sports-fans around Lucius Rusticilious Agathopous for Titus
Eioulius Prophetes also known as Secundus
The information extracted from this text is limited Except for the mistakes made by
the inscriber162
we only know that a group buried a member and it was enough for
159 Cooley (2000) and van Nijf (2000) are good explanatory analyses illustrating that the importance
role and meaning of an inscription do not lie solely in the text but in its monumental and topographical context as well 160 While some inscriptions may have been found in what can be perceived as a necropolis and others
in random locations making thus their original location debatable others were just discovered in
museum storerooms without any relevant information regarding their provenance 161 SEG 56 768 Οἱ περὶ Λ(ούκιον) ουστ εικείλιον Ἀγαθόποδαν συν ήθεις φ ι λ [ο]πα ικτόρων Τ(ίτῳ)
Εἰουλίῳ Π ροφή τ ῃτῷ κὲ Σεκούνδῳ
44
them to just mention the title of the group refer to the group-leader and of course the
name of the deceased Plenty more groups both with religious and professional cover
memorialized the death of their members as simple as the above example163
Sometimes apart from the name of the deceased only the title of the group would do
Another very repetitive feature is the reference to the groupsrsquo authorities not only
to the leader but also to a variety of officers164
In the previous chapter I showed that
such nomenclature is taken directly from the state This onomastics exactly like the
original official one declared a hierarchical structure We could thus understand this
imitating process as an attempt to build an image of organizations similar to the
supreme one that is the state hence ascribing an official sense
Furthermore another pattern emerging from the sources examined is the one of the
trustworthy organization Some groups buried their members in cooperation mainly
with their families or certain relatives and in rare cases with another association An
example is a certain Baibius Antonius from the colony of Kassandreia the tombstone
of whom was raised by an association with a religious public face yet the relief on the
monument was paid and set by his son or brother in law165
Similarly another group
from Thessaloniki commemorated a member who died abroad stating that it was
done on behalf of the deceasedrsquos mother166
Whether she paid for the expenses of the
funerary stele herself or it was in collaboration with the group or even it was
completely covered by the group we cannot tell The important element is that the
cooperation feature was emphasized by the association167
Likewise more than one association could have joined forces to bury and
commemorate someone A quite fragmentary inscription provides an indication168
Namely two groups buried a musician for whom it is not discernible whether he was
162 The name Εἰούλιος probably refers to Ἰούλιος that is Julius 163 For instance CIG II 2007f IG X 21 860 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 IG X 21 291 EKM 1 372
EKM 1 377 SEG 56 797 IG X 21 299 SEG 35 751 SEG 56 784 164 For instance SEG 42 625 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 765 SEG 56 796 EKM 1 383 SEG 47 954 165 CIG II 2007f Αἰλιανὸς Νείκων ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος θεοῦ ἥρωος καὶ τὸ κοltλgtλήγιον Βαιβίῳ Ἀντωνίῳ ἀνέστησεν τὸν βωμόν τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἀνέστησε γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀξιδάρης 166 SEG 56 763 Οἱ περὶ Φλαούϊον [- - - - - - -]ἀρχισυνάγωγον καὶ Ι [- - - - - -]φύλακα []
ουρασίας [Ἀ]ρτέμιδ [ος]συνήθεις τῆς πρὸς τῇ Ἀχέρδῳ Κρήσκεντι τε⟨λε⟩υτήσαντι ἐπὶ ξένης
γραμματεύοντος Μάγνου ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἑαυτοῦ Πρείσκας ἐξεταστοῦ Μουντανοῦ More groups
buried their fellows or at least commemorated them even if they had died abroad SEG 42 625 SEG
56 766 167 See for relevant examples EKM 1 371 IG X 21 821 SEG 43 462 SEG 56 770 168 IG X 21 480 [Θ]ρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν κ αὶ β [ακ][χ(ε)]ίου Ἀσιανῶν Βειέντορος
Μέμν[ονι][τῷ] κ αλαμαύλῃ μνίας χάριν Κασσία Ἀντιγόνα Μέμ νον ι [ἔτου]ς επτ΄ [according to the reading
of Nigdelis (2006) 138-146]
45
a member or not or even a member to both groups The interesting feature though is
the reference to one more person Nigdelis suggests that the latter person must be a
relative 169
While the identity of that person cannot be determined due to the broken
inscription what remains essential for the current interpretation is the motive of
cooperation In addition the case of endowments as I will argue further down can be
understood as another tool that associations used to present themselves in close
cooperation with various components of the local societies
All the above features introduced private associations as trustworthy and reliable
organizations It is arguable that this picture gave a considerable boost to their
collective social status and made associative burials an appealing scenario in a
society where competition for status was predominant in all levels
The other important feature is the emphasis on personal status of the deceased
based on distinction elements either upon the hierarchical structure of the group or
based on the professional spectrum The one built on the first type that is the official
nomenclature applied mainly to the leading personas of associations While we find a
number of groups commemorating the deceased as the leader of the group170
there
was only one that branded the departed member as a second class officer namely as a
treasurer171
As for the professional one it can be found in the form of titles or depictions
(reliefs) demonstrating the distinction of the deceased as a professional A
representative example is the doumos of Aphrodite Epiteuxidia that buried a member
who had died abroad172
As already noted the relief had the deceased depicted as the
captain of the ship In a similar way many associations of gladiators when burying
their collegues they made sure to stress either in words or images or even both that
he was a prestigious and recognized fighter
A typical case is Puplius a gladiator from Beroea who is called summarudes
meaning an experienced first class gladiator173
Moreover in the relief of the
monument there is a standing man holding a stick (rudis) The latter was given to
169 For the relevant discussion see Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 Nigdelis constructed the hypothesis for this case that one of the two groups was acting on an endowment and that the relative was making sure
that the ldquocontractrdquo was executed Although speculative we cannot exclude it as a possible scenario 170 Spomenik 75 2555 BE 52 (1939) 169 SEG 56 778 171 Philippi II 410 172 SEG 42 625 173 EKM 1 383
46
gladiators at the end of their careers as a symbol of their distinction174
Another
example is a relief portraying the deceased gladiator on a dinning bed (motive of
funerary dinner) while at a second level a helmet and a coat of arms are observable
along with fourteen wreaths most probably symbols of his numerous victories175
A brief synopsis should be drawn at this point Upon the occasion of death private
associations immortalized the memory of the deceased associates by stressing their
membership in collectivities who posed as trustworthy and accepted the socio-civic
order thus claiming their own distinct yet integrated place Moreover they exploited
processes for the internal negotiation of status and prestige by focusing on
characteristics of distinction either in terms of organization or occupational
supremacy Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that people who could not
easily claim their place in society would have been interested to partake in this
process
I specifically stressed above that being buried by an association would have been
attractive to people that could not have easily made their claim for status and prestige
on their own While socially prominent individuals are listed among the ranks of
private associations of Macedonia as shown in the previous chapter it seems that
being buried by their associates was insufficient for their post-mortem identification
The last case to be examined here is the sole indication we have from private
associations of Macedonia burying an individual of some social significance
This unique case refers to a councilor who is titled as the priest of two groups
therefore a member176
Artemein daughter of Marcus his wife and Isidoros son of Isidoros and Iounia
daughter of Isidoros to Isidoros the father son of Sabinus having lived well who
was a councilor and a priest of thiasoi of Dionysus (burying) him from his own
(money) for the sake of his memory and goodwill during the 357th
year fare well
good soul
This inscription plainly demonstrates that private associations were not composed
only by socially inferior population177
A member of the local council was buried by
174 Robert (1940) 27-28 175 EKM 1 377 See similar cases SEG 47 954 Nigdelis no 44 176 IG X 21 506 Ἀρτέμειν Μάρκου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ Ἰσίδωρος Ἰσιδώρου καὶ∙ Ἰουνία Ἰσιδώρου Ἰσιδώρῳ
Σαβείνου τῷ πατρὶ ζήσαντι καλῶς βουλεύσαντι∙ ἱερασαμένῳ θιάσων Διονύσου ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου ἐκείνῳ
μνείας καὶ εὐνοίας χάριν ἐν τῷ ∙ ζντ ∙ ἔτει χαῖρε ψυχὴ καλή 177 The private nature of the thiasoi mentioned here is debated Edson (1948) 177 Steimle (2008)
177 and Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7 they all think that these two are public association Paschidis (2012)
47
his family and he was commemorated via his political status but as an officer as
well namely priest of more than one associations Contrary to individuals of low
social ranking who could not easily engage solely by themselves in the competitive
arena of displaying and increasing prestige and status a councilor would have been
ldquoable to lay claim to any form of public recognitionrdquo178
He demonstrated his
separation from the socially inferior and manifestation of a significant civic role that
contributed to legitimating his authority Such a status would have sufficed for
recognition in the hierarchical social orders of the Roman Empire Why should he
combine it with representation as a priest of cultic groups179
A possible interpretation
may lie in the reciprocal benefit from such an action
Considering the religious history of Thessaloniki where this inscription comes
from provides some insight To be precise the cult of Dionysus held as elsewhere in
Macedonia a prominent position in the religious life of the city180
From this
perspective being a high-profile official of not just one but of more groups that were
dedicated to a widespread religious activity would only elevate a local councilorrsquos
status Not only was he buried by his family but he actively participated in the
religious life of his hometown and not just of a minor cult but of a conspicuous one
It seems that it was a cultural identity based on the local religious traditions that
attracted the socially superior councilor to include it in the immortalization of his
name and not any other for instance a professional one
On the other hand the two or more associations of which Isidoros was a priest
equally benefited They were represented as closely associated with the local elite and
not as any marginal groups Rather as collectivities significant enough to have among
its peers a councilor who desired to be remembered as one of them Yet there is no
evidence as to whether the mentioned groups participated in the construction of the
7 on the other hand follows an agnostic position while Jaccottet (2003) II no 21 refrains from the
argument of official thiasoi I perceive them as private on the basis of the countless private thiasoi to be
found in the Greek East and similar examples of prominent local individuals who were connected
participated or buried by private groups for a characteristic example see van Nijf (1997) 67-8 178 See van Nijf (1997) 59 who uses this phrase to describe a different case namely a self
commemorator who contrary to councilors and high-ranking people could not lay claim to any form
of public recognition 179 According to Edson (1948) 160 the fact the Isidorosrsquo mortuary monument was a bomos and not a sarcophagus suggests that his family was of poor economic means For the monument see ibid 158
figures 2 and 3 In any case it is reasonable to maintain that a councilor was probably of better
economic means that other associative members 180 For the importance of the Dionysiac cult in Macedonia see Chapter V The prominence of the cult
for the city is suggested by an inscription showing the city itself dedicating to the specific deity IG X
21 28
48
monument Even so they were parts in the construction of the mortuary social
identity of a person descending from the local governing elite181
Therefore being
mentioned in his funerary inscription could also be an attempt for status enhancement
and civic integration
Hitherto I have examined burials undertaken by groups of religious and
professional identities It should be noted that from forty seven inscriptions only
twelve show burials undertaken by groups with a professional image four show those
that I deemed as convivial or unidentified whilst the remaining thirty one present
funerary commemoration under the religious associative identity Moreover personal
identification based on profession does not seem to have been frequent Apart from
the cases presented above of the musician the captain and the gladiators all in all
five I found moreover a perfume seller a fisherman a muleteer and a dubious case
of a muleteer or charioteer182
Nine cases out of forty seven is a minority For what is
more not all of them were set under the umbrella of associations with professional
identities183
It is hard not to flirt with the idea that more professionals were hiding
under these religious banners
All of the above suggest that professions or the professional associative identity
were not deemed as a significant source for social identification in the mortuary field
This comes in direct contrast with generally the Greek East where during the imperial
period a general upward trend in mortuary social identities under the umbrella of
professional associative identity is evident184
What we see instead in this region is
that associative mortuary social identification was built more within a religious
identity In fact the deities we find constructing that latter were the ones that were
traditionally worshipped in Macedonia185
My implication is that the collegiati in
Roman Macedonia communicated their attachment to their traditional religious life
181 The punctuation adopted here and subsequently the translation is the one of the editors Should we
follow different versions the meaning could change For instance the phrase from his own could refer
to his own people his family meaning that he was buried by his family or that he took the priesthood
on his own means in terms of finances instead of the tomb monument being paid on his own costs
The above interpretation though is not affected by the translating possibilities 182 In the same respect of order to the above IG X 21 480 SEG 56 767 SEG 56 766 (occupation
depicted in the relief) Nigdelis no 27 SEG 56 778 183 See the previous chapter where I presented cases where collegiati presented themselves as professionals yet as members of associations with religious identities SEG 42 625 SEG 56 766
Nigdelis no 27 184 See van Nijf (1996) 38-69 generally for the East See moreover Roueche (1993) 128 who noted
that after the mid 3rd century AD an increased commemorative style referring to professions is
observable referring to representative examples namely the cemeteries of Corycus and Tyre 185 See Chapter V
49
through the funerary activities of their clubs A peculiar case may be that of Philippi
where this blanket religious identity of mortuary expressions included Greek
Thracian and Roman deities or even a combination This will be analyzed further
down
The available evidence has so far suggested that private associations in Macedonia
were more interested or simply less successful in burying members than outsiders
and socially prominent figures from within their ranks Associations offered to their
members commemoration that is the construction of social identities as participants
in hierarchical organizations within which status enhancement was possible that
highlighted as well their affiliation with the Macedonian religious traditions In the
next section I will examine the case of endowments which provides more solid hints
on the possibility of burying outsiders and at the same time comprises a testimony of
the picture of trustworthiness that these groups communicated to raise their stakes in
the competition of status augment
212 Endowments
Endowments were another way for associations to be involved in funerary practices
as well as to engage in economic activities and increase their financial resources
These issues have received plenty of scholarly attention186
Their social implications
are equally important Although they are more strictly and legally defined in
contemporary terms it seems wiser to be less rigid in describing an endowment with
regard to ancient associations Therefore what I will study as endowments
concerning Macedonian associations are donations of money and properties to these
groups for specific purposes
Whilst in other areas of the Empire endowments were destined for a variety of
activities such as birthday celebrations of benefactors building maintenances and
other187
it appears that in Macedonia they were mostly bequests regarding funerary
activities and more precisely they were intended for certain rituals188
They were
mainly small sums of money to carry out rites and in some cases somewhat more
elaborate like a plot of land to be exploited again for the execution of mortuary
186 For an excellent and latest analysis of endowment regarding collegia of the Western Empire see Liu
(2008) who reflects as well on previous scholarship 187 See Liu (2008) 240 Table 4 though concerning only the West 188 I found only one inscription that shows an endowment set for the performance of tri-annual religious
rituals not connected with the mortuary spectrum see IG X 21 259 [it will be analyzed in Chapter V]
50
ceremonies In the previous section I asked why people choose to be commemorated
by associations Likewise here I will try to comprehend the reasons whereby people
bequeathed endowments to these groups for mortuary purposes and the meaning of
these endowments for the groups There are only eight inscriptions regarding funerary
endowments Quite representative is the case of an endowment bequeathed to a group
of Dionysiac mystai at Philippi189
Zeipas for himself and his own [life-partner] Cleudis and all of his own children
(constructed) I bequeath to the mystai of Dionysus 120 denarii so that they
would light a fire beside this tomb during the festival of rosalia every yearhellip
A variety of interesting clues worthy of discussion emerge from this text What
was the personal legal and social status of Zeipas Was he a member of the group
Why did he confer to the group the specific amount of money for the ritual of rosalia
and what are the subsequent implications
With regard to the first question we could argue that Zeipas was of humble or at
least medium social origins A plethora of examples from the Greco-Roman world
suggest that people holding some sort of higher social and civic status of public status
mentioned it in their epitaphs as well as in any other form of public demonstration A
typical example from this region is the case of the councilor examined above who
was involved with the Dionysiac thiasoi in Thessaloniki190
The absence of a relevant
statement could imply that Zeipas did not hold a prominent status Even more
comparing his endowment with other ones of higher monetary value it is certain that
he was not a person of some financial preponderance191
Furthermore it is hard to determine whether Zeipas was a member of this cultic
group or not However in the great majority of the inscription examined here
membership was indicated In addition Zeipas constructed a collective tomb for
himself and his family while still alive without strictly denoting whether he was a
member of this group Therefore in the light of these two observations we could
assume not with absolute certainty of course that he was not a collegiatus
189 Philippi II 597 Ζείπας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ [συνβίῳ] Κλεῦδι καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέκνοις πᾶσι [ἐποίησε]
καταλινπάν[ω] δὲ μύσltτgtαις [Δι]ονύσου ρκʹ παρακαύσουσίν μοι ῥό|δοις κα[τrsquo ἔτος mdashʹ] ΟΝ[mdash mdash
mdash mdash] Ο[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] Μ[mdash mdash mdash mdash mdash] ΠΕ[mdash mdash mdash mdash] 190 IG X 21 506 191 For examples of higher endowment see Liu (2008) regarding the West examples from the East IG
XII 7 515 SEG 33 946 IG XII 3 330 Syll3 577
51
Why then did he set a bestowal on a group for a specific mortuary ritual
Presumably this association (and others like it) must have been renowned for its
capability of performing such deeds The larger picture implied from this case is that
it was common practice for people to assign these groups as the recipients of
foundations for funerary activities
What has been discussed so far An inhabitant of the city of Philippi possibly of
lesser means and status than a councilor of the lowest ranking chose to bestow a sum
of money to a specific collectivity in order to ensure the performance of a funerary
ritual This whole process should be understood once more in the context of
reciprocity A self-commemorator entrusts -by monetary means- to a group his
ldquospiritualrdquo needs and the group appears as a recipient of such desires trustworthy
enough to accomplish these socially significant practices192
Yet were such agreements binding for associations The question rises from an
example again from Philippi that indicates the donorrsquos anxiety and insecurity
concerning the actualization of his bequest a woman burying her husband warns for
a 1000 denarii fine payable to the city in case of the tombrsquos violation and bestows
150 denarii to a group for the performance of rosalia193
Interestingly enough she
also states that in case of negligence the specific association would have to pay in
double the amount of the donation to another association To what extent though was
such a will enforceable In other words what would the legal procedures according
to which a second recipient would claim the fee from the first one have been An
answer in legal terms is complicated194
An example however from Thessaloniki
offers some useful insight
A priestess of a cultic group endowed a sizeable piece of land with grapevines to
be exploited in order for the fellow members of the group to bring rose crowns at her
tomb195
Failure on the part of some members to participate in the funerary festivity
192 Almost identical to the examined inscription are Philippi II 524 (yet bestowing more money)
similarly see Philippi II 545 Philippi II 529 moreover both professional and religious groups seems to have been recipients of endowments for a professional one see Philippi II 029 193 Philippi II 133 194 For a relevant discussion see Liu (2008) 249-255 195 IG X 21 260 Ε ὐ φρ ο [σύ]ν η Διοσκο[υ]ϹΦ ΙΔΙϹ Α Ϲ ΙϹΙ ἱέρεια οὖσα Εὐεία Πρινοφόρου καταλίπω
εἰς μνίας χάριν αἰωνίας ἀνπέλων πλέθρα δύω σὺν τε ς τάφροις ὅπως ἀποκέηταί μοι ἀπὸ ἀγορᾶς μὴ
ἔλατον εʹ ltφερέτωσαν δὲgt καὶ οἱ μύστε μικρὸς μέγας ἕκαστος στέφανον ῥόδινον ὁ δὲ μὴ ἐνένκας μὴ
μετεχέτω μου τῆς δωρεᾶς αἰὰν δὲ μὴ ποιήσωσιν εἶνε αὐτὰ τοῦ Δροιοφόρων θειάσου ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς
προστίμοις εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ὁ ἕτερος θίασος ποιῇ εἶναι αὐτὰ τῆς πόλεως The inscription mentions two
plethra According to Kubińska (2001) 157 two plethra of land is about 176 km2 Another
52
would mean failure to claim their share from the revenue In case of a collective
negligence the property would end up to a different association and finally in the
case that the second group would also neglect her bequest then the city would take
possession of the property
Such a carefully constructed testament has various implications On the one hand
the associations involved may end up with a profit-generating asset that could have
their finances augmented increasing in this way their general status and involvement
within the cityrsquos networks Hence the specific association(s) could potentially attract
the interest of more people who would like to ensure that they receive certain
posthumous ceremonies
Moreover in case that the group failed to meet its obligations then the ldquocontractrdquo
authorized another group to intervene As it has been argued ldquothe use of an alternate
group as a check can be understood as the benefactorrsquos self-interested manipulation of
the competition between various potential beneficiariesrdquo196
This notion of
competition between associations should be understood as an indication of associative
vitality and integration More precisely the possibility of profiting would have surely
activated the state of alarm of the second association This whole process may have
resulted in associations competing in attracting resources and status via promoting
their ldquocommemorative functionrdquo197
Furthermore the final sanction was actually an appeal to the law The
administration of the city would have most probably taken all necessary action to
profit from such instances We can imagine that some form of legal procedures would
have existed to manage relevant occasions Copies of such contracts held at the
archives of the city might have been an example198
The possible interference of the
law may be understood to have attached more official status to the recipient of the
endowments
endowment for funerary rituals namely banquets set as a condition that they member would profit from the endowment as long as they are united (ἕως ἂν συνιστῶ νται) see IG X 21 259 196 Liu (2008) 254-55 197 Paschidis (2012) 18 n 79 198 SEG 54 1056 is a relevant example the epitaph mentions that in case of violation of the tomb fine
will be paid to the city and that a record of the specific inscriptions is kept within city archives see for
more examples van Nijf (1997) 55-59
53
This suggestion is supported by the following analysis of funerary fines payable to
associations in case of tomb violations199
Accordingly the pattern was borrowed by
much higher fines to be levied by the city set by socially and financially prominent
individuals usually among the ranks of local elites As it has been put ldquoprivate
associations found themselves mentioned in the same contexts and entrusted with the
same responsibilities as the fundamental institutions of civic life in a Roman cityrdquo200
Bequeathing endowments to associations borrowed from the same context Private
groups were made responsible to guarantee the perpetuation of memory via mortuary
rituals as the city was bestowed with the same function via guarding the grave Hence
these practices could be viewed as attempts for the development of status
At a second level the priestess highlighted her significant position in the group by
referring to her title-function as well as by the size of the donation and even more by
exercising her authority within the group in case of disobedience to the stipulations a
second party would step in and in a case of a second neglect the city would always
be on the waiting list Thus funerary endowments served to underline inner
distinctions
Therefore to summarize such documents may have been used for ldquointernal and
external consumptionrdquo201
For the associations themselves it was used for status
negotiation processes and for a reminder that in case of untrustworthiness potential
loss of profit and subsequent prestige are lurking In the case of public view202
it re-
affirmed the status of the group as an organization capable of safekeeping wills and
performing commemorative rituals thus as an integrated part of urban life
Moreover adopting yet again patterns used by official civic structures was also a
practice meant to claim more status
Finally it is time to elaborate on what was left unfinished above namely the
peculiar religious identity observed in Philippi The specific city has the majority of
the evidence regarding endowments In Thessaloniki there was only one inscription
and a second for which Pantelis Nigdelis consider that it may have been an
199 The anxiety and fear for tomb violation was not ungrounded since relevant incidents are
identifiable See Romiopoulou (1973) 438-9 for a tomb at Beroea that was closed by six funerary steles in second use one of which is EKM 1371 200 For the whole analysis see van Nijf (1997) 55-59 for the quote see ibid 60 201 See ibid 53 202 It is unfortunate that we do not know the location where the inscription was initially set whether it
was an epitaph in a funerary area or a lex situated in the associationrsquos premises Its location would
suggest a lot for the purposes of its construction
54
endowment203
Should we take a closer look at Philippi we see that endowments were
destined for the performance of rosalia This ritual has its origins in Italy204
The
performance of a Roman tradition in Roman colony (Colonia Julia Augusta
Philippensis) where a substantial section of the population descended from Italy and
another part was local205
should be seen a cultural statement These people declared
with these rituals their Italic-Roman identity206
However of the six inscriptions from Philippi that mentioned endowments three
were written in Greek The cultural implications of this choice should not go
unnoticed More precisely these three monuments can be taken as a statement of a
dual identity a negotiation between Roman and Greek culture
In addition the associations that received these endowments communicated Greek
as well as ldquoforeignrdquo religious identities Deities such as Liber Pater Bacchus
Dionysus and Thracian deities such as the God Souregethes and the Thracian
Horseman are observed The first three divinities represent exactly this argued
cultural mix Bacchus was the Romanized version of Dionysus while Liber Pater was
also assimilated with him207
We see thus the performance of an Italian tradition in a
culturally blended way Hence contrary to the associative funerary celebration of
local religious traditions discussed above the colony of Philippi appears to be more of
a mixture than a statement of a monolithic culture Concerning the other colonies of
the province despite their scarce evidence some similar hints can be detected Both at
Stobi and Kassandreia we see associations constructing a culturally mixed picture In
Stobi the gladiatorial group examined above refers to itself as collegium in Greek
(κολλήγιον) In Kassandreia both a merchant group and one dedicated to the Hero
God acted likewise208
Thus in all colonies a cultural interplay is observable
Conclusion
In this chapter I set out to discover the role of associative mortuary practices in
Macedonia My purpose was to understand the meaning of these practices for the
individual and the collectivity namely why people were buried by associations and
what the meaning for the whole group was With regard to the first question I
203 Nigdelis (2006) 138-146 204 Perdrizet (1900) 205 Papazoglou (1988) 405-413 206 See van Nijf (1997) 63-4 arguing likewise 207 OCD (2012) sv ldquoLiber Paterrdquo 208 In the same respect to the above SEG 47 954 SEG 39 597 CIG II 2007f
55
proposed that the many and multifaceted provisions of these groups upon the occasion
of death could have made them attractive to people originating from the financially
and socially weakest strata As a result associations could have provided some people
with a solution to the problem of burial Yet for a significant number of collegiati
who might have descended from a class of a mediocre economic status burial and
commemoration by their peers was probably a preference Why then would they
choose it since they could otherwise secure a decent place in the cemetery
First of all being buried by colleges and associates implied a sense of belonging
and of solidarity observable as well in their funeral words However instances
betraying this notion of brotherhood are rather a minority A closer look at the
sepulchral identities that associations communicated showed that they posed as
reliable organizations adherents of the established stratified sociopolitical model
Such a model provided ample room for individuals to vindicate elevation of status
based on two elements participation in a group that claimed status recognition and
integration as a collectivity and personal distinctions Funerary commemoration was
used by collegiati to negotiate internal status and prestige
In terms of a collective identity the assertion for civic integration was paired with
the one for religious tradition I showed that contrary to other regions associative
funerary social identities built on professions were not that significant while people
clearly choose to be remembered as participants of groups that advertised themselves
adherents of the local religious life
Addressing the question raised in Chapter II as to what extent there was a
difference in the associative phenomenon of cities and colonies funerary activities
provided a stepping stone to begin approaching this question Namely private
associations of the Roman colony of Philippi communicated religious identities that
cannot be described as Greek or Roman as they signified a cultural mix Two more
colonies Stobi and Kassandreia provide similar hints
In sum private associations built with their funerary practices certain identities
Yet they did not only bury and commemorate the dead but they also dealt with the
living In the following chapter I am going to examine this part of their expressions
that is honorary practices
56
Chapter IV Honorary Practices
Introduction
In the previous chapter I attempted to demonstrate that private associations of
Macedonia used their funerary activities to negotiate a collective identity that called
for civic integration mixed with a religiosity rooted in the Macedonian tradition The
associative vigor despite being mainly concentrated in the world of the dead did not
end there but expanded in the world of the living in the form of honors and
dedications209
This chapter will focus on these two
Van Nijf argued that with such practices private associations of the Greek East
(mainly Asia Minor) pursued status as well as tangible benefits with regard to their
professional purposes210
Could this have been the case in Macedonia as well The
answer cannot be simple especially since professional issues do not seem to have
been of primary concern for all associations This part of the Greek world lacks any
inscriptions demonstrating associations attempting explicitly to improve their business
conditions such as the salt dealers of the Egyptian town of Tebtunis who set
minimum prices for their products and fines for those colleges that sold lower than
that211
There are no groups going on labor strikes to press down their demands like
the backers of Ephesus or the builders of Sardeis212
In this territory our evidence provides a varied picture I found Roman
businessmen honoring patrons and prominent local individuals as well as a mix of
groups with a professional and religious identification honoring their benefactors and
patrons who could have been members or outsiders in multiple ways They also
honored their leaders important citizens or even high ranking magistrates including
the provincial governor and even the Emperor What were their motives Was it the
same for all groups Was it the same behind every type of honor Simply put what
was the overall meaning of honorific practices for private associations To approach
properly this question it would be expedient to first examine a broader background of
209 Apart from living or deceased individuals associations performed honors and dedications for
deities These will be examined in the next chapter 210 Van Nijf (1997) 73-128 211 P Mich V 245 All across the Empire there are many instances showing that at least some
associations were eager in securing and promoting their business conditions Gibbs (2013) includes a
good collection of sources regarding similar associative economic activities 212 IEph 215 CIG 3467 for a collection of the known evidence for strikes during the Roman period
(including late antiquity) see MacMullen (1963)
57
social relationships and sociopolitical realities of the Greco-Roman world In this
way associative honorific practices would fall easier into place
Main Part - The Role of Associative Honorific Practices
11 The Greco-Roman City - The Symbolic Landscape
The Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman society was one where the ideology of the
predominant governing elite determined and forged social relations Quoting Yonder
Gilihanrsquos use of the term civic ideology seems appropriate it ldquodesignates a
comprehensive system of claims about the nature of a state and its relationship to its
subjects as articulated by both the state and its subjectsrdquo213
The social experiences of
patronage benefactions and euergetism are quite appropriate examples to comprehend
the application of this ideology
Plenty of scholars have worked so far to interpret the above phenomena To begin
with patronage this social model can be described in the words of Ernest Gellner as
ldquounsymmetrical involving inequality of power it tends to form an extended system to
be long term or at least not restricted to a single isolated transactionrdquo214
Gellner
though was a social anthropologist and the above quote comes from an analysis of
the patron-client relationship in Mediterranean societies in general
Roman historians do not really oppose this approach Richard Saller has defined
patronage as a relation of some duration based on the connection of two or more
unequal partners a system that was run by reciprocity in other words the exchange
of goods and services215
These reciprocal relations were central in Roman society216
Yet the cities of Macedonia where we find associations honoring their patrons
existed long before the intrusion of Rome exactly like the rest of the Greek world
Are we talking then about a Greek a Roman or an intermingled tradition and culture
While in the past scholars would claim that patronage had been introduced as
something foreign in the Greek East217
it seems that such opinions have now been
refuted Paul Millett has shown that although in different terms and diverse forms
213 Gilihan (2012) 75 214 Gellner (1977) 4 215 Saller (1982) 1 216 See Wallace-Hadrill (1989) 72-85 who plainly demonstrates the centrality and importance of
patronage in Roman society Moreover the collection of articles in Wallace-Hadrill (1989) is a quite
useful analysis of the phenomenon of patronage 217 Clemente (1972) 156-8
58
patronage relations were part of the Archaic and even Classical Greek world218
What
Rome initiated was a whole social system under which patronage can be identified ldquoas
a system of such relations constituting a social mechanism which functions
strategically in the reproduction of the major social institutions of powerrdquo219
Thus
while the Hellenistic world started distance itself from the isonomic ideals of the
Classical poleis and unequal relations were developing between various social
components Roman domination further expanded and developed what was already
there
Patronage moreover was not restricted to personal ties but it can be detected at a
collective level as well As the Emperors grew to become the patrons of senators and
provincial governors likewise the latter became the patrons of cities and various
social subdivisions Their relation is reflected on the provision of urban benefactions
State regional and municipal nobility all showered the cities with gifts ranging from
public banquets or festivities to public buildings such as temples and aqueducts220
The above can be described with the word euergetism namely the various forms of
beneficiary donating activities More precisely euergetism can be claimed to have
constituted a voluntary form of patronage221
Yet patronage implied an exchanging
affiliation What did these notables then receive in return for their euergetic actions to
their cities
12 The Function of Public Honor
The social actors that were the recipients of these gifts showered the donors with
symbolic exchanges An example is statues standing on inscribed bases a
phenomenon that drew its origins from the early Hellenistic era222
Such honorific
inscriptions memorialized and praised them not only for the specific benefactions but
on their general morality as well By describing the honorand these inscriptions
ldquocontextualized and assigned social meanings to the honorific images and hence
218 Millett (1989) Moses Finley had already argued that if there was a relation of exchanges in
Classical Greece we can talk about patronage even if there was analogous vocabulary for it as in the
Roman case Finley (1983) 83 See moreover Veyne (1990) 70-200 who examines the Greek
euergetism which can be seen as a social variant of patronage 219 Johnson and Dandeker (1989) 220-1 220 For a general presentation of the beneficiary actions of patrons on Greek cities see Eilers (2002) 84-
108 221 Veyne (1990) 5-35 See van Nijf (1997) 81 who argues that ldquothere is not a fixed point in the continuum between individual patronage and civic euergetism but of a broad central band of social
relations marked by unequal exchange and commemorated in the same languagerdquo 222 Ma (2007) 203
59
determined the workings of the whole monument223
As it has been quite aptly
written224
ldquoThe honorific statues were characterized by iconicity created by their frontal
pose conventionality immobility the inscription shifted the meaning of the
monument away from iconicity to the narrative of social transaction and relation The
subject of the monument is not the person represented by the work of art but the
relationrdquo
The same author namely John Ma provided another interesting description of the
function of statues Accordingly these statues in their lifelikeness said look at me the
name caption said look at him and ldquothe honorific formula in its determination to
speak of civic culture says look around yourdquo225
The omnipresence of statues
moreover was spread along colonnaded streets with illustrious monuments of public
utility such as baths amphitheaters gymnasia and nymphaea celebrating the cityrsquos
wealth and prominence in reality stressing the benefactorsrsquo wealth and
prominence226
Their largesse benefited the city their buildings memorialized their
prestige and the city with all its public and private institutions responded with
symbolic gratitude honorific monuments in profound locations
All of the above resulted in monumentalized urban landscapes227
which were
ultimately used to legitimize the local elitersquos authority Alcock Suzan and Ruth van
Dyke introducing an analysis of the social value of memory have described this
phenomenon quite aptly ldquoAs humans create modify and move through a spatial
milieu the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates
legitimates and reinforces social relationships and ideasrdquo228
In other words imposing
monuments nourished the idea of superiority of their constructors and the inferior
223 Ma (2007) 205 224 Ibid 213-4 225 Ibid 220 226 See Macready and Thomson (1987) for a collection of articles demonstrating the social importance
of public monuments that Rome brought to the East 227 Probably the most famous example of such an urban landscape is Ephesus Yet smaller ones also
exist see for instance the site of Termessos in Pisidia (Asia Minor) see the maps at van Nijf (2011)
240-2 Concerning Macedonia the most well excavated urban sites Thessaloniki and Philippi provide
more or less a picture similar to the one described so far 228 Van Dyke and Alcock (2003) 5 Moreover see Alcock (2002) for an excellent analysis of this
argument
60
social strata declared their acceptance of the social hierarchies with their honorary
activities Ideology thus was transformed into social reality
It is within this framework that we ought to seek interpretation for the honorific
activities of private associations Honoring by itself can therefore be seen as an action
of civic integration Yet this is only a general and plausible assertion As it has been
laid out ldquothose who set up a monument were in a concrete mannerhellip attempting to
preserve symbolically a particular set of relations within societyrdquo229
What kind of
relations did associations wish to advertise apart from recognition as civic
participants What other implications lie behind in these practices Can we detect for
instance an effort to attract professional benefits Can we find other claims These
and the afore-mentioned questions I will attempt to answer in the pages to come
2 Private Associations Constructing Honors
21 Roman Businessmen
My analysis will first touch on the only type of association that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen In the first chapter I argued that these Romaioi
were groups of strong professional interests The importance of asserting their
professional nature lies on the interpretation of their honorific activities Business
groups honoring for instance the governor of the province may have had different
motives as opposed to a cultic group honoring their leader-priest Let us see whom
they honored and how
The first observation is that of the eight inscriptions mentioning them230
it is
certain that four of them were used as bases for statues As for the rest although it is
highly plausible we cannot be absolutely certain231
Quite interesting is the
provenance of three of them They originate from Thessaloniki where they were all
found in central places two close to the Sarapeion and one in the agora232
229 Harland (2003) 158 230 EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 IG X 21 32 IG X 21 33 CIG II Add 1997d IG X 22 330 231 Inscribed bases for statues EKM 1 59 SEG 1 282 SEG 46 812 SEG 19 438 the fragmentary
condition of the rest as well as the lack of relevant information makes it impossible to discover whether
they were also bases for statues or another type of monument such as an honorary stele or bomos
(altar) 232 Sarapeion IG X 21 32 and 33 agora SEG 46 812
61
The Sarapeion of Thessaloniki was a prominent religious center dating back in the
3rd
century BC located in close proximity to the center of the city233
Its elaborate
architecture the fact that it progressively transformed into a whole complex as well
as the plethora of inscriptions found there illustrate its significance to the local
society It was also a source of significant wealth234
Additionally it is suggested by
the same evidence that the region surrounding the Sarapeion gradually became the
religious center of Thessaloniki during the Hellenistic and Roman period alike235
We
can imagine that it was a very profound locus for an association to position their
honorific statues there
Looking at the agora of Thessaloniki (the rectangular area in the center of the map
below) it included various buildings of public utility and more There are several
stoas possibly with shops (n 61 63 65) an odeion (n 66) a library nearby (n 67)
while there was -most probably- a monumental entrance with reliefs depicting deities
such as Dionysus Mainas and Nike near its south east corner (n 64) All the more
the center of the city surrounding the agora enclosed baths (n 69) and houses (n 60
70 72 74 80) While the
majority of these monuments
are of later times than our
inscriptions the sole fact that
all this constructive activity
took place in that area
suggests that it was of civic
importance from earlier times
There are indications as well
of Hellenistic constructions
beneath the Roman layers236
Map of Thessalonikirsquos agora 4th century AD Vitti (1996) Maps
Specifically regarding the function of the agora of the Greco-Roman cities it has
been recently argued that it remained a venue for the exercise of politics well within
233 Although it is named the Sarapeion it is not clear to which of the Egyptian gods the temple was
dedicated [Koester (2010) 47] 234 In 187 BC Phillip V sent a letter to officials in Thessaloniki forbidding the use of its revenues for
non-cultic purposes and spelling out penalties for any attempt to do so (IG X 21 3) 235 Vitti (1996) 88-90 and 174-5 236 See ibid 180-201
62
the Hellenistic and especially Roman times contrary to the past consensus that
considered generally the Greco-Roman city as a non-political unit237
The agora was
the forum where power and prestige were exhibited
From this viewpoint the monument situated in the Thessalonikian agora is not
simply a statement of civic integration but it can also be reckoned as a statement and
even more as the exercise of political power Roman businessmen did not simply
influence the elite in constructing an honorific monument in which they appear as co-
authors but they also had the power to demonstrate this political relationship in the
most prestigious location of the city
Unfortunately all the rest were not found in their original places238
Yet the ones
from Thessaloniki239
along with the fact that half of them were bearing statues
provide useful insight and reaffirm the above reconstruction concerning the meaning
of honorific practices in general That is to say they were a tool for the elevation of
status and for civic integration In this demonstration though of civic and political
significance there were delicate and thin lines that could not be surpassed
More precisely all of the instances in Macedonia where a group of Roman
businessmen is honoring someone are always performed with the city In other
words all eight inscriptions preserve the formula The city and the Romans are
honoringhellip The highest civil institution is always mentioned first From the
standpoint of the association it can be interpreted as an acceptance of the social
hierarchies as well as an achievement They accomplished to influence a decision of
the governing institutions but not to overcome its superiority in the process of
monumentalizing this relationship From the standpoint of the city it shows an
acceptance of the importance of Romaioi as an integrated group yet distinguished
from others and at the same time it declares the domination of the civil local
authorities
237 See Dickenson (2011a) and (2011b) 238 SEG 19 438 (Idomene) it was built in the wall of a house SEG 1 282 (Acanthus) found in an
open space near the highest point of the modern village Hierissos EKM 1 59 (Beroea) first seen in
1855 in the entrance of a mosque and is lost since then CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) it is known from
a drawing of 1835 and cannot be found since then IG X 22 330 (Styberra) it was built in the wall of a churchrsquos portico 239 There is sufficient evidence showing that in Thessaloniki there was a temple for the deified Julius
Caesar constructed during the reign of Augustus It is quite likely that this temple was used for the
imperial cult [there are plenty of epigraphic evidence indicating the latter Vitti (1996) 58-9] There is
thus the scenario that these statues of the emperors constructed by these Romaioi could have been
located inside the temple of the imperial cult
63
Apart from the above this textual style entails more implications In particular it
comprises a stiff formulaic official and bureaucratic language For instance the verb
is actually always omitted John Ma has produced some interesting thoughts
concerning this kind of language Accordingly the reference of the dedicator in
nominative -the people the city along with the Romaioi the absence of the verb
τιμάω (honor) and the reference to the recipient of the dedication in accusative
declared that it was the final step in the process of the publication of official act
Moreover this formula closely resembles the proclamation of honors to be brought to
the benefactors at festivals240
Seen from this perspective this specific honorific
language gave the impression of official politics fused with the type of culture the
one of festivals via which the community identified itself and advertised this identity
to strangers241
From this angle these inscriptions became the vehicle for the
announcement and continuity of civic culture
Furthermore in regard to the ethnicity of the language all of these eight
inscriptions were composed in Greek Rizakis has maintained -studying though only
Thessaloniki- that since all their inscriptions (both of the Romaioi
sympragmateuomenoi and most of the inscriptions of individual Romans) were
composed in Greek these Romans did not portray a distinct and differentiated
identity242
It seems plausible that since they used Greek to advertise their status and
to display their involvement in the decision making processes (since they are co-
founders of monuments with the city) they were fully integrated in the city and its
culture
However the sole fact that they called themselves as Romans may be perceived as
an effort to demarcate their groups from the rest of the cityrsquos private and public
organizations and institutions They were integrated in the city yet in this image of
civic involvement they presented themselves as separate social units based on an
ethnic distinction
Besides the fact that they managed to present themselves next to the highest civic
institution the city itself should be seen as a claim for differentiation Not every
association and institution could accomplish the latter Although there are some
honorific inscriptions revealing associations in connection with the higher social
240 Ma (2007) 211-3 241 For such an interpretation of festivals see van Nijf (1997) 131-7 242 Rizakis (1986) 520-1
64
strata there is however only one more case depicting an association in a joined decree
with the city243
They provided thus a picture of themselves as significant
organizations partaking in the official politics distinct and separate from the rest of
the population and its formations yet incorporated into civic life As a group of
foreigners ldquoby adopting the discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that
they had effectively internalized the core values of their host communitiesrdquo244
Once we look at the recipients of their honors we find patrons benefactors
prominent local individuals and families and even the Emperor Touching on the last
case the city of Acanthus in the peninsula of Chalcidice honored along with the
sympragmateuomenoi Romaioi and the paroikountes the Emperor Augustus245
The
first observation that should be noted alludes to the word παροικοῦντες More than
one translation is possible The verb παροικέω can be translated as dwell beside live
near or live in a city with the status of the foreigner as a ξένος Both could possibly
refer to foreigners living in the city If that was the case then this inscription is the
only one in the examined territory that illustrates a further degree of integration of
these Romaioi They were in collaboration not only with the city but with more of its
components Apart from partaking in the symbolic game could they have actually
expected to gain something more by this action
Honoring the Emperor appears to have been a habit that Roman businessmen
shared around the Greek East246
It was a habit that cities individuals private and
public institutions exercised so frequently that relevant inscriptions are innumerable
Dedications to the Emperor have been suggested to be best compared with dedications
to the gods We can perceive them as demonstrations of loyalty rather as the
indicators of some sort of connection247
There are though some clues suggesting
that a group of merchants could have retained personal ties with the Emperor
An association from Smyrna demonstrates the actual possibility of contact between
a private association and the Emperor A group of Dionysiac initiates maintained a
connection with Marcus Aurelius248
Although this association is an exception to the
rule it is still an indication Moreover it could also be possible that the news of a
243 IG X 21 192 244 Van Nijf (2009) 16 245 SEG 1 282 Similarly IG X 21 33 is possibly (the inscription is quite fragmentary) a dedication to
the Emperor 246 See for instance IEph 409 and 3019 247 Van Nijf (1997) 75 248 ISmyrna 600 and 601
65
corporation honoring the Emperor especially in collaboration with an institution such
as the city could actually reach the Emperor through regular means of diplomacy
Travelling diplomats could have been the proper carriers of such messages249
An example from the city of Idomene around sixty five kilometers to the north of
Thessaloniki supports this suggestion More precisely the city and the Romaioi are
pledging their loyalty to Rome by honoring an ambassador of the Emperor
Tiberius250
The scenario whereby both the local elite and the Romaioi were expecting
a request to be forwarded to the Emperor should not be cast out Nonetheless private
connections with the Emperor remain a hypothesis It may be more plausible that
Romaioi could have cherished actual relationships with other officials rather than the
Emperor himself
For instance we could construct potential scenarios with the Romaioi
enkektemenoi of Beroea This group along with the people of Beroea honored
Leucius Calpurnius Piso Caisoninus the proconsul of provincia Macedonia during
the years 57-55 BC against whom Cicero wrote fiercely251
In the inscription he is
mentioned as their own patron252
Whether he was also the patron of the city of
Beroea and not solely of the Roman group it is difficult to determine only based on
the inscription There are more inscriptions honoring Calpurnius Piso as a patron or
honoring his relatives (daughter) They have been found at Oropos Samos and
perhaps Samothrace253
Was it thus solely a demonstration of loyalty to the supreme
authority of the province and thus to the Roman rule by the Greek local elites Or
indeed had Piso benefited these places in some way It is rather difficult to argue
My interest though lies more in the ties with the group rather than the city Was
there a tangible relationship between the two constituents Was there some sort of
exchange behind the dedication Let us examine the possibilities
249 There are plenty of cases of communication between emperors and cities or civic subdivisions For
some examples see Millar (1977) 410-447 250 SEG 19 438 ἡ πόλις κα[ὶ] οἱ συμπραγμ[α]τευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Π(όπλιον) Μέμμιον ῆγλον
πρεσβευτὴν Τι(βερίου) Κλαυδίου [Κ]αίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ ερμανικοῦ ἀντ[ι]στράτηγον 251 Cicero In Pisonem 252 EKM 1 59 Λεύκιον Καλπόρνιον Πίσωνα ἀνθύπατον Βεροιαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι ωμαῖοι τὸν ἑατῶν πάτρωνα 253 Oropos I Oropos 447 and 448 honoring Piso and his wife Samos IG XII 6 388 honoring Pisorsquos
daughter (she is also referred as Julius Caesarrsquos wife) Samothrace IG XII 8 242 honoring Piso as a
patron [however the reconstruction of the fragmentary inscription provided by Fraser is quite uncertain
see Fraser (1960) II n 18] See moreover at Delos an association that constructed its temple referring
to the Piso in the dating fornula (ID 1737)
66
Whether the Romaioi enkektemenoi of Beroea expanded their business activities in
more sectors than land-ownership we cannot know However they were certainly of
some general status since they could appear as co-dedicators with the city It is
possible that such an association needed special economic favors ranging from
special prices or favorable taxation conditions to generally bending the law It is quite
likely that they could have found in the face of a famously corrupted provincial
governor the man they needed254
It would be also reasonable to assume that apart from honorific exchange they
could have offered monetary exchanges The specific monument therefore might
have been an elaborate and colorful disguise of relations of extortion corruption
bribing and fear or simply the product of a profitable exchange for both parties If we
are to trust Cicero then it was probably a relationship of extortion and fear255
However we should also entertain the case that there was no particular relationship
and that these Romans were simply trying to earn themselves future favors and
special treatment Multiple scenarios are possible however our text is quite
economical and to continue hypothesizing would be unsafe
The same interpretation is applicable to the case of Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi
at Styberra who coupled with the city honored their benefactor256
A vague
relationship is transformed with honorific language into an acceptable one Whether
there was indeed a concrete benefaction behind this faccedilade it is difficult to discover
What is arguable though is that this action had both components pinned on the
symbolic map The benefactor is praised thus enhancing his status within the local
society and the group is setting a claim for its own civic position and possibly paving
the way for future exchanges and benefactions The other three the inscriptions of
Romaioi are more or less repeating the same pattern The city and the Romans are
praising local celebrated individuals
One example is quite representative During the years 27 BC-14 AD the city of
Thessaloniki and the Romaioi sympragmateuomenoi dedicated a bronze statue with an
254 Cicero had severely accused Calpurnius Piso for his abuses during his governorship of provincia
Macedonia See Cicero In Pisonem 255 Ibid 27 64 where he is accusing Piso for depriving Roman businessmen of his lands and
possessions 256 IG X 22 330 Στυβερραίων ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι ωμαῖοι Ἀρχέπολιν Ἀπολλοδώρου
τὸν εὐεργέτην
67
inscribed marble base to a fellow citizen named Marcus Papius Maximus257
The sole
fact that the city with the group of Romans decided to pay tribute to him testifies to
the fact that he was a persona of some prominence There is more evidence for the
specific individual
While Papius Maximus is unknown to us from other epigraphic material of the
city258
other people with his family name Papii are known to us from other
inscriptions of Thessaloniki In one case an Aulus Papius Cheilon is honored by his
association for building their oikos while in the second case a certain Papia
Presvytero is mentioned in an epitaph erected by her sons259
The exact relation
between these three people cannot be determined especially since the other
inscriptions are of later times260
Yet the continuance of his family name supports the
suggestion that he could have been a socially distinguished individual
We should also take under consideration an interesting hypothesis constructed by
Georgios Belenis who studied this inscription Belenis entertains the possibility that
Marcus Papius Maximus could have been a relative or a freedman of a replacing
consul (consul suffectus) of the year 9 AD named M Papius Mutilus The Papius of
Thessaloniki he suggests could have represented the financial interests of the
temporary consul from Rome261
It is very well attested that wealthy Romans and
Italians including Senators exploited financially the provincial lands via entrusted
people such as their freedmen262
The proximity of the dates of our two inscriptions
makes this scenario quite plausible There are indeed cases where Romans of
Macedonia are argued to have been serving the financial interests of wealthy families
from Italy Abdera is a useful example once more The Apustii father and son
honored by the city of Abdera were probably bankers and it has been argued that
they were relatives of an important senatorial family263
Hence once again historical details support the reconstruction presented so far
Roman businessmen could have associated themselves with officials and significant
individuals anticipating to benefit and improve their financial conditions They could
257 SEG 46 812 [ἡ πόλις καὶ οἱ συμπρ]α γματευόμε[νοι ωμαῖ]ο ι Μᾶρκον Πάπιον Μάρ[κου υἱ]ὸ ν
Μάξιμον ἐπὶ ἱερέως [κ]α ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου Καίσαρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Νικολάου τοῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ καὶ
Κλιτομάχου 258 Belenis (1996) 11 259 IG X 21 58 IG X 21 452 260 See Belenis (1996) 11-13 for the relevant discussion 261 Ibid 12-13 262 For examples see Brunt (1971) 209-14 263 I Aeg Thrace E9-10 Regarding their -possible- prominent status see Rizakis (1998) 114 n 13
68
have attempted to establish connections with magistrates ldquowho could guarantee the
security of personnel and property and intervene when transactions went wrongrdquo264
Such magistrates were not necessarily only of high ranking such as the provincial
governor but could have also been officers stationed in key posts like the treasurer of
the city or a market overseer whose public status was not necessarily mentioned in
the honorific inscriptions Honoring them could have been a way of gaining access to
the men who made decisions265
The other two inscriptions present similar cases266
So far we have seen that Roman businessmen used their honorific practices to
bestow themselves an identity distinct and at the same integrated They surely
attempted to find a place of their own within the social hierarchies of the civic
environment Moreover we have every reason to believe that their honors were
utilized to have their financial activities developed and strengthened267
These
Romaioi however seem totally unconcerned with the traditional Macedonian past
Their degree of integration was within the Greek or Greco-Roman city Neither did
they present any religious picture of themselves as collectivities
22 Other Private Associations
How did the rest of the private associations of Macedonian cities use their honorific
activities Was it only a symbolic action And if so did it refer only to the civic
world or do we detect again some reflection of the Macedonian religious tradition as
with their funerary activities Did they also strive to improve any occupational
conditions and promote any professional interests I will divide the subsequent
analysis in Hellenistic and Roman times in order to show that associations in
Macedonia exercised honors before the Roman period when the practice substantially
increased
264 Van Nijf (2009) 5 265 Van Nijf (1997) 92 266
CIG II Add 1997d (Edessa) honoring the daughter of a Roman citizen for their piety to the gods
IG X 21 32 (Thessaloniki) honoring someone (fragmentary inscription) mentioning (perhaps) the
priest of the imperial cult as well as a politarch (title of a magistrate from the royal period) 267 Many scholars are now leaving behind the old consensus according to which collegia were not so
active in this direction [Finley (1999) 137-8] see for instance van Nijf (1997) 12-18 Verboven
(2011) and Gibbs (2011) moreover Monson (2005) who argues that Ptolemaic religious associations
drew up regulations to decrease transactions costs Broekaert (2011) for a plausible analysis regarding
the potential professional advantages of being a collegiatus Gabrielsen (2001) who illustrates the
potentials of Rhodian associations the statesrsquo financial importance during the Hellenistic period
69
221 The Hellenistic Period
The older attestation of an association attributing honors in Macedonia is the one of
Mousaistai from Dion At some point during the years 179-168 BC the group of
initiates of the Mousai decided to honor the Macedonian king Perseus268
The stone
bearing the inscription was later cut and shaped into a capital in approximately 50x50
cm269
This actually means that the initial size of the stone which was most probably
holding a statue of the king was quite considerable We could thus imagine a sizable
statue as well Unfortunately there is no relevant information regarding its original
location
However it is reasonable to assume that it could have been positioned in a close
proximity to the cultrsquos sanctuary especially since another statue of one of the Mousai
has been found nearby The excavator of the site Demetris Pandermalis has assumed
that the sanctuary must have been close to the theater270
Therefore the monument in
question could have been in a central position within the city The implications thus
are the same with those extracted from the statues of the Roman businessmen
examined above
Looking at the text the king is praised as a benefactor of the synodos and for
exhibiting virtue (ἀρετὴ) as well as piety towards the gods the Mousai and Dionysus
The same interpretation given above in regard to honoring the Emperor could apply
here as well Honoring the king was an act of pledging loyalty Moreover according
to the text Perseus most probably benefited in some way the Mousaistai271
Thus
honoring him after a benefaction could have stood a good reason for future
benefactions
Another important implication to examine at this point is the prominence of Dion
for the Macedonians To begin with it was the most significant religious center of the
region carrying a relevant culture since it was ldquothe spiritual center of the Macedonian
kingdomrdquo272
It was not only the cult of the Mousai that was significant at Dion 273
but it was the major worship center for Zeus the most significant deity for the
268 SEG 49 697 [β]ασιλέα Περ [σέα] βασιλέως Φιλίπ[που] οἱ Μουσαϊσταὶ ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ
εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον καὶ εὐσεβεία[ς] τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς Μούσαις καὶ Διονύσω[ι] 269 Pandermalis (1999) 415-6 270 Ibid 416 271 The phrase ἀρετῆς ἕν[εκεν] καὶ εὐεργεσίας τῆς εἰς τὴ[ν] σύνοδον translates as due to the virtue and
benefaction towards the synod the key word is ἕν[εκεν] = because due tohellip which could refer to past
actions 272 Christesen and Murray (2010) 430 273 Pandermalis (1999) 416
70
Macedonians274
It also retained a tradition of hosting festivals musical and athletic
games even from the late Classical period275
It was this loaded religiosity and vitality
of the city that attracted the royal attention
Philipp II held there a festival to celebrate his victorious campaign against
Olynthus276
Perseusrsquos presence at Dion was quite frequent277
Macedonian royalty
moreover used the urban landscape of this significant for them city to demonstrate
their power via monumentalizing processes Alexander had dedicated there a
monument for the fallen at the battle of Granicus Furthermore the city was adorned
with the statues of the Macedonian kings278
We can imagine that the public space of
Dion was a lieu de meacutemoire of the Macedonian past and traditions279
Hence the inscription of the Mousaistai has multiple connotations Its importance
first of all lies on the fact that it is a testimony It confirms the utilization by private
associations in Hellenistic Macedonia of urban space for the establishment of
identities and the development of status Additionally it shows that at the time
Macedonian traditionalism expressed in the form of religion was equally important
to the civic environment The group of Mousiastai could have been craftsmen traders
or even descending from the possessing classes Despite though their legal-social and
financial background they opted for a religious identity attached to the Macedonian
traditions to make their claim for status in civic space
The Mousaistai though were active in a time when the Macedonian state was still
alive Let us see the honorific activities of associations in the Roman era I will start
with some cases suggesting that not only Roman businessmen could have used their
honorific activities to promote their professional interests
322 The Roman Period
I) Honoring for Business and Status
A case of Dionysiac artists namely associations of professional performers at
festivals280
reveals such a pattern The evidence for the specific group originates
274 For the importance of Zeus for the Macedonians see Chapter V 275 Diodorus Siculus 17 16 3-4 276 Ibid 16 55 1 277 Pandermalis (1999) 417 278 Ibid 419 279 The concept of lieux de meacutemoire namely sites material locations of memory was introduced and
developed by Pierre Nora in a series of studies from 1984 onwards Indicatively see Nora (1989) 280 For an excellent introduction on Dionysiac artists see Aneziri (2009) and for a more comprehensive
analysis Aneziri (2003)
71
from Amphipolis The koinon ton techniton honored the priests of the goddess Athena
with two inscribed stele in the early 1st century BC
281 There is some discussion
whether these technitai were craftsmen or Dionysiac performers282
There are though
some strong indications suggesting that this was indeed an association of Dionysiac
artists First of all there are inscriptions testifying to the existence and function of
such an organization in Macedonia the center of which was probably in Dion283
Amphipolis was yet another city where civic festivals and games are attested since
the Classical period and during the Hellenistic and early Roman years284
It is quite
reasonable to have attracted professional artists to perform in its festivities
The final and perhaps most important indication that we are dealing here with
performers is that one of these two inscriptions in its lower part entails another text
fragmentary and unpublished so far which is most probably an agonistic
inscription285
It mentions names of victors youth and adult in athletic games with
the names being set among wreaths286
We could assume that the whole monument is
a dedication following some festival This does not mean that an occupational group
could not honor the priests of a prevalent cult appearing as co-authors in the same
stele of the athletic victors It would make more sense though for professional
performers of festivals to join forces in the construction of a monument of such
relevance
The priests therefore may have been honored by an association of artists which
could have been in the city only for its festival for their provisions in regard to the
organization of the celebrations It was quite common for the Dionysiac technitai to
281 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 235-248 Ἔτους Δ και Ξ Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφάνωσεν τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Μάρκον Καικέλιον Σωτᾶν Πόμπλιον Κορνήλιον Σωτήριχον Ὀλυμπιόδωρον
Πυθοδώρου [ca 7-8] Καικέλιον [ca9-10]Μένανδρον [ca 9-10] ρος SEG 48 716ter Ἔτους θ ʹ
καὶ νʹ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐστεφανωσε τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Φιλόξενον Περιγένου Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Μᾶρκον Ἄμπιον Ἀλέξανδρον Μαίνιον [ - - - ][- -] οἱ συνιερεῖς στεφανοῦσιν Εὐφρόσυνον
Νικάνορος Φιλόξενον Περιγένου 282 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 238-245 One of the priests of Athena Marcus Caicelius Sotas is
known as a coppersmith who probably belonged in a relevant association (SIG3 1140) However
discovering a similar occupational status for the rest of the priests is impossible For what is more the
specific artisanrsquos status as priest of Athena might be random since he is also involved in other cults In
SIG3 1140 we read that he is making a dedication to the Great Gods residing in Samothrace Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙
Καικέλιος Σῶτας ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης Θεοῖς Μεγάλοις τοῖς ἐν Σαμοθράκηι 283 See IG XI 4 1059 (and its correction at SEG 28 667) and IG VII 2486 which testify the existence from the mid 3rd century BC of a trans-regional Dionysiac association of technitai from Nemea
Isthmos and Pieria while it is not clear whether Pieria refers to a city or not it is more likely that it
refers to the region around Dion see Aneziri (2003) 57 arguing likewise 284 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 243 see n 58-60 for the primary evidence 285 SEG 48 716ter 286 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (2011) 236 n 3
72
travel around cities and participate in their festivals and subsequently honor local
magistrates benefactors and political institutions287
Honoring the people responsible
for these festivals which was the target of this associationrsquos professional interest may
have built the groundwork for future cooperation Simply put these specific honors
could have been a useful tool of promoting the business interests of these performers
There is moreover another important implication to be noted here namely the cult
that the honored priests were serving that is the one of Athena The specific cult was
quite prominent in this Athenian colony since its early days As it seems the tradition
was kept alive in Roman times too288
Hence the public image that this association
constructed for itself was one of civic involvement focusing on local religious
traditions Amphipolis despite being part of the Macedonian kingdom it kept an
idiosyncratic culture not completely embracing the Macedonian culture since it was a
former Athenian colony Therefore this case demonstrates that a ldquotravellingrdquo
association could contribute to the advertisement of local identities and cultures
To return to the exercise of honors for the promotion of business there is an issue
that requires some attention Namely there are some cases mentioning the office of
agoranomos289
These inscriptions show honors of the groups to the agoranomos and
the opposite It is reasonable to argue that this office belonged to the mentioned
associations yet at the same it is not absolutely certain just from the texts since it is
actually translated as a market overseer It is hard to imagine the duties of such an
officer for a private association A rather plausible hypothesis has been drawn
regarding one of these cases
Accordingly a Beroean Dionysiac thiasos who honored their an agoranomos
could have had their own market place during a festival290
In this way the
287 For relevant examples see Aneziri (2003) D8 D9 B16 288 For the evidence and bibliography in regard to the cult of Athena in Amphipolis see Koukouli-
Chrysanthaki (2011) 237 289 EKM 1 22 AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4 quite possible the latin aedilis is the equivalent of
agoranomos ILGR 183-6 Philippi II 164 290 EKM 1 22 ἔτους ∙ αʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ μʹ ∙ καὶ ∙ ρʹ ∙ ἈρτεμισίουΠαράμονος Θεογένους ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ
θιάσου ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου Διονύσωι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασ[ω]τῶν Παράμονον Θεογένου Concerning the nature
of the group there is a debate as to whether it was an association of Dionysiac artists or simply some
group dedicated to Dionysus The relief curved on the stele depicts two male figures The first one is
offering a libation at an altar Opposite him lies the second one holding a scepter in his left hand and in his right a libation cup Comparing details of this depiction with a funerary bomos of Thessaloniki
bearing a relief of an actor (see Trakosopoulou-Salakidou (1993) 1562-9 figure 9-10) the editors of
the inscription argued that we are dealing with an association of Dionysiac artists See EKM 1 22
commentary It is however debated see Allamani-Souri (2001) 34-8 Jaccottet (2003) II 48-9 and
Ascough-Kloppenborg (2011) 300-2 I will retain an agnostic position regarding this matter since it
does not seriously affect the current interpretation
73
agoranomos could be understood as a member of the group who was responsible for
their involvement in the market during the festival291
Moreover we should also
consider the scenario whereby the agoranomos was a city officer elected only for
festivals292
Such an official of specific duration member or not could have received
honors possibly for assisting their involvement in festivities where they could deploy
business activities
In addition a unique case from Philippi shows that things could turn out quite
favorable for private associations In an -unfortunately- undated inscription it appears
that the city of Philippi honored as a benefactor Antiochos son of Lycos from
Thyateira who was the ldquofirstrdquo of the purple-dyers293
This piece of evidence proves
that private associations engaged in reciprocal relations with their cities They were
not the only ones honoring locally prominent citizens but they could have been
acknowledged by the city for their services It is not hard to imagine that associations
of purple dyers could have benefited the city with some work of public utility294
and
that more exchange of honors between the city and the group existed as well The
implication is that through the bilateral honoring the business activities of the group
could have benefited
Hitherto I suggested that the exploitation of honorific practices for the
advancement of professional interests was not exercised only by the associations of
Roman businessmen Yet apart from the cases analyzed till here all the rest favor the
scenario whereby private groups developed honorific practices to participate in the
competitive game of status augment There are plenty of examples illustrating the
latter thus I will examine a selection of the ones providing rich details for possible
reconstructions which at the same time are the most representative ones
II) Honoring for Status
Around the mid 3rd
century AD a group dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian god
Sarapis at Thessaloniki accomplished to pass a common degree with the city
Accordingly the boule and the demos honor -with a bomos- Poplius Aelius Neikanor
the worthiest (ἀξιολογώτατος) Macedoniarch who was also honored by the religious
291 For the reconstruction see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 301 292 Sviatoslav (2010) 321 293 Philippi II 697 Τὸν πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν πορφυροβάφ[ων Ἀντ]ίοχον Λύκου Θυατειρ[η]νόν εὐεργέτ[ην]
καὶ [] ἡ πόλις ἐτ[ίμησε] 294 For the possibility whereby associations of purple dyers could have been involved in major works of
public utility se van Nif (1997) 88-91
74
group as their prostates namely patron295
The term prostates could also refer to the
associationrsquos leader yet it choosing the second option does not really make a
difference to the following interpretation Like the Roman businessmen we are
dealing here with a group that could influence the highest local authorities and
construct their public image based on exactly that element Not only did they attempt
a degree of civic integration but they also succeeded it
The honorific language used is yet another issue to consider This inscription was
the product of the highest civic institution and some private group The chosen lingual
formula was the typical official bureaucratic one found in most of the honorific
inscriptions examined in this chapter Moreover the honorand is not praised for a
specific benefaction or transaction but generally as ldquomost worthyrdquo Attention is given
on describing the honorand on moral terms a pattern also seen in many of the
honorific inscriptions studied here Such description provided a sense of socio-
political importance It underlined social distance and political power ldquoby the use of
an explicitly elevated symbolic language and legitimated by an abundant display of
moral and personal qualitiesrdquo296
Concerning the honorand according to his title he was an important official
possibly the highest one of the Macedonian Koinon His socio-political and financial
status quite likely belonged to the propertied classes The scenaria that we could
construct in regard to his relation with the initiates of Sarapis are numerous Let us
examine a very plausible one
As their patron or leader or both he could have provided for their social life by
constructing a club house a sanctuary funding their assemblies being the
intermediate between them and other public and private institutions and so on He
could have facilitated their business interests if they were professionals or even
elevate their actual political career by securing or at least promoting their entrance
into civic institutions such as the Macedonian Koinon or into local magistracies
More than that we cannot exclude the case that Poplius Neikanor could have been a
member of this group The possibilities of interpreting this affiliation are plenty
There is though one safe remark we can make here An unidentified number of
people of unknown social economic and professional background decided to put
295 IG X 21 192 ἀγαθῆι τύχηι δόγματι τῆς κρατίστης βουλῆς κα ὶ χ ε ιροτονίᾳ τοῦ ἱε ρω τά του δήμου
Π ό πλιον Αἴλιον Νεικάνορα τὸν ἀξιολογώτατον μακεδονιάρχη ν οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ μ εγάλου
Σαράπιδος τὸν προστάτην εὐτυχεῖτε 296 Van Nijf (2011) 236
75
forward their collectivity as one devoted to an important deity of the city for the past
few centuries Moreover they succeeded in demonstrating that they were not a
marginal group rather a fully integrated one in the city life297
Likewise a group from Philippi dedicated to the cult of the Egyptian gods Isis and
Sarapis announced their place in society honoring local prominent citizens with a
number of inscriptions During the period 2nd
-3rd
centuries AD they dedicated a
sizable honorific bomos to a certain Lucius Valerius Priscus who apparently held a
variety of public offices Namely he had served as a regular councilor as an honorary
councilor as agonothetes as a type of police magistrate and as juridical magistrate as
well298
The honorand had indeed a rich political career and he was part of a family that
held a tradition in offices in other words a rather prominent family299
It is easy to
imagine that any type of group would desire to attract such an individual as its
benefactor or in any other sort of connection Again a vague relationship or the
absence of one lies behind this text It is impossible to discover whether the recipient
of honors was a member of the group and what kind of ties he maintained with this
collectivity Similarly we cannot determine whether this honorific monument was the
result of some benefactions or the call for future ones
Furthermore most likely the same group furnished two more inscribed stele
honoring socially renowned inhabitants of the city300
The first one constitutes
probably posthumous honors for their benefactor who is characterized ldquomost
worthyrdquo exactly like Poplius Neikanor in Thessaloniki301
With the second one they
honor the son of this benefactor and they allude to the political career of the father
He had been a gymnasiarch a high-priest and an agonothetes of the festival dedicated
297 Charles Edson speculated that since they could appear next to the city in joined honors these people
originated from the local aristocracy Edson (1948) 187 While such a scenario cannot be excluded it
can neither be proven Even if we accept Edsonrsquos argument the above interpretation is still applicable 298 Philippi II 252 L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) fil(io) Volt(inia) Prisco orn(amentis) dec(urionatus)
hon(orato) dec(urioni) irenar(chae) Ilvir(o) iur(e) d(icundo) munera- rio cultores deor(um) Serapis
[et] Isidis 299 Philippi II 249 where we read of a Publius Valerius Niger being aedilis of the city There are also numerous inscriptionσ mentioning his tribe title namely Voltinia see Tsochos (2004) 88 300 Philippi II 307 and 311 301 The text concludes after the honors with the phrase for the sake of (his) memory Philippi II 307
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ Κ(οίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον ∙ Ἑρμαδίωνα τὸν ἀ ξ ιολογώτα[το]ν οἱ θρησκευ[τὲ] τοῦ Σέραπι [τὸ]ν
εὐεργέτην [μνή]μης χάριν This expression fits funerary commemoration However the monument was
found in the city in other words it is not likely that it was a funerary bomos rather an honorific one
76
to Asclepius302
Even if he was not a member of the political authorities his having
been the administrator of the cityrsquos gymnasion and his having been at the helm of a
civic festival speak loudly for his prominence
In this case I would favor the scenario that the honorand (at least the father)
maintained actual relations with the group since in the first inscription he is named as
their benefactor and in the second he is entitled as ἴδιος which can be translated as
ldquotheir ownrdquo The above interpretations with regard to their possible relationship are
applicable here as well thus I will avoid repetition
What should be noted is that the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods was situated
within the city walls303
This fact by itself is not of great importance Yet once we
examine this from a comparative viewpoint it becomes clear that the specific cult was
a prominent one to the population and the administration of the city
Specifically the cult of the Egyptian Gods was probably introduced at Philippi
around the 3rd
century BC as in other cities of Macedonia304
However it must have
assumed importance only in the Roman era according to the epigraphic and
archaeological evidence305
A number of dedications illustrate the latter For instance
an inscribed base -probably of a statue- has been found within the sanctuary306
It was
dedicated by the priest of Isis to a certain woman who was deemed fit to receive a
statue The reason may have been either that she was a prominent figure of the local
society or a benefactress of the sanctuary Another one is a dedication to Isis the
Imperial house and the city itself constructed by a medical officer who also
commissioned and dedicated four tables issued by an official decree of the council307
The second inscription in particular is of great value since it is a testimony that the
authorities of the city were in active connection with the specific cult
Its local-civic importance is also suggested by its urban location (in the map
below n 5) Although it is rather isolated from the rest of the public infrastructures
that were all concentrated around the forum once we compare it with other cults the
difference becomes clear For instance the sanctuaries of Silvanus of Artemis and of
302 Philippi II 311 Κο(ίντον) ∙ Φλάβιον Ἑρμαδίωνα υἱὸν Κο(ίντου) ∙ Φλαβίου Ἑρμαδίωνος τοῦ ∙
κρα(τίστου) ∙ γυμνασιάρχου καltὶgt ἀρχιερέως οἱ θρησκευτὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγωνοθέτην τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπείων 303 Tsochos (2004) 83-4 304 Ibid 83 305 Ibid 306 Philippi II 190 307 Philippi II 132
77
Cybele are located on the foot of the mountain (n 3 4) Moreover plenty of the
inscriptions dedicated to the Egyptian gods were unearthed within the agora (n 9)
except for the sanctuary (n 5) while none dedicated to the afore-mentioned deities
were found in a central point308
Specifically the three honorific monuments of the associations examined so far
were spotted within the city center The one dedicated to Valerius Priscus was found
next to the agora in the commercial market (n 10) while the other two were found
nearby at the Basilica A΄ (n 6) They were in other words visible to the public
instead of being isolated
clubhouse or rural sanctuary
of restricted view and
accessibility Charalampos
Tsochos assumed from the
material of all the
monuments dedicated to this
cult their inscribing style
and all the above presented
details that the dedicators
and honorands descended
from the upper social
echelons309
Map of the city-center of Roman Philippi Koukouli (1995) fig 14
Although this cannot be proven with regard to this association it is quite safe to
argue the following A number of people whose professional and general background
remains unknown decided to provide a public image of their collectivity associated it
with a very important part of the local religious vitality Moreover the people that
they honored the possible connections that they had and the utilization of urban
landscape plainly demonstrates that they asserted a claim for recognition and
integration in civic life
Furthermore the first of these three inscriptions was composed in Latin while the
other two in Greek We see thus that they assumed for themselves neither a
completely Roman identity nor an entirely Greek one but something in between We
308 Tsochos (2004) 88-9 309 Ibid 88
78
could argue that in a Roman colony they advocated themselves as carriers of cultural
assimilation as participants of a Roman and Hellenic identity exactly like the
funerary activities examined in this colony
The koinon of thiasotai at Beroea examined above can be understood in a similar
way Specifically Paranomos most probably came from an important family A
relative of his possibly his son was honored during the early 1st century AD by the
city of Beroea for holding a public office in an ldquoexcellentrdquo manner (ἄριστα
πεπολειτευμένον)310
It is quite likely that the city chose its magistrates from the local
elites The implication is that a member of the group Paranomos could have been of
some prominence for the Beroean society
We could therefore understand this monument as an attempt of a private
association to exhibit its close affiliation with the important people of the city
Moreover they presented themselves as adherent of the socio-political values
replicating the widespread habit of honors assuming in this way its place within the
civic culture It is unfortunate that we do not know the original provenance of this
monument The editors though of the inscription suggest that the sanctuary of
Dionysus would have been located within the region where this inscription was
found311
The rest of the honorific inscriptions repeat the patterns observed thus far Forging
connection with socially superior individuals seems to have been exercised by more
groups and was used for the construction of a civically integrated identity A very
fragmentary inscription of the early 3rd
century AD found in Thessaloniki depicts a
group honoring its benefactress for her incomparable services to the sanctuary and
stressing her and her familyrsquos high origins312
The specific inscription was found close
to the Sarapeion
Could the mentioned benefactions refer to the Sarapeion Was there another
sanctuary which this prominent woman benefited built by this association There are
well known cases of private associations erecting under the official state permission
their own religious establishments313
Whether this is a similar case it is hard to say
310 EKM 1 103 311 Close to this area there has been found a column with manumissions dedicated to Dionysus see
EKM 1 22 commentary 312 IG X 21 16 For an analytical commentary see Nigdelis (2006) 211-216 313 See the most famous example of the Cyprian merchants and the Egyptians who were granted by the
Athenian assembly the right to possess land and build there their sanctuary IG II2 337 Same provision
was granted to a Thracian group IG II2 1283
79
Nonetheless the setting of the monument in a central position makes it a tool for
status claims
Similarly a group of mystai based in Beroea honored a woman who probably
descended from a family that traditionally held priestly offices It is not discernible
whether this tradition of priesthood was of public-official or private nature314
Provided that the honorand was a priestess of an official cult as well as her ancestors
then the specific inscription would be an advertisement of high connections within the
local society If she was a priestess of the cultic group coming from a family that
retained the priestly office within the group then it would still be a status claim since
the specific inscription can also be viewed as a tool for internal distinction and status
negotiation processes Yet again as in their funerary activities associations embraced
and advertised this acceptance of the established social hierarchies
Another religious collectivity from Thessaloniki dedicated a stele to a member
who was probably their leader for constructing their oikos (probably their
clubhouse)315
The stele was found almost a kilometer away from the Sarapeion This
makes the following hypothesis quite plausible A private group aspiring to participate
in civic life constructed their clubhouse close to a cultic center of paramount
importance to the city such as the Sarapeion From a visible place in urban space
they claimed their place within the local society via monumentalizing their
acceptance of the hierarchical model and of civic practices such as honors316
All of the examples studied so far exhibit some repetitive patterns Private
associations took advantage of their honorific practices with a view to establishing
their identity It was an identity for groups that were adherents of the deep-rooted
social structures and of religious of focus
Conclusion
In this chapter I concentrated on the associative honorific practices A short analysis
of the habit of honoring in the Greco-Roman world showed that one of its primary
functions was to demonstrate acceptance of the given socio-political orders Honoring
314 EKM 1 122 Κλαυδίαν Ἄλκηστιν Ἰουλιανῆς Ἀμμίας καὶ Κλαυδίου Τέρπνου θυγατέρα τὴν ἐκ προγόνων ἱέρειαν ἐκγόνην Ἰουλιανῆς Νεικολαΐδος καὶ Πλωτιανῆς Ἀλκήστεως οἱ μύσται For the argument that she
descended from a family with a priestly tradition apart from the mention of the text see Hatzopoulos
(1996) 154 n 2 315 IG X 21 58 316 Likewise see Philippi II 535 EKM 1 22 SEG 36 583 IG X 21 208 and 219 IG X 22 75 and
407
80
by itself exhibited the internalization of the hierarchical values of that society and
reproduced civic culture Within this framework I set out to discover the role of
associationrsquos honors
I began by examining the honorific activities of a group that I distinguished from
the rest namely the associations of Roman businessmen I suggested that they may
have used their honorific practices to present themselves with a collective identity
distinct and at the same integrated Moreover it is quite possible that they utilized
these same practices to improve and promote their business conditions I then divided
my analysis of the rest of the associations in Hellenistic and Roman times The
purpose was to show that honors were used as a tool for status and integration by
associations before the coming of Rome
In addition I proposed that apart from the Roman businessmen more groups such
as the Dionysiac artists could have used these practices to promote their professional
interests and not only as an instrument for the construction of status With regard to
the rest of the associations I argued that honoring people was mainly meant to be a
strategy for the creation of identities
They sought to be seen as socially integrated Private associations monumentalized
relations of networking with important people They connected or at least attempted
to with prominent members of their cities Specific motives are quite hard to find
yet the result was that they probably strengthened their prestige and possibly attracted
tangible benefits Many of these groups moreover combined this claim for civic
integration with focusing on a religious culture In many cases it is identifiable that
the chosen deity was of particular importance for their environment
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia were much
interested in a self-image built upon religion They advertised this picture both with
their mortuary and honorary practices It is time to focus more on these religious
aspects In the following chapter I will examine the religious activities of these
groups
81
Chapter V Religious Practices
Introduction
Hitherto I have dealt with associationsrsquo funerals and honors in Macedonian cities I
have attempted to show that private associations made use of their funerary and
honorary activities in an outward way to advertise themselves as integrated groups in
the city and tried to establish their own position in a stratified society Moreover it
should be clear by now that these collectivities no matter the varied socio-economic
and political background of their members mainly provided an image of themselves
as initiates and devotes of certain deities This final chapter sets out to study the
associative focus on religion
Any relevant research should begin by making it clear that the religious traditions
of the Greek and Roman civilizations should not be understood as a cohesive set of
belief practices norms and institutions in an integrated system of an identifiable solid
core317
We are rather dealing with beliefs and traditions open to influences depending
on a variety of factors such as social and civic circumstances or family and group
customs Associations as active components of the city strongly involved themselves
with religion expressing it via certain activities
Many scholars now study the religious practices of associations focusing on their
social implications A plethora of works has examined in depth the success of cultic
associations in the Greco-Roman world attempting to identify what they offered to
people that made them so attractive318
Co-aligning with this tradition my focus will
be directed as well on the social realities that lie behind the religious practices of
Macedonian associations What I consider here as religious activities of associations
are dedications to deities and rituals
To arrive at a comprehensive understanding for such an inquiry I will mainly
study two elements the choice to devote to certain deities and paint a public picture
as their initiates and the function of rituals Before I proceed with the associative
religiosity of Macedonian cities it would be useful to outline a general background of
317 For a relevant discussion see Rives (2007) 1-53 318 Quite representative works including as well previous literature are Harland (2003) and Steinhauer
(2014) A rather representative work of the past tradition of observing associations from a legal and
institutional perspective is Arnaoutoglou (2003) while he studies as well the social world of cultic
associations of Athens his also quite focused on discovering the legal framework of their existence and
function
82
the religious world of this region In this way the behavior of associations concerning
the religious spectrum would be better understood
Main Part - The Role of Associative Religious Practices
1 Religion in Macedonia
As demonstrated in the first Chapter Macedonians were undeniably Greeks Be that
as it may from its early beginning till its later history Macedonia provides always
clues for a more distinctive culture than the rest of the Greek world Religion is a case
in point as it is identifiable that there were certain practices that set Macedonians
apart from their fellow Greeks319
Manuela Mari who discusses traditional cults and
beliefs of Macedonia warns us that sketching a distinct Macedonian pantheon would
be a task equal to fiction Yet at the same time she argues that even among local
peculiarities some constant features are traceable in the pre-Roman era320
In
particular while the deities worshipped in the region are the same as everywhere else
in Greek lands certain cults aroused special interest while others popular elsewhere
received less attention in Macedonia
Among the latter were for instance Hephaestus and Poseidon and among the
former were especially Zeus Herakles Artemis Dionysus Asclepius Isis and
Sarapis321
The last owns in particular seem to add a ldquonationalrdquo dimension to
Macedonian cults The cult of Zeus was the most important one of this region since
Macedon the mythical ancestor was supposedly the son of Zeus The royal traditions
were built upon this connection Coinages dating back to the reign of Phillip II carry
the head of Zeus He was worshipped under a number of epithets across this region
with Zeus Hypsistos being the most prevalent one The importance of Zeus is evident
in cities like Dion and Vergina which were of ldquonationalrdquo value to the Macedonians
As stated above annual festivals celebrating Zeus were established at Dion as of the
late 5th century BC
The cult of Herakles was of equal importance Macedonian kings traced their
origins back to Herakles and its cult is attested in almost all of the Macedonian cities
and especially in the royal capitals Vergina and Pella He also appeared on coins
dating from the early 5th
century BC Herakles along with Artemis was of such
319 Christesen-Murray (2010) 428 320 Mari (2011) 321 Christesen-Murray (2010) 430
83
significance that certain rituals including rites of passage into adulthood were
performed in their name Artemisrsquo prominence is attested from an abundance of
votive reliefs and dedications as well as coins depicting her head issued by Phillip II
Like Zeus Artemis was worshipped under many variations along this region
Furthermore the cult of Dionysus seems to have been quite popular in Macedonia
Annual sacrifices presided by the king were performed on a specific day which was
sacred for the god Its importance may be explained by the inclination of the
Macedonians in Orphic beliefs for afterlife in which Dionysus had a key role A
passage from Athenaeus records as well the importance of his cult for the Macedonian
royalty322
All the more his widespread regional popularity is also confirmed by many
local epithets
Progressively since the 4th
century BC the appearance and dominance of the
Egyptian gods mainly Isis and Sarapis has been documented While they can hardly
be characterized as Greco-Macedonians they became of certain significance for the
region Isis became the tutelary deity of Philippi She was moreover worshipped in
Dion as the Isis Locheia (Protector of Women in Childbirth) and figurines of an
assimilated version of Isis to Tyche (Fortune) are the most numerous religious
dedications found in excavations in northern Macedonia Above all the Sarapeion of
Thessaloniki became one of the most prominent sanctuaries of the Egyptian Gods in
the Greek world
A hypothesis explaining the rooting of this cult may be Alexanderrsquos inclination to
foreign deities and especially Egyptian Gods The implication is that since this cult
was dear to the number one Macedonian persona then its acceptance could have been
unquestionable and much desired Paul Christesen and Sarah Murray attribute this
affiliation to the Egyptian gods to the fact that the Macedonians were much more
deeply involved in the Near East than the rest of the Greeks to their openness to
foreign cults and practices and to association between Isis and the afterlife which
was a crucial element of the religious tradition of the Macedonians323
All the more apart from the afore-described cults that were profound in
Macedonia it seems that every city had at the same time its own prominent cults
Hence it has been argued that a clear distinguishing line between ldquocivicrdquo and
ldquonationalrdquo concerning the religious traditions of pre-Roman Macedonia cannot be
322 Athenaeus 14659 F-660 323 Christesen-Murray (2010) 436
84
easily drawn since they these two dimensions co-existed and interrelated324
A very
interesting example indicating this fusion between civic and national is the cult of
Asclepius which is widely found in several cities of the region In particular in a
variety of cities namely Philippi Philippopolis Thessaloniki Herakleia Lyngistis and
Kassandreia a tribe named after Asclepius is attested
The preceding discussion referred to Macedonia generally during the period 4th-1
st
centuries BC325
It is beyond doubt that the Roman rule brought about changes It is
not appropriate here to give an in-depth account of the religious world of the Roman
Empire Nonetheless a few details are of use As the Imperium Romanum expanded
along with it religious traditions evolved The Empire was a world of moving
populations bringing with them their own cultures and traditions What had already
been happening from the Hellenistic times was intensified in the Roman era There
was an unprecedented cultural proximity and exchange Many scholars now interpret
the religious developments of the Empire as a result of competition between cults
using concepts such as the religious market or approaches of contemporary
theoretical frameworks like the network one326
Macedonia found itself within this world In this region in particular this cultural
interplay was at its peak since the Via Egnatia facilitated the movement of peoples
Hence from the 1st century BC onwards Macedonia witnesses new religious
elements as well the substitution and syncretism of others
While Roman and other settlers introduced their own religious customs like the
cult of Silvanus and the one of Liber Pater at Philippi the Imperial cult or the Jewish
God327
at the same time Macedonian religious traditions maintained their seat in the
324 Mari (2011) 460 325 All the information provided thus far can be found at Hatzopoulos (2002) Christesen-Murray
(2010) and Mari (2011) which are detailed introductions to this topic with former literature For more
elaborate studies among an immense literature Duumlll (1977) and Hatzopoulos (1994) remain essential
Specifically for the cult of Asclepius I have consulted a recent unpublished master thesis which is an
exhaustive analysis of this cult in Macedonia see Lioulias (2010) 326 There is a growing literature around these matters See indicatively North (1992) introduced the
idea of religious pluralism for the concept of religious competition see North (2010) Stark (1997)
attempted to explain the rise of Christianity via the model of the religious market Collart (2013) 5-78 examines the potential of network approach upon the religious world of the Roman Empire Woolf
(2012) uses a network analysis to explain the religious pluralism Concerning the term religious
market while it is convenient as a notion to describe the religious plurality of the Greco-Roman
Mediterranean world it has its limits and it should be used cautiously for the criticism see Woolf
(2014) 68-9 327 See in Stobi a Jewish synagogue BCH 56 (1932) 291
85
Roman era328
Among the variety of indications demonstrating this resilience of
religious traditions the cults of Herakles Kynagidas and Isis illustrate it in the best
possible manner In particular while the specific deity was the recipient of
dedications by the Antigonid kings we find him during the Roman period as the
presiding god on slave manumissions329
Not only did his cult survive but on the
contrary it presented signs of social flexibility since it did no longer address solely the
elite With regard to the Isis one this cultural continuance is obvious in Philippi and
Dion the two most important Roman colonies in Macedonia At both cities it seems
that the Isis sanctuary (combined with Sarapis in Philippi) gradually became a
predominant one330
Hence as the religious map of the Empire can be seen as one of uniformity and
diversity331
the same can be argued about Macedonia While new elements were
introduced and sometimes replaced or assimilated with the old ones332
at the same
time traditional ones did not cease to exist One could advise against associating the
continuation of these cultic activities with the Macedonian religious traditions since
transformation and syncretism processes would have substantially altered many
aspects of them Transformed or altered though our sources draw a picture of specific
cults being worshipped in this region from the Classical and Hellenistic period up to
and during the Imperial era We can therefore assume that a traditional religious
Macedonian core remained alive in Roman Macedonia333
Let us now examine the
role of private associations of Macedonia in this cultural aspect
2 Private Associations in the Service of Gods
It should be obvious by now that private associations of Macedonia appeared in
public mainly carrying a religious face In the subsequent pages I will attempt to
understand 1) Religious choices namely the implications of their choice to depict
themselves as initiates of the specific deities 2) The function of dedications and 3)
The function of rituals
328 See Christesen-Murray (2010) 429 who argue that ldquomuch of Macedonian religious practice
remained unchanged from roughly the fourth century BC to the third century ADrdquo 329 Mari (2011) 461 330 For Dion see Pingiatoglou (2010) for Philippi see Tsochos (2004) 331 Rives (2007) 54-88 332 An example demonstrating the processes of religious exchange and assimilation is an association
from Thessaloniki dedicated to the god Hermanoubis namely a hybrid deity product of the unification
of Hermes and Anoubis see IG X 21 220 333 For the religious features of Roman Macedonia see Tsochos (2012)
86
21 Choosing Deities
In this section the question to be answered is why private associations chose the
specific deities to devote to It is of course a very difficult question to be answered
only in a few pages thus only a possible interpretation will be attempted
Observing the deities that these people chose to worship and built their collective
image as their initiates presents some interesting results The graph below provides a
good impression334
Devotion of Associations to Deities according to the cities
At a first glance it seems that the cults which have been widespread and prominent
since the Hellenistic era are the ones attracting associations more than others Zeus
Dionysus and the Egyptian Gods predominate Other deities that were prominent in
the regal past also appear such as Artemis Herakles and Asclepius At the same time
we come across foreign imports like Silvanus and Liber Pater and local traditions
such as the Hero God in Philippi I would cautiously argue therefore what
Arnaotoglou has noted for another case namely that associations were carriers of
334 The specific graph has been built upon the number of inscriptions citing associations that carry
religious titles namely seventy nine out of hundred and twenty Some inscriptions were quite
fragmentary whilst for some it is hard to tell whether they were dedicated to a deity [dubious IG X 21
219299 679 SEG 56 796] Regarding the category Other it includes deities that do not appear
frequently in the titles of associations Aphrodite Poseidon the Muses the Great Gods of Samothrace
the Jewish God and the Thracian deity Souregethes
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Zeus Dionysus Egyptian Gods Theos Hypsistos
Hero God Herakles Roman Deities Nemesis
Artemis Asclepius Other
87
local identities and they adopted and functioned in accordance to various local
circumstances335
A few indications support this assumption
For instance some inscriptions of the above graph may have been produced by the
same group as seems to be the case with the ypogegrammenoi synklitai a group
dedicated to the cult of Theos Hypsistos in Thessaloniki336
What I am implying is that
if a group had the financial and social power and status to regularly erect monuments
and since they choose to devote themselves to the specific cult and not to any other
then this cult could have been of more significance to the local society
Choosing a cult due to its local importance may be suggested by more indications
For instance as it is shown from the graph the Dionysiac cult at Thessaloniki
attracted the majority of the groups Its significance for the city is testified by the fact
that even the highest civic institution that is the polis dedicated to this cult337
The
same applies with regard to the cult of the Egyptian Gods at Thessaloniki for which
almost forty five dedicatory inscriptions have been found (out of almost a hundred
dedicatory to deities)338
There is of course an element of partiality in the above
suggestion since Thessaloniki and Philippi concentrate almost three quarters of the
associationrsquos inscriptions Yet again it seems that associations mainly constructed
their identities based on the Macedonian religious traditions as well as on local
ones339
22 Dedications Honoring Gods
As in the funerary and honorific activities here I will try to understand the role of
dedications Apart from being a social norm namely the given way of demonstrating
devotion to the divine what other implications lie behind What did associations want
335 See for example Arnaoutoglou (2003) (2011a) (2011b) and Gilihan (2012) 94 336 They created two dedications IG X 21 68 and 69 possibly the same group behind IG X 21 70
and SEG 56 751 The assumption that we are dealing with the same group is based on the same title
close dates as well as the same members concerning the third inscription it is likely that it was the
same group since there is reference to a person who has the same gentilicum with members of the
previous two inscriptions Moreover the title of the third group is synklitai while the previous two are
ypogegrammenoi synklitai the ypogegrammenoi namely the ones who are mentioned below may refer
only to the mentioned members of the group in the specific monument instead of being part of the
grouprsquos title Similarly the forth inscription mentions only a group titled as synklitai 337 IG X 21 28 338 See IG X 21 339 In an attempt to approach the above question statistically namely to find out the importance of the
cults in their cities based on which one attracted the majority of dedications or which one was the most
important for the highest civic institutions of the city the epigraphic material proved frustrating The
lack of complete corpora for most of the cities the small numbers of dedicatory inscriptions -
comparing to the funerary ones that are always the majority- and the fragmentary condition of many of
the dedicatory inscriptions made such an attempt impossible
88
to achieve with religious dedications How did they want outsiders to look upon them
with this type of the epigraphic expression
The various dedications made to the worshipped deities manifest some repetitive
patterns in the ways associations constructed these dedications whether it was a stele
or a bomos probably for sacrificial purposes or a base for the statue of the deity
Many include a membership list and reference to the offices of the group A typical
example is a stele dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos by a group based in Edessa340
The text
opens with a typical votive dative Διὶ Ὑψίστωι (to Zeus Hypsistos) followed below
by a relief depicting an eagle within a wreath a characteristic motive for the specific
cult What follows is the title of the group a long membership list and the concluding
dating formula (the dedication was made) during the priesthood of Marcus Attius
Loggus341
Some inscriptions include more information A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos from
Beroea as well as the one to the Great Gods of Samothrace from Amphipolis
examined in the previous chapter mentions the professions of the dedicators342
Such
references are but a minority Apart from these two no other mentioning a profession
was detected There are also those reflecting a sense of solidarity and a group identity
namely dedications to a deity and the group or dedications made by a member and
the group For instance a member of a cultic group in Stobi made a dedication to
Herakles and his fellow peers343
Likewise the secretary of an association in
Thessaloniki dedicated two objects at his own expenses to Theos Hypsistos and the
group344
Furthermore this identity of a collectivity could have been combined with
attention being called to leading status too An association in Thessaloniki again
probably the very one mentioned above raised a stele mentioning the whole group or
at least a great number of it -thirty eight members- dedicating it to Theos Hypsistos on
340 SEG 46 744 Διὶ Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας Μ(άρκου) ∙ Οὐιβίου Ἀμβούα οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ
Σ(έξτου) ∙ Ποσιδωνίου τοῦ Ταρούλου v καὶ (αΐου) ∙ Ποντίου Τορκουάτου Π(όπλιος) ∙ helliplist of names
followshellip ἔτους ∙ θϟρʹ ∙ Περιτίου ∙ ἱερητεύοντος ∙ Μ(άρκου) ∙ Ἀττίου Λόγγου ΡΥΣ ἐποίει 341 Similarly EKM 1 28 EAM 24 Makedonian Institutions n 80 SEG 46 800 IG X 21 244
Philippi II 580 342 EKM 1 27 SIG3 1140 343 Spomenik 71 75176 made by a member and the group SEG 50 599 EKM 1 26 344
SEG 56 751 Similarly AE 1948-49 (1951) 36 no 4
89
behalf of a member who was the son of a high ranking officer of the group345
In a
same way a dedication in Philippi first referred to those individuals who held specific
offices and then to the rest of the other members346
There are though some inscriptions that solely refer to the dedicators and their
offices An example is a Thessaloniki-based group devoted most probably to
Dionysus that dedicated a bomos The dedicators of the monument appear to be only a
number of high ranking officers347
The offices of cultic duties in particular clearly
implied differentiated task and responsibilities in other words hierarchy348
Similarly
in Thessaloniki again two high officers of a group dedicated to a version of Dionysus
namely Διόνυσος Ὡροφόρος stressing out that the dedication was made exclusively
by them They erected a stele inscribing that they dedicate the bomos and the
magaron (μάγαρον) that is a clubhouse or a temple sanctuary of the group to the god
at their own expenses (ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων)349
Whether they paid for the construction of the
magaron and the bomos or the phrase from their own means that they commissioned
the dedicatory stele we cannot easily determine What can be safely maintained
though is that this inscription highlights the prominent status these two individuals
enjoyed within the group
The implications thus far are more or less similar to the ones drawn in the
previous two chapters Private associations came forth as cohesive collectivities
replicating the civil structure and denoting that they participated in the local religious
life We could thus perceive these inscriptions as integration tools Moreover the fact
that in some cases more emphasis was placed on certain individuals and their offices
over the whole group could be understood as an attempt to negotiate status within the
group
345 IG X 21 68 Θεῶι Ὑψίστωι ὑπὲρ Τ(ίτου) ∙ Φλαουίου Εὐκτιμένου ∙ υἱοῦ Ἀμύ [ν]τ α τοῦ
[τρικλει]νάρχου [οἱ ὑπογε]γραμμένοι [συνκλ]ίται [Τ(ίτος) ∙ Φλαούιος ∙ Εὐ]κ τιμένου υἱὸς Ἀμύνταςhellip long
list of names followshellipSimilarly IG X 21 69 346 Philippi II 166a Ὑπὸ σπιράρχην ΚΑΙΠΑΤΑΙΠΟΝ Μουντανόνἀρχιγάλλαρον bullΒαρ(ίνιον) bull
Ἄλκιμονκαὶ γάλλαρον bullΚορ(νήλιον) vacat Πρόκλον vacat ὑπὸ παλεομύστην bull Αὐρ(ήλιον) άϊον bull
Αὐρ(ήλιος) bull Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Οὐα(λέριος) bull Ζιπας Ὄππι(ος) bull Ἡρώδης bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Αὐρ(ήλιος)
Φίλιππος bull γάλ(λαρος) bull Κάττ(ιος) bull Τεχνικὸς γάλ(λαρος) bull Μάρι(ος) bull Κέρδων bull βουκόλος 347 IG X 21 65 ὁ ἀρχιμαγα ρ εὺς ∙ καὶ ∙ ἀρχινεω κόρος ∙ καὶ ∙ πατὴρ σπηλλέου ∙ καὶ Αὐρ(ηλία)
Σ ωσιπάτρα ἡ γαλα κ τηφόρος ∙ κισταφο ρ ήσασα ν ἔτη λʹ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκαν εὐτυχῶς 348 See SEG 49 814 While it is not identifiable whether it was an honors or dedications to a deity or an
album-catalogue of the members it is the number one inscription to show the demarcated offices of a
cultic group 349 SEG 56 753 Μουσαίου Διονύσῳ Ὡροφόρῳ Ἑλένη Δημητρίου ἀρχιμαινὰς καὶ Κ(όϊντος) Δομίτιος
Φῆλιξ μαγαρεὺς τ ὸν βοvμὸν καὶ τὸ μάγαρον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων[ἔτους] σ ν΄
90
This claim for integration and acceptance could have been strengthened with
another form of dedication to deities Apart from stele honoring the deity or shrines
for sacrifices associations could have dedicated constructions of public utility to
deities The example is given in Philippi by a group of -most probably- female
initiates to the divinities of Liber Libera and Hercules350
The group is called thiasus
Maenadum Except for the syncretism between the cults of Liber Pater Bacchus and
Dionysus the sole fact that they name themselves Maenads (the Latinized version of
the Greek Μαινάδες) namely the raving ones demonstrates their commitment to the
Dionysiac cult Apparently this did not deter them from declaring adherence to
another deity as well It is worth observing the text
Lib(ero) et Lib(erae) et Herc(uli) thiasus Maenad(um)
regianar(um) aq[ua]m induxit [p(osteris) s(uis)]
To begin with the adjective regianarum has given rise to some discussion
concerning its meaning Whether this royal or distinguished which are the possible
translations meant that they were of high social status or they just wished to attach
some prestige or some any other reason is open to debate351
The most interesting
part of the text remains the phrase aquam induxit posteris suis which is translated as
they brought water at their own costs The meaning of this phrase could have
remained a mystery if it was not for its provenance
In particular this inscription was found in a small building underneath the baths
south of the Basilika B΄352
According to the excavators the walls of this building
were used as foundations in the northwest corner of the public baths353
Consequently
the aquam induxit could refer either to an aqueduct or some form of infrastructure that
pumped water into the location
A number of inscriptions reveal the prominence of this cult for Philippi354
One of
them may be proof of the existence of a sanctuary for this cult355
This suggests that
the building bearing the above inscription on its wall could have been their clubhouse
350 Philippi II 340 I have kept here the orthography of Hercules since it is in Latin all the previous
times I referred to this cult as Herakles denoting the Greek writing Ἡρακλῆς 351 For the discussion see Kloppenbrog-Ascough (2011) 334 352 For the location of the Basilica B΄ see n 11 at the map of Philippirsquos city center (see above p 77) 353 Collart (1937) 367-8 Unfortunately the inscription disappeared during the Second World War
[Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1] 354 Philippi II 094 332 338 339 341 342 355 Philippi II 338 Libero et Liberae Herculi sacrum Caius Valerius Fortuna- tus cum Marroni-a
Eutychia uxore
91
or another sanctuary or the same sanctuary referred to in this inscription356
From this
perspective the water could have been brought for the baths or for accommodating the
grouprsquos ritual purposes Were the first option correct then this inscription should be
perceived as a statement of strong status A group of women could afford to support
the city funding the construction of a structure of public utility357
We are dealing with
a small scale benefaction In the second scenario the group demonstrated its power to
retain their premises in a prominent place within the city center
Despite being the only one of its kind this inscription is a useful indication of the
potentials of private associations and of the ways they could exploit their dedications
to the divine Religious identity was paired with a call for civic integration Similarly
a group of gladiators in Philippi built their identity as adherents of deities namely
Nike Nemesis and Mars declaring it in the most prestigious manner They
commissioned three dedicatory inscriptions on the three sides of a pilaster that
supported the western parodos of the cityrsquos theater (the left pilaster as seen in the
photo below)358
These three inscriptions
solidly illustrate the civic
status this paper discusses
A group of gladiators
represented themselves not
only as such but also as
partakers in the religious
life This identity
moreover was a loud
statement of participation
in the cityrsquos life This group Western Parodos of Philippirsquos theater Taken
by Alexandros Tsouris April 2015
356 For the suggestion that it was a place for worship see Jaccottet (2003) II 60-1 357 For the importance of baths and aqueducts in the imperial period in the Greek East see respectively
Farrington (1987) and Coulton (1987) 358 Philippi II 142 Μ(ᾶρκος) ∙ Βελ λεῖος Ζώσιμ [ος] ἱερεὺς τῆς ἀνεικήτου Νεμ[έσε]ως ὑπὲρ φιλοκυνηγῶν
τοῦ στέ[μ]ματος τὰ ἀφυδρεύματα τῶν θεῶν ἐκκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐποίησεν Philippi II 143 [Μ Β]ε λλ [εῖος | Ζ]ώσιμος ἱε [ρεὺς | τ]ῆς ἀνεικίτου Ν ε [μέσε]|ος Philippi II 144 [Μ(ᾶρκος) Βελλεῖος mdash mdash]λῆνος
Ζώσιμ ος [ἱερεὺς Νεμέσεω]ς τῆς θεοῦ ἀνεική[του ὑπὲρ φιλ]οκυνηγῶν τοῦ στέμματος [mdash mdash mdash mdash]μα [mdash
mdash mdash mdash]κεμ[mdash mdash mdash mdash]νίου [mdash mdash mdash mdash]σε πα[mdash mdash mdash mdash]ον σε [mdash mdash mdash mdash]κεν ε[mdash mdash mdash mdash]χην
[mdash mdash mdash mdash]λ[mdash ἐκ τῶν ἰδί]ων τὰ [ἀφυδρε]ύμα[τα ἐποίη]σα All three inscriptions mention solely
Nemesis Yet each one has a different deity depicted on a relief [142 Nike 143 Nemesis 144 Mars]
Moreover the second inscription 143 does not mention the group yet the connection is self-implied
92
apparently managed to obtain the necessary permission from local authorities to
curve their dedications on such a visible location
It is quite reasonable to assume that they had to provide something in exchange to
be granted this license A possible scenario is that they covered the expenses of
constructing the whole pilaster359
In any case the implication of this monument is a
demonstration not only of a claim for integration in civic life and the social
hierarchies but of the acceptance of this claim This group did not advertise itself
with an inscription in some private clubhouse or sanctuary but in one of the centers of
the cityrsquos vitality the theater
The last type of dedications to be examined here are documents that could have
served the propagation of religious ideas and traditions While it is reasonable to state
that any religious dedication was an act of spreading religious traditions the
following type of inscription bears greater implications in that direction
There are only a few inscriptions in particular that get across the notion of serving
the divine will This working under godly guidance was expressed in a way of
denoting that the specific act (the dedication) was done after the deity had requested
or ordered it possibly in a dream A dedication for Apollo from Philippi includes the
phrase ex imperio along with the membership list meaning that the dedication was
mandated by the god360
Another dedication to Artemis from Stobi reveals that the
dedication was made following to a dream (καθrsquo ὅραμα)361
Similarly an inscription
from Thessaloniki records the same pattern362
Examining the latter case proves quite
illuminating
Specifically it is a story behind the establishment of the cult of Sarapis in the
Egyptian town of Opus Accordingly revealing himself through a dream the god
359 There is a dubious phrase found in two of the three inscriptions that puzzles the editors Due to its
fragmentary nature it allows multiple reconstructions one of which supports the above suggestion
Accordingly the text mentions that the priest who made the dedication on behalf of the association
paid for the things that are set up on their expenses for the discussion and different opinions upon this
dubious phrase see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 332 Moreover the same scholars read another
inscription Philippi II 95 as a group that honors the benefactor of gladiatorial games see ibid This
would show the prominence of gladiatorial games at Philippi In this perspective such a gladiatorial
association would have every reason to advertise themselves as active benefactors of the arena
(constructing a part of it the specific pilaster) However this inscription is extremely fragmentary and
their reconstruction is really hypothetical 360 Philippi II 509b Moreover Philippi II 339 entails as well this formula (it cannot be verified
however that the dedicators of the second were members of some association) 361 Spomenik 77 41 20 Ἀρτέμιδ[ι Λοχίαι] τὸν βωμ[ὸν ἔθηκεν] Θεούχρη[στος μετ]ὰ τῶν το[ῦ θιάσου
ἐ]πιμελη[τῶν Σύρου] Ζωΐλου κ[αὶ Διοσκου]ρίδου κα[θrsquo ὅραμα] 362 IG X 21 255 Many scholars have dealt with this document in depth For a commentary with
previous literature see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357-362
93
instructed one of his initiates to perform specific actions that led to the creation of the
cult A few details though have to be highlighted It is quite strange that an inscription
that was found at the Sarapeion of Thessaloniki refers to the cultrsquos creation at an
Egyptian town A few features provide a possible explanation
The dialect used in the inscription has led some scholars to argue that the original
document was written in Opus (Egypt) or the surrounding area during the period 3rd
-
2nd
centuries BC363
From this perspective the dream took place in Thessaloniki it led
to the cultrsquos creation in Opus and to the subsequent inscribing of the story Later a
copy was taken to Thessaloniki to serve as part of the tradition of the cult364
Since
our inscription is dated in the period 1st-2
nd centuries AD then it could have been the
case that the Thessalonian devotees re-inscribed the text and positioned it in the
Sarapeion to acquaint the people of Thessaloniki with the history of the cult
Therefore this inscription did not only serve as a means of religious propaganda but
also as a tool of safekeeping tradition and memory From this perspective this
association can be regarded as a mechanism for the preservation and continuance of
tradition
Such methods of dissemination of religious ideas were quite widespread in the
Greco-Roman world365
If we place therefore this document into a broader
background of religious networking and developments in the Mediterranean basin we
can also perceive it as a tool for claiming a share in a religious market as an
instrument of participation in religious competition In a city where the cult of the
Egyptian gods had a long history a group of initiates could have called for more
attention and expansion by highlighting the tradition of their cult within the local civic
history From this perspective as written above all dedications to deities can be
regarded as tools for the spread of religious ideas Yet the one in question could have
had a stronger claim in the religious competition within the city since it focuses much
more explicitly in a local identity
Summing up in this part of the chapter I analyzed dedications to gods and
goddesses This type of inscriptions communicated a picture of cohesive groups
363 Sellew (1980)17 Koester (2010) 143 364 For this reconstruction see Sellew (1980) 17-19 and Koester (2010) 143 365 See for instance the Christian apostle Peter who had a vision instructing him to bring the gospel to a
new city (Acts 1010ndash23 126ndash11 166ndash10) The gospels abound of visions with the apostle Paul
holding the lead There is moreover a variety of sources showing dreams or some forms of divine
instructions to be used for the foundation of cults For examples of relevant evidence see Ascough
(2003) 95 Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011) 357 Sokolowski (1974) and Chaniotis (2012)
94
adherents of the civil structure As was the case with the funerary and honorary
inscriptions they were also employed to negotiate identities within the group This
communication of a religious identity was moreover in some cases strongly paired
with a civic one Finally while we can perceive any document declaring attachment
to cults as a propagandistic tool some were more explicit than others As seen
especially in this last inscription local traditions could have been deeply stressed as
an instrument for participation in a competitive religious market In the next section I
will take a look at the essence of religious activities that is to say rituals
23 Rituals
Giving an exact definition on the term and concept of ritual seems to be a difficult
task since this issue is debated366
I have no intension of engaging in this discussion
yet a framework what constitutes a ritual is necessary to be set In this study I
perceive rituals as practices and activities that may be of some symbolic value within
a religious and social context These activities could have been frequent or at least of
some relative repetition in time they were characterized by some sequence (beginning
and end) they could also have become a pattern and they probably had a
communicative function as well367
In this section I will observe the function of
rituals Since these activities had a basic communicative character they certainly
attracted some attention They became shared experiences for insiders and outsiders
alike My aim is to interpret the messages they communicated through these
experiences to members and the city
An example that fits perfectly the above description is the funerary rituals I
examined in the third chapter In particular the Roman rosalia and a Greek equivalent
came under scrutiny368
Let us set aside the ethnicity of these customs for a while and
focus on the communicative nature of the rituals Angelos Chaniotis has recently
described a ritual as a ldquocomplex act of communication between performers
spectators and addressees the living and the dead mortals and godshelliprdquo369
In his
analysis of rituals Chaniotis is wondering whether they were understood as intense
shared experiences and whether the performance of rituals was intended to take the
366 See OCD (2012) sv ldquoritualrdquo 367 Stavrianopoulou (2006a) 368 There is a discussion whether the Greek funerary endowment (IG X 21 260) can be equated with
the rosalia for the literature and the different opinions see Nigdelis (2010) 30 n 96 369 Chaniotis (2006) 214
95
form of emotional experiences of togetherness The mortuary rituals examined in this
study seem to provide a positive answer to these questions
The texts referring to rosalia imply that the specific ritual entailed an annual rose-
related offering to the grave Whether the members of the collegia that were the
recipient of these endowments were supposed to wear rose-wreaths or disperse them
on the tomb is not easily discernible Likewise the priestess from Thessaloniki that
called her group members to perform a funerary ritual mentioned only that they
should bring a rose wreath to the grave Examining the communicative nature of these
rituals a question comes to mind who participated and who observed as an outsider
We could assume that if a member was buried all the collegiate participated in the
ritual performance Paying homage to the dead was certainly an emotional experience
shared by the whole group and probably by the family of the deceased370
These
directly forged a sense of solidarity within the group It relieved the members of the
group from a great insecurity This shared experience surely committed to the
participantsrsquo memory Yet we cannot really know whether other members of the local
communities witnessed these rituals as outside observes Nonetheless the
communicative character of the ritual was re-enforced by the inscriptions
The reference of an annual ritual on the inscriptions projected on the mind of the
reader the picture of this specific funerary memorial An emotional experience shared
by the participants became a shared memory for the whole population of the city the
familiarity of which with the cemetery is simply suggested by the fact that funerary
inscriptions were at any given time of the Greco-Roman antiquity the majority
Hence the monumentalization of the ritual namely the inscription communicated -as
stressed as well in the second chapter- a picture of a cohesive group that breathed life
into its solidarity by taking care of its membersrsquo tombs It also built an image of a
trustworthy organization that could foster the spiritual needs not only of group
members but of outsiders as well As a result the ritual itself and the inscription as an
instrument of memory were used to evoke emotion and create identity371
Another inscription from Thessaloniki supports this interpretation Specifically a
member of an association dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylus left an endowment to
370 Chaniotis (2006) provides a good collection of primary sources demonstrating that rituals were
emotionally shared experiences and were intended as well to function as such 371 There are plenty of works focusing on the dynamics of rituals For rituals as emotional
performances that created identities see the collection of articles in Stavrianopoulou (2006b) for rituals
as agents of religious developments in the Roman Empire see the collection of articles in Hekster-
Schmidt-Witschel (2009)
96
its peers372
From the revenues of the bequeathed land with vine yards they were
supposed to carry out ritual banquets three times per year Two of the three occasions
(they used the Macedonian calendar) were held in months that coincided with months
of Roman rituals concerning the dead the Parentalia and the Rosalia This
implication along with other details derived from the text has made scholars argue
that these tri-annual banquets were actually a mortuary ritual373
The most important
detail is the exhortation that the banquets should be performed for the θρέψαντες
which translates those who fed nourished took care (of someone) that is to say the
parents
Nigdelis puts a very interesting interpretation on this bequest The text reads that
the bequest is binding for the present and future members according as well to the
tradition (κατὰ τὸ παραδεδομένον) Since this tradition also cherished in the past then
he argues that these θρέψαντες refers generally to the deceased parents or relatives of
the members From this viewpoint the donation would make sense under the
following scenario the specific custom must have been endangered with extinction
due to lack of regular funding thus he donated this land to provide revenue for the
continuance of this ceremonial tradition374
Regardless of the applicability of this reconstruction which seems quite
reasonable the main implication of this testament is that a ritual was used to preserve
the cohesiveness and collective memory of the group Contrary to the rosalia that
could have attracted outsiders this ritual was destined solely for the fellows or at
least it seems so Nigdelis has stated quite aptly ldquoThrough a sense of historical
continuity the identity of the members and the firm standing of their collective
identity were reinforcedrdquo375
The text concluded stating that the stele was set (in the
Sarapeion where it was found) following a permission granted by the priest Overall
the ritual and its written memory the inscription meant to solidify the cohesiveness
and identity of the group and possibly attract more devotees through the
advertisement of this history in a prestigious space The connection between space
and ritual is apparent
372 IG X 21 259 373 Nigdelis (2010) 31-3 For more literature upon this inscriptions see Kloppenborg-Ascough (2011)
352-6 374 Nigdelis (2010) 32-33 375 Ibid 33
97
As I suggested in the Chapter III we should perceive the endowments for
commemorative rituals such as the rosalia as evidence of associative vitality In
particular it is quite likely that associations could have competed for the attraction of
endowments The performance of ritual-banquets in a sacred space and its subsequent
advertisement could have played a role similar to the one of the dedication examined
above the one that publicized the history of the Isis-cult in Thessaloniki In both
cases the emphasis to the historical continuity of the associations in connection with
the precise place the Sarapeion could have been used as instruments of competition
between cults Let us now move from the mortuary spectrum into the rituals
concerning the living
Searching for evidence of rituals from the rest of the inscriptions we come across
almost no information showing in detail the whole process and structure of religious
rituals However a certain degree of reconstruction is possible based on
nomenclature For instance some versions of the cult of Dionysus to which a few
associations were dedicated such as Διόνυσος Πρινοφόρος Δροιοφόρος and
Ὡροφόρος illustrate these groupsrsquo involvement in rituals associated with nature and
fertility376
Furthermore we have seen in the previous chapters that associations paid a great
deal of attention in stressing both in funerary and honorific inscriptions the titles of
these members that held an office within the group Studying these offices we can
reconstruct to a certain extent associative rituals carried out both in private and public
The distinction I set here might be misleading Simply put what we can assert from
this nomenclature is that associations participated in public processions Whether the
private rituals were hosted in their premises within closed doors we cannot know
Nonetheless one category was performed primarily among the group members and
the other took place in public view I will begin with the first one
Only a handful of details can be extracted Offices such as that of the priest which
is attested quite frequently377
as well as the dedication of sacrificial shrines indicate
the performance of sacrifices Sacrifices could have been organized in such a way
that specific duties were distributed among the club members An example is the
office of βοωφόρος namely the bull cattle bearer which should be understood as the
376 IG X 21 260 SEG 56 753 For possible interpretations of these titles Nigdelis (2010) 15 n 7
(with previous literature on the topic) 377 IG X 21 70 260 309 SEG 36 583 SEG 46 744 SEG 56 778
98
one who brings the animal for the sacrifice378
Another example is a very interesting
office of a Dionysiac group the one of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου which provides an
elaborate picture379
Studying literary and epigraphic sources Nigdelis shows that this
word bears two possible interpretations The officer carrying this title could have
either been assigned to restrain his peers from consuming the meat before the
completion of the sacrifice or examining the properness of the meat to be
sacrificed380
The previous example as well as offices including that of τρικλείναρχος namely
director of feasts381
or that of σωφρονισταὶ which quite likely refers to officers
responsible for the maintenance of order during banquets and meetings382
suggests
that sacrifices resulted in feast and banquets The fact that such evidence show that
these banquets were held in buildings of religious importance increase the possibility
of their being linked with rituals383
There are more examples suggesting the latter
The inscription prescribing the bequest and post-mortem banquet set by the group
dedicated to Zeus Dionysus Gongylos examined above was located in the Sarapeion
It is quite likely that they held their banquets within the establishment Another
example is the μύσται of the town Meneis who made a dedication after a banquet
The inscription which was a base for something quite likely a statue of Dionysus
was found in the sanctuary384
Another one is an inscription found at the temple of
Zeus Hypsistos in Dion Accordingly a list of persons was selected by lot to be held
responsible for the δοχαὶ that is to say the monthly symposia of the god385
All the
more a complex including a shrine was found to the south of the temple The use of
the shrine for sacrifices is confirmed by the existence of small piles meant to tie the
378 IG X 21 244 See also IG X 21 65 for the office of γαλακτηφόρος which translates as the one
who brings milk 379 SEG 49 814 The title of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς is also attested in another association (IG X 21 65) yet
there it could bear only the meaning of the head of the μάγαρον namely the head of the house temple
similarly see SEG 56 573 for a μαγαρεὺς 380 Nigdelis (2006) 114-7 381 IG X 21 68 69 382 IG X 21 261 For such an interpretation of the σωφρονισταὶ see Nigelis (2010) 33 n 108 in
comparison with the famous Iobakchoi of Athens (IG II 2 1368) 383 It should be noted as well that feast and banquets can be also seen as rituals There are plenty of
works to be cited for this issue A rather representative piece with previous literature is Harland (2003)
74-83 384 SEG 59 599 385 The inscription remains unpublished See Pandermalis (2003) 418 SEG 56 746 mention as well
the word δοχὴ For its meaning as symposium see Nigdelis (2006) 198-99
99
animals down386
These examples suffice to illustrate that most of the times feast and
banquets could have been connected with rituals or at least were of religious nature
Hitherto we have seen that these groups were occupied with sacrifices which were
followed by collective banquets and that various officers coordinated the whole
process Common meals could have strengthened the cohesiveness of the group
Moreover these banquets were held in buildings of religious context asserting in this
way that a strong element binding the group down was their pledge to specific deities
At the same time the official organizers of such occasions could have exploited their
function to exert authority and negotiate status identities among their peers
There a few more details to be extracted The Dionysiac group from Thessaloniki
the inscription of which preserved the interesting office of ἀρχιμαγαρεὺς ἀθύτου
provides a few hints More offices appear in that inscription providing information
about more functions during rituals Specifically we read of a ναρθηκοφόρος who
was the person accountable for carrying a wand typical of the Dionysiac cult387
It was
probably wreathed in ivy and vine leaves with a pine cone on top388
Besides there is an ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος which translates as the first torch-bearer
and of course implies the existence of more torch-bearers since there was a need for a
presiding one This office demonstrates that cultic rituals were held at night What is
though intriguing concerning this post is its being assigned to a female member
Another title the one of νεβριαφόρος meaning the bearer of the deer skin
demonstrates that women had a prominent role within the group and its rituals The
deer skin was a typical symbol of female initiates of the Dionysiac mysteries Even
more the title of μήτηρ σπείρας could be understood as evidence for role
performances by female members This means that the ones bearing this title could
have impersonated the mother of Dionysus Semele389
The last two offices indicate
that the rituals of the groups had a theatrical character Some more titles could
strengthen this assumption Namely functions as γάλλαροι and ἀρχιγάλλαροι known
386 Pandermalis (2003) 417-8 387 Nigdelis (2006) 121 See moreover another inscription (IG X 21 65) for the function of
κισταφόρος namely the basket bearer probably also typical function of the Dionysiac mysteries (LSJ) 388 LSJ 389 Nigdelis (2006) 121-2
100
as well in an association from Philippi390
may indicate the existence of dancers for
the rituals391
The implication of all the above is that this group performed well organized and
structured rituals (including the sacrifices and banquets seen above) giving the
opportunity to its members to strengthen their bonds via shared experiences and to
obtain positions of authority through which they could claim a status place within the
group Furthermore some of the titles mentioned in this inscription such as the
ἀρχιλαμπαδηφόρος and ναρθηκοφόρος may be understood as evidence for
participation in public processions
With regard to the rituals held in public that is to say the processions there are
even fewer details to go into We have to depend yet again mainly on nomenclature
Apart from the above titles there is an association dedicated to the Egyptian gods
called ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται interpreted as the table-companions bearers of sacred
objects392
Their title as well as other implications from the monument393
strongly
suggests their involvement in processions We can imagine that these processions
could have taken place in festivities of civic importance or even in visits of high
ranking Roman officials394
Associations used religion as a faccedilade to achieve recognition in one of the most
important occasions of civic pride To understand the symbolic significance of
parades and similar ceremonies one should simply take a look at modern states
where military parades are used to strengthen the national and collective identity
Ancient festivals were built upon the same idea The city re-affirmed its identity to its
inhabitants and advertised this pride to outsiders These few evidence demonstrate
390 Philippi II 166a 391 The meaning of these two words is debated See Nigdelis (2006) 119-20 who explains that it is
quite difficult to reconstruct the duties of this office Some scholars accept that this title is an
assimilation with the γάλλοι namely the dancers devotees of Cybele or simply initiates of Cybele who
participate as well in Dionysiac cultic rituals 392 We can assert their devotion to the Egyptian gods not by the text of the inscription (IG X 21 58)
but by the relief of the monument which depicts a small statue of Anubis standing on a base Another
inscription too fragmentary to make any assumption was most probably produced by the same group
the only word that survives on the stone is ἱεραφόροι see IG X 21 258 393 According to Voutiras (2005) 286 followed by Nigdelis (2010) 34 the relief depicting a statue of Anubis on a base implies the existence of an officer called Ἁνουβοφόρος namely the bearer of Anubis
implying his statue 394 Not only associations of a religious cover participated in processions A gladiatorial associations of
Thessaloniki (Nigdelis n 44) had an officer titled as vixilarius namely flag bearer apart from parading
inside the arena we cannot exclude the scenario that an integral part of Roman culture gladiatorial
games participated in public processions
101
that associations such as the above succeeded in becoming an integral part of the
cityrsquos identity
Finally there is evidence suggesting that associations thanks to their involvement
in public festivities became intentionally or not agents of traditionalism and memory
instruments of preserving elements of the Macedonian culture An association in
Thessaloniki called itself as oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν (the synetheis Perittiaston)395
Περίτια was a festival named after the month Περίτιος of the Macedonian calendar
that was dedicated to the Herakles Phylakos This title denotes their active
participation in this festival In a city of true religious pluralism a group of people
who were generally quite active in the local society396
decided to utilize a cultural
feature of the Macedonian past as the binding element of their collectivity
Irrespective of the motives of this act which remain unknown to us the result is that
this group put its signature on the cultural life of the city as delegates of a Macedonian
culture They contributed to the preservation and continuity of tradition
To sum up my intention was to demonstrate that rituals served multiple purposes
They were events that developed and re-enforced sociability solidarity and cohesion
collective identity and hierarchy They provided thus opportunities for the negotiation
of internal identities Moreover via participation in public rituals that is to say
processions and festivals some associations affirmed their place in the cityrsquos
networks and hierarchies as integrated components of its vitality This participation
in festivals could have also been used for the preservation of ethnic tradition and
memory
Conclusion
I began this chapter by describing the religious unity of Macedonia A number of
deities were of particular importance for this region during the Hellenistic times and
their continuance is detectable as well in the Roman period It is these same deities
associations chose to devote to and construct their identities under their names Of
course more were to be found as the case of Philippi indicates were local traditions
were blended with the newcomers that is Roman deities Nonetheless the ones that
395 SEG 43 462 396 This is confirmed by the amount of inscriptions they produced The head of this association is the
same person found in two more inscriptions produced by a group titled as οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
IG X 21 288 289 They moreover produced IG X 21 982 and SEG 56 778
102
were traditionally worshipped in Macedonia predominate in the choices of private
associations
Moreover I set out to discover the function of dedications and rituals I argued that
with their dedicatory inscriptions these groups communicated a picture as
organizations that accepted and internalized the given social structure As with the
funerals and honors dedications were used for the construction of status This call for
civic integration that was paired with a religious identity was in some cases re-
enforced by strong status statements A relevant example is the demonstration of
prestige in prominent place of the urban landscape Moreover these inscriptions could
have been used for the spread of religious ideas by stressing the history of the given
cult and its connection to local society
Finally I studied the core of any religious practice namely rituals The latter could
have been used for a variety of purposes Sociability and cohesion as well as
hierarchy and competition of status were all developed in rituals Moreover by
participating in public rituals in terms of public festivities such as processions
associations reaffirmed their place within the civic culture as groups that actually had
a social role worthy of presenting it
103
Conclusion
In my master thesis I largely attempted to understand the place of private associations
in the cities of Roman Macedonia by studying their involvement in the worlds of the
Living the Dead and the Divine Simply put I examined the associationrsquos activities
that have been best documented namely funerary honorary and religious
The reasons for choosing Macedonia are mainly two The first one is that the
private associations of this region have not been fully analyzed before There has not
been a work incorporating all of the evidence and scrutinizing the overall function and
role of associations within their cities The second and more important reason derives
from Macedonia itself as well as from a feature of these groups in this part of the
Greco-Roman world Since its early history up until the Roman period Macedonia
constitutes an area with cultural commonalities The continuity of a distinct ethnic
identity and culture can be traced all along the Hellenistic and Roman times an issue
that was analyzed in the first chapter In this culturally distinctive region private
associations -essentially in the Roman period- mainly constructed their identities
under the banners of deities traditionally worshipped in Macedonia from the Classical
and Hellenistic era
This observation gave birth to the question of the role of private associations in
this part of the Greco-Roman world Specifically I wondered whether associations in
this region can be understood in the same manner as elsewhere According to the
current consensus with regard to the function of such groups they should be seen as
integrated units of their cities aiming for the construction of civic identities Hence I
set out to discover whether associations in Macedonia had a similar role or somewhat
different
In Chapter II I began by constructing a framework of what is a private association
and then I proceeded with a detailed account of the characteristics of the Macedonian
associations The fact that the majority of these groups are to be found in major urban
centers mainly Thessaloniki and Philippi that were of substantial importance for the
whole province as well as their small numbers from parts of the province that
followed slower urbanization rates suggest that they mainly were an urban
phenomenon With regard to their time distribution the fact that associations rose
mainly in the Roman Imperial period could imply that the Macedonian fenomeno
associativo might be a Roman phenomenon On the contrary I suggested that it
104
should be understood within the general rise of the epigraphic habit observable in the
Empire and in Macedonia The first scenario is moreover excluded by the indication
of associationsrsquo existence from the Hellenistic era Concerning their absence from that
time which marks a stark contrast to other regions of the Greek world I suggested
that the reason may be found in the socio-political circumstances set by the Hellenistc
kings
To proceed further I proposed that the typology used so far by scholars namely
categorizations such as professional and religious associations can be misleading
since they could imply some strictly defined raison drsquoecirctre The Macedonian evidence
indicates otherwise Specifically groups that appear by the title as professional
provide indications of religious focus while those that would be traditionally deemed
as religious could have been composed by professionals The only group I categorized
and examined separately from the rest was the associations of Roman businessmen
since there were sufficient indications to do so
Regarding their membership our evidence suggests that private associations of the
region included Romans Greeks men and women although the latter appear to be a
minority These people represented the cross-section of all social-legal and economic
strata All of these features as well as the implications of organization and of a
hierarchical structure correspond to what we know regarding associations from other
regions
Moving to the analysis of their practices in Chapter III focus was given to the
mortuary ones I argued that we should not exclude the hypothesis whereby securing a
place in the cemetery might have been a reason for people of the financially weakest
strata to join these groups For a substantial portion though of collegiati being
buried by their peers was most probably a preference Such a choice should be
understood within the competitive arena for status enhancement apparent in the
Greco-Roman society Namely the identity that associations communicated as
cohesive reliable and hierarchically structured organizations -adherents of the
established socio-political orders- was the tool for status claims Epitaphs present the
construction of status based on distinctions which could have ranged from holding an
office to being a successful professional However prestige based on professions does
not appear to have been that attractive Associationsrsquo members choose to build their
funerary social identities mainly as participants of groups that combined a call for
civic integration with identities based on the religious traditions of the region
105
Yet in colonies mainly in Philippi that concentrates the majority of inscriptions
among Roman colonies of Macedonia it seems that this claim for acceptance was
composed under the advertisement of a cultural mix The deities we find there are
Roman Greek and local and they ways associations announce themselves in society
was neither completely Roman nor solely Greek but in a blended way
This attempt for recognition in a world where the governing elites drew -to certain
extent- their actual power from the demonstration of prestige was further enhanced
with honorific practices These latter were studied in Chapter IV With honors
associations demonstrated that they internalized the core values of the Greco-Roman
society I began with an analysis of honors of the sole group that I distinguished from
the rest namely Roman businessmen I argued that this type of association produced
honorific inscriptions to construct an identity as distinct organizations from the rest of
the cityrsquos institutions and subdivisions yet at the same time as integrated ones They
presented themselves as Romans yet adopting the Greek language Moreover there
are indications suggesting that these same practices could have been utilized for the
promotion of business interests
Furthermore I argued that Roman businessmen were not the only associations that
could have used honors to have their professional activities developed but rather that
more associations such as the Dionysiac performers could have acted likewise Yet
the great majority of the examined associations seem to have practiced honors to raise
their stakes in the competition for status In this struggle which as I showed was
known to associations from Hellenistic times the utilization of public space was a
valuable tool What is noteworthy is again the relative absence of professional
identities While many of the members of private associations could have exercised
some form of occupation they preferred to make their assertion for integration in the
civic environment with collective identities based on the Macedonian religious
culture
Having shown clearly the orientation of private associations to the local religion in
Chapter V I examined the core of such focus namely religious practices I suggested
that private associations of the region selected those deities to build their identity that
were traditionally prominent in Macedonia or locally important while sometimes
local and regional was equally significant To these deities associations dedicated
inscribed monuments which may have been located in eminent places of the urban
landscape As in honorary and funerary inscriptions with their dedicatory ones
106
associations communicated this picture of organizations as adherents of the civic
structure hence they became a platform for status claim Moreover in some cases this
attachment to local religious life seems to have been stressed to the point of being a
useful tool for competition in a religious market In addition associations used rituals
to strengthen social ties and strong bonds between members but exploited them also
for the negotiation of internal hierarchies as well as for the advertisement of
themselves as participants of the civic life
To conclude this thesis I attempted to show that private associations in a culturally
distinctive region such as Macedonia may have had a different role than what is
known from elsewhere These private organizations on Macedonian soil offered
individuals descending from multiple social strata sociability the feeling of
belonging the fulfillment of religious needs and they also became a vehicle for the
construction of social identities They were an instrument for accessing the
competition for status and prestige The difference with other regions lies on the fact
that the claim for civic integration was asserted via identities constructed from local
religious traditions For the members of private associations of Macedonia
identification on professions does not seem to have been as significant as the religious
world of the region In this way private associations became constituents of the
continuation and persistence of local cultures
107
Appendix I Private Associations in Macedonia Primary Evidence 397
Inscription Place Type Group Title Appearance
built on
1 CIG II Add
1997d
Edessa Η Ῥωμαῖοι Συμπραγματευόμενοι profession
2 SEG 46 744 Edessa D οἱ συνήθεις ἐπιμεληταὶ Zeus Hypsistos
3 SEG 50 599 Edessa D οἱ μύσται Zeus Hypsistos
4 EKM 1 22 Beroea H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν θιασωτῶν profession
5 EKM 1 26 Beroea D οἱ ὑπὸ Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου
Ῥούφου διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
6 EKM 1 27 Beroea D uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
7 EKM 1 28 Beroea D οἱ περὶ Ἔρωτα Εὐβιότου
διάκονοι
Zeus Hypsistos
8 EKM 1 59 Beroea H οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι profession
9 EKM 1 122 Beroea H οἱ μύσται Dionysus
10 EKM 1 371 Beroea F οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ποσιδώνιν
τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον
11 EKM 1 372 Beroea F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν ὄνων profession
12 EKM 1 377 Beroea F οἱ συνοπλᾶνες profession
13 EKM 1 383 Beroea F οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοιhellip
(gladiators)
profession
14 BE 52 169 Kassandreia F () συνήθεις hellip
15 CIG II 2007f Kassandreia F κολλήγιον θεοῦ ἥρωος Hero God
16 SEG 39 597 Kassandreia F κολλήγιον Οὐρβανῶν profession ()
17 Demitsas 789 Akanthos F () θρησκευταὶ (Περγάμου ἥρωος
)
Hero God ()
18 SEG 1 282 Akanthos H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
19 Koukoli-
Chrysanthaki
235-248
Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
20 SEG 36 583 Amphipolis H οἱ ὑπόστολοι Egyptian Gods
21 SEG 48 716ter Amphipolis H τὸ κοινὸν τῶν τεχνιτῶν profession
22 SIG3 1140 Amphipolis D ἡ τέχνη (τῶν χαλκέων) profession
23 ΕΑΜ 24 Kaisareia D Uncertain Zeus Hypsistos
24 IG X 22 75 Herakleia
Lyngistis
Η οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι φίλοι convivial
25 IG X 22 407 Lychnidos H() οἱ περὶ Φιλοδέσποτον καὶhellip convivial
26 Makedonian
Institutions no 80
Lete D uncertain (soldiers) Egyptian Gods
397 The questions marks are set in fragmentary inscriptions or ones of dubious meaning There are cases
where the information provided is so few that it is hard to tell whether we are dealing with honors or a
burial or whether the group depicted itself with a professional or a religious identity
108
27 SEG 35 751 Lete F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
28 IG X 21 16 Thessaloniki H ἱεραφόροι () Egyptian Gods
29 IG X 21 32 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
30 IG X 21 33 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
31 IG X 21 58 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἱεραφόροι συνκλίται Egyptian Gods
32 IG X 21 65 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus ()
33 IG X 21 68 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
34 IG X 21 69 Thessaloniki D οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι συνκλίται Theos Hypsistos
35 IG X 21 70 Thessaloniki (οἱ ὑπογεγραμμένοι )
συνκλίται
Theos Hypsistos
36 IG X 21 192 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνθρησκευτα ὶ κλείνης θ εοῦ
μ εγάλου Σαράπιδος
Egyptian Gods
37 IG X 21 208 Thessaloniki H οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι καὶ
ἀπελεύθεραι Φουρίου
Πρόκλου
convivial
38 IG X 21 219 Thessaloniki H () οἱ περὶ Λούκιον Νώνιον
συνήθεις
39 IG X 21 220 Thessaloniki H θρησκευταὶ καὶ σηκοβάται
θεοῦ Ἑρμανούβιδος
Egyptian Gods
40 IG X 21 244 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
41 IG X 21 255 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Egyptian Gods
42 IG X 21 258 Thessaloniki D () οἱ ἱεραφόροι Egyptian Gods
43 IG X 21 259 Thessaloniki F οἱ μύσται Zeus Dionysus
Gongylus
44 IG X 21 260 Thessaloniki F θίασος (Πρινοφόρων ) and
θίασος Δροιοφόρων
Dionysus
45 IG X 21 261 Thessaloniki Ἐριφιασταὶ () Dionysus
46 IG X 21 288 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
47 IG X 21 289 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
48 IG X 21 291 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῶν
πορφυροβάφων τῆς
κτωκαιδ εκά τη ς
profession
49 IG X 21 299 Thessaloniki F θρησκευταὶ Ἁφροδίτης () Aphrodite
50 IG X 21 309 Thessaloniki F θίασος Ἀσιανῶν Dionysus
51 IG X 21 480 Thessaloniki F θρησκία τ ῶν Ἀσκληπιαστ ῶν
and βακχεῖον Ἀσιανῶν
Asclepius and
Dionysus
52 IG X 21 506 Thessaloniki F θίασοι Διονύσου Dionysus
53 IG X 21 679 Thessaloniki F () οἱ συνήθεις οἱ περὶ Ἐπικράτην (Artemis )
54 IG X 21 821 Thessaloniki F οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἥρωα Hero God
55 IG X 21 860 Thessaloniki F Ταυρουκομπετουδουμος Dionysus
56 IG X 21 933 Thessaloniki ἡ συνήθεια τῶν περὶ
Ἀλέξανδρον
57 IG X 21 982 Thessaloniki F () Ἡρακλέους οἱ συνήθεις () Herakles ()
109
58 Nigdelis no 44 Thessaloniki F collegium ludi centinari profession
59 Nigdelis no 27 Thessaloniki F Ἡ συνήθεια Ἥρωνος
Αὐλωνίτου
Hero Auloneites
60 SEG 42 625 Thessaloniki F Δ οῦμος Ἀφροδείτης
Ἐπιτευξιδίας
Aphrodite
61 SEG 43 462 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις Περιτιαστῶν Herakles
62 SEG 46 812 Thessaloniki H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
63 SEG 49 814 Thessaloniki D Uncertain Dionysus
64 SEG 56 746 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια
65 SEG 56 751 Thessaloniki D συνκλίται ΘεοῦὙψίστου Theos Hypistos
66 SEG 56 753 Thessaloniki D (θίασος ) Διονύσου
Ὡροφόρου
Dionysus
67 SEG 56 763 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις Γ ουρασίας Ἀρτέμιδ ος Artemis
68 SEG 56 765 Thessaloniki F συνήθεις περὶ Δη μᾶ Π ερείτα
and συνήθεια Ἀρτέμ ιδο ς
Ἀκραίας
and Artemis
69 SEG 56 766 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια ἥ ρωος Αἰν εία Hero Ainaeas
70 SEG 56 767 Thessaloniki F συν ήθεια ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ
Ποσειδῶνος
Poseidon
71 SEG 56 768 Thessaloniki F oἱ συνήθεις φιλοπαικτόρων convivial
72 SEG 56 770 Thessaloniki F κολλήγιον μουλιόνων profession
73 SEG 56 778 Thessaloniki F οἱ συνήθεις τοῦ Ἡρακλέους Herakles
74 SEG 56 784 Thessaloniki F ἡ συνήθεια τῆς Νεμέσεως Nemesis
75 SEG 56 796 Thessaloniki F Uncertain
76 SEG 56 797 Thessaloniki F συνήθεια στεφανηπλόκων profession
77 BCH 56 (1932)
291
Stobi D ἡ ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγὴ Judaism
78 SEG 47 953 Stobi F κολλήγιον (gladiators) profession
79 Spomenik 71
75176
Stobi H συνθιασίται (Ἡρακλέους θεοῦ
Μεγίστου )
Herakles
80 Spomenik 75
2555
Stobi F Βακχεῖον Dionysus
81 Spomenik 77
4120
Stobi D θίασος (Ἀρτέμιδος Λοχίας ) Artemis
82 SEG 19 438 Idomene H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
83 IG X 22 330 Styberra H οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι
profession
84 Philippi II 029 Philippi F κουπίαται Καλπαπουρεῖται profession
85 Philippi II 095 Philippi Η () thiasoshellip
86 Philippi II 133 Philippi F συνποσίον Θεοῦ Σουρεγέθου
and ποσιασταὶ Ἥρωνος
God
Souregethes and
110
Hero God
87 Philippi II 142 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
88 Philippi II 144 Philippi D φιλοκυνηγoὶ τοῦ στέμματος Nemesis
89 Philippi II 163 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
90 Philippi II 164 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
91 Philippi II 165 Philippi D Cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
92 Philippi II 166 Philippi D cultores collegi Silbani Silvanus
93 Philippi II 166a Philippi D () σπείραhellip Dionysus
94 Philippi II 252 Philippi H cultores Deorum Serapis et
Isidis
Egyptian Gods
95 Philippi II 307 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ τοῦ Σέραπι Egyptian Gods
96 Philippi II 311 Philippi H οἱ θρησκευτὲ (τοῦ Σέραπι) Egyptian Gods
97 Philippi II 340 Philippi D thiasus Maenadum Liber Libera
Hercules
98 Philippi II 350 Philippi F cultores Cupidinis Cupido
99 Philippi II 373 Philippi F cultoreshellip
100 Philippi II 410 Philippi F ἀργενταρίοι profession
101 Philippi II 509b Philippi Apollo
102 Philippi II 524 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
103 Philippi II 525 Philippi F thiasus Liberi Patris
Tasibasteni
Liber Pater
104 Philippi II 529 Philippi F thiasus Bacchihellip Bacchus
105 Philippi II 535 Philippi H οἱ περεὶ Ῥοῦφον Ζειπα μύστε
Βότρυος Διονύσου
Dionysus
106 Philippi II 580 Philippi D hellip Ἥρωος Αὐλωνείτου Hero Auloneites
107 Philippi II 597 Philippi F μύσται Διονύσου Dionysus
108 Philippi II 641a Philippi F μυσσταγογοὶ Dionysus ()
109 Philippi II 646 Philippi purpurarihellip profession
110 Philippi II 697 Philippi H Πορφυρόβαφοι profession
111 Philippi II 703d Philippi D cultores Heroi Aulonite Hero Aulonites
112 AE 1948-49
(1951) 36 no 4
Dion D θίασος (Διονύσου) Dionysus
113 ILGR 183 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
114 ILGR 184 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
115 ILGR 185 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
116 ILGR 186 Dion D thiasus (Liberi patri) Liber Pater
117 SEG 49 697 Dion H Μουσαϊσταὶ Muses
118 SEG 53 596 1 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου () Zeus Hypsistos
119 SEG 53 596 2 Dion D θρησκευταὶ Διὸς Ὑψίστου Zeus Hypsistos
120 SEG 46 800 Pydna D θρησκευταὶ ἐπὶ θεοῦ Διὸς
Ὑψίστου
Zeus Hypsistos
111
Appendix II Maps
Map 1 Provincia Macedonia as the cultural entity examined in this paper
corresponding to Philipprsquos Macedonian kingdom The four divided parts are the
Roman division of the province of 146 BC (meridai)
112
Map 2 Distribution of Associations in Macedonian cities 398
398 I omitted the yellow bars depicting the proportion of associations in cities (included in the same map
in Chapter II) and left only the numbers to provide a clearer picture since here I wanted to stress more
the difference between major urban centers (big red dots) and minor ones (small white dots)
113
Appendix III Phd Proposal
Aim of the Project
In a substantial number of regions and cities of the Greek East the rise of private
associations lies in accordance with the rise of the epigraphic habit in the Roman
Empire In cases where we can see an earlier increase it corresponds as well to local
epigraphic trends as in the cases of Athens and Rhodes With regard to these
inscriptions it is commonly accepted that they served as a means for the creation of
personal and collective identities399
The implication is that the rise of associations
can be understood as an increased effort for the creation of identities400
The
subsequent implication is that the latter were used for acceptance and integration
within a civic culture In other words associations were the instrument for people
below the elite to enter the competition for status predominant in the culture of the
Greco-Roman city A question though that seems not to have been addressed is
whether we can see these collective identities not only as a claim for status yet at the
same time as a form of cultural resistance
The case of Macedonia may suggest the latter In my master thesis I argued that
associations constructed their identities in accordance to the religious traditions of the
region Associations asserted a claim for civic integration acceptance and recognition
via religious identities The implication is that the religious traditions of the area were
of such social importance that would they suffice for entrance in the competitive
arena for status and prestige Yet to what extent can we understand this focus on a
part of the local culture as a response to the Roman rule namely as a form of cultural
resistance Applying the pattern of this question in a broader geographical spectrum
the aim of this project would be discover how people in the cities of the Greek East
constructed collective identities in relation to socio-political circumstances and
experiences
The medium for such an inquiry would be to study the role private associations
since they are generally regarded as carriers of identities To be more precise I am
going to ask ldquoHow can we understand the identities created by private associations of
the Greek East in connection to the developments brought by the Roman rulerdquo
399 Woolf (1996) 400 Van Nijf (1997) Arnaoutoglou (2003)
114
Methodology
To begin with the main medium of this research will be the epigraphic material
Regarding the geographical spectrum of the above question since its scope is
immense narrowing down is required Hence the first step is going to be the
identification of the associative phenomena in regions and cities Cases where in
Roman times it dies out or at least it seems greatly lesser (in terms of number of
inscriptions) as opposed to earlier Hellenistic booms may be left out Such examples
seem to be Athens and Rhodes where the great flourishing can be detected during the
Hellenistic era while in Roma times although associations exist they are obviously
fewer The next step will be to find out regional or civic cultures For instance to
what extent can we find more examples like Macedonia The case of Termessos
presents some similarities401
Are there more culturally distinctive cases detectable in
Asia Minor Once a demarcation of case studies is possible the following issue
would be to interpret the associative phenomenon by studying the relevant activities
Do we see in every case an attempt for civic integration Moreover do we find
interregional contrasts as in the case of Philippi that signifies a blended culture within
a province of shared cultures
Moreover to find out whether the identities communicated by associations can be
seen as a form of culture resistance more aspects need to be considered For instance
if there are more cases of associations being focused on local cultures in order to
identify whether there is an identity implying separation and distinctiveness we need
to examine as well surrounding cultures and identities How does for instance the
polis position itself towards Rome Do the identities communicated within a given
place correspond to each other or are differences detectable Moreover a useful tool
in this scrutiny would be to discover the composition of associations What types of
people predominate Greeks Romans Citizens How do they position their
collectivities towards the cultures of their surroundings Are there differences in time
within specific case studies Important questions to be addressed here are how do the
various institutions and subdivisions of the cities position themselves towards their
past Do we find cases of civic elites and private associations identifying themselves
as descendants of Greeks All of the afore mentioned questions construct the basic
guidelines to approach the central research question
401 Van Nijf (2010) (2011)
115
Position of the Project within the Discipline - Contribution
Identifying the role of associations in cultural processes fits within a wider frame of
research strands To begin with it connects to the general examination of the role of
associations in their cities402
Moreover the past years there seems to be an increased
interest regarding the vitality of the Greek cities after the establishment of Roman
rule marking a contrast to past traditions that examined the Greco-Roman city in
terms of cultural and political decline403
Researching identities local cultures and
cultural exchanges in the Greek East under Roman rule as a result of the interaction
of Greece and Rome also appears to attract scholars more and more404
In this way
the aspiration of this project is to contribute to these research perspectives
Comprehending how did organizations that represented various social strata beneath
the governing elites of the Greek cities position themselves towards Rome will
hopefully contribute to our understanding of the functions of the Greek city and of the
interaction of peoples and cultures within the Roman Empire
Corpus ndash Structure of the Thesis
Since the demarcation of the case studies is not yet clear to me both corpus and
structure will be more defined in time The main corpus of inscriptions will be the
ones of associations which will depend on the geographical spectrum An average
estimation is 2000 inscriptions This number would be subjected to changes in
relevance to the cases studies For instance if the greater extent of Asia Minor will be
left aside and only cases will be selected then the number will be definitely smaller
The structure of the thesis will also depend on the demarcation of case studies
Proposed Time Table
Semester 1 Working on general background reading literature on the impact of
Roman rule in Greece and its subsequent results on cultures identities
and relevant development Start identifying case studies
Semester 2 Final demarcation of case studies
Semester 3 Building the corpus and begin analysis of the associative phenomena
Semester 4 Start comparing the identities of the associations with other identities
402 See above Introduction General Historiography on Private Associations 403 Alston and van Nijf (2008) Van Nijf and Alston (2011) Alston van Nijf and Williamson (2013) 404 Whitmarsh (2010) van Nijf (1999) (2009) Howgego Heuchert and Burnett (2005) Spawforth
(2012)
116
within case studies to discover to what extent we they became media
of cultural resistance Start writing introduction
Semester 5-7 Writing the chapters (case studies)
Semester 8 Revising writing conclusion and editing
Proposed Supervision ndash Expenses
My suggestion is that the whole project would be supervised by prof dr Onno van
Nijf since his expertise lies both on private associations and issues of cultures and
identities as well as from at least one more expert from the field of Greco-Roman
history Regarding the expenses of the project depending on the demarcation of the
cases studies it would be necessary to visit archaeological sites as well as the libraries
of the foreign schools at Athens which largely include all necessary literature
Moreover attending conferences for presentation of my research should be
considered as well Next to the travel expenses I would include the purchase of
necessary electronic equipment (laptop)
117
Bibliography
I Ancient Literary Sources
Athenaeus 1887 Deipnosophistae Kaibel Leipzig
Cicero 1909 In Pisonem Albert Clark Oxford
Diodorus Siculus 1888-1890 Bibliotheca Historica Immanel Bekker Ludwig
Dindorf Friedrich Vogel Leipzig
II Secondary Literature
Aceto Michael (2002) ldquoEthnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in
Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin Americardquo Language in
Society 31 577-608
Alcock Suzan (1991) ldquoTomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polisrdquo AJA 95 447-467
--- (2002) Archaeologies of the Greek Past Landscape Monuments and Memories
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Allamani-Souri Bictoria (2001) ldquoΣχόλια σε μια Αναθηματική Ενεπίγραφη Στήλη
από την Βέροιαrdquo In Β΄Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής edited by Ilias Sverkos
31-48 Thessaloniki Kyriakidi
Alston Richard (2011) ldquoPost-Politics and the Ancient Greek Cityrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and
ibidem 307-336 Leuven Peeters
--- and van Nijf Onno (eds) (2008) Feeding the Ancient Greek City Leuven
Peeters
--- and Williamson CG (eds) (2013) Cults Creeds and Identities in the Greek City
after the Classical Age Leuven Peeters Aneziri Sophia (2003) Die Vereine der Dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der
Hellenistischen Gesellschaft Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
--- (2009) ldquoWorld Travelers the associations of Artists of Dionysusrdquo In
Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture edited by R Hunter - I Rutherford
217-236 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2009
Arnaoutoglou Ilias (2003) Thusias Heneka kai Sunousias Private Religious
Associations in Hellenistic Athens Athens Academy of Athens
--- (2002) ldquoRoman Law and collegia in Asia Minorrdquo Revue Internationale
des droits de lrsquoAntiquiteacute XLIX 27-44
--- (2005) ldquoCollegia in the Province of Egypt in the First Century ADrdquo
Ancient Society 35 197-216
--- (2011a) ldquoCraftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia-A Tale of two Citiesrdquo
Ancient Society 41 257-290
118
--- (2011b) ldquoHierapolis Saittai Thyateira and their Craftsmen Associations A
Comparative Analysisrdquo Lecture at Wolfson College Oxford
Ascough Richard (2000) ldquoThe Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional
Voluntary Associationrdquo Journal of Biblical Literature 119 no 2 311-328
--- (2003) Paulrsquos Macedonian Associations The Social Context of
Philippians and 1 Thessalonians WUNT 2 Reihe 161 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
--- (2010) ldquoOf Memories and Meals Greco-Roman Associations and the Early Jesus
Group at Thessalonikerdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in
Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and
Steven J Friesen 50-72 Harvard Harvard University Press
Ausbuumlttel Frank (1982) Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Roumlmischen
Reiches Kallmiunz Lassleben
Belenis Georgios (1996) ldquoΣυμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαίοι σε μια νέα Επιγραφή της
Θεσσαλονίκηςrdquo Tekmeria 2 8-15
Bendlin Andreas (2011) ldquoAssociations Sociality and Roman Law A New
Interpretation of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi in Lanuviumrdquo In Das
Aposteldekret und das antike Vereinswesen edited by Markus Oumlhler 207-296
WUNT 280 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Bollman B (1998) Romische Vereinshauser Untersuchungen zu den Scholae der
romischen Berufs- Kult- und Augustalen-Kollegien in Italien Mainz
Broekaert Wim (2011) ldquoPartners in Business Roman Merchants and the Potential
Advantages of Being a Collegiatusrdquo Ancient Society 41 221-256
Brunt Peter (1971) Italian Manpower 225 BC ndash AD 14 Oxford Clarendon Press
Chaniotis Angelos (2006) ldquoRituals between Norms and Emotions Rituals as Shared
Experience and Memoryrdquo In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman
World edited by Eftychia Stavrianopoulou 211-238 Liege Centre International
drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (2009) The Dynamics of Rituals in the Roman Empirerdquo In Ritual Dynamics and
Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of
the International Network Impact of Empire edited by Olivier Hekster Sebastian
Schmidt-Hofner and Christian Witschel 3-29 Leiden Brill
--- (2012) ldquoConstructing the Fear of Gods Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of
Greece and Asia Minorrdquo In Unveiling Emotions Sources and Methods for the
Study of Emotions in the Greek World edited by ibidem 205-34 Stuttgart Franz
Steiger Verlag
Christesen Paul and Murray Sarah C (2010) ldquoMacedonian Religionrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington
428-445 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Chrysostomou Paulos (2000) ldquoΤο Ταφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα
Βοττιαίας Η Ανασκαφή του Έτους 2000rdquo ΑΕΜΘ 14 455-471
--- (2003) ldquoΤαφικό Ιερό Μυστών του Διοινύσου στη Μενηίδα Βοττιαίαςrdquo AAA 32-
34 194-220
Clemente Guido (1972) ldquoIl Patronato nei Collegia dellrsquo Impero Romanordquo Studi
Classici e Orientali 21 142-229
119
Collar Anna (2013) Religious Networks in the Roman Empire The Spread of New
Ideas Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Collart Paul (1937) Philippes Ville de Maceacutedonia depuis ses Origines jusqursquoagrave la fin
de lrsquoeacutepoque romaine Ecole francaise drsquoAthegravenes Paris Eacuteditions de Boccard
Cooley Alison (2000) ldquoInscribing History at Romerdquo In The Afterlife of Inscriptions
Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient Inscriptions edited
by idem 7-20 London Institute of Classical Studies
Cotter Wendy (1996) ldquoThe Collegia and Roman Law State Restrictions on
Voluntary Associations 64 BCE - 200 CErdquo In Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson 74-
89 London New York Routledge
Coulton J J (1987) ldquoRoman Aqueducts in Asia Minorrdquo In Roman Architecture in
the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H Thompson 72-84 London
Thames and Hudson
Drsquo Arms John H (1981) Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome
Massachusetts Harvard University Press
De Ligt Luuk (2000) ldquoGovernmental Attitudes Towards Markets and Collegiardquo In
Mercati Permanenti e Mercati Periodici nel Mondo Romano edited by Elio Lo
Cascio 237-252 Bari Edipuglia
--- (2001) ldquoD 47221pr-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public lsquocollegiarsquordquo
Latomus 602 345-58
De Robertis Francesco Maria (1955) Il Fenomeno Associativo nel Mondo Romano
dai Collegi della Repubblica alle Corporazioni del Basso Impero Napoli Libreria
Scientifica
--- (1987) Scritti Varii di Diritto Romano (Articoli da Rivisite e Miscellanee) Bari
Cacucci
De Ste Croix GEM (1983) The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World
London Duckworth
Dickenson Christopher Paul (2011a) On the Agora ndash Power and Public Space in
Hellenistic and Roman Greece Unpublished Phd Dissertation ndash University of
Groningen Groningen
--- (2011b) ldquoThe Agora as Political Center in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Agora in
the Mediterranean from Homeric to Roman Times edited by Aggeliki
Giannikouri 47-60 Athens Ministry of Culture and Tourism Archaeological
Institution of Aegean Studies
Duumlll Siegrid (1977) Die oumltterkulte Nordmakedoniens in Roumlmischer Zeit Muumlnchen
Fink
Edson Charles (1948) ldquoCults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III)rdquo The Harvard
Theological Review 41 153-204
Epstein Steven (1991) Wage and Labor Guilds in Medieval Europe Chapel Hill and
London The University of North Carolina Press
Eilers Claude (2002) Roman Patrons of Greek Cities Oxford Oxford University
Press
Errington Robert Malcolm (1988) ldquoAspects of Roman Acculturation in the East
120
under the Republicrdquo In Alte Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Festschrift
fuumlr Karl Christ zum 65 eburstag edited by Peter Kneissl and Volker Losemann
140-157 Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Farrington Andrew (1987) ldquoImperial Bath Buildings in South-West Asia Minorrdquo In
Roman Architecture in the Greek World edited by Sarah Macready and F H
Thompson 50-59 London Thames and Hudson
Fedak Janos (1990) Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age A Study of Selected
Tombs from the Pre-classical to the Early Imperial Era Toronto University of
Toronto Press
Finley Moses (1999) The Ancient Economy Updated Edition with a foreword by Ian
Morris [first edition London 1973] Berkley University of California Press
--- (1983) Politics in the Ancient World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Foucart P (1873) Les Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs Thiases Eranes
Orgeons Paris Klincksieck
Fraser Peter Marshall (1977) Rhodian Funerary Monuments Oxford Clarendon
Press
--- (1960) The Inscriptions on Stone Samothrace Excavations Conducted by the
Institute of Fine Arts of New York University 2 Vol New York Pantheon Books
Gabrielsen Vincent (1997) The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes Aarhus
Aarhus University Press
--- (2001) ldquoThe Rhodian Associations and Economic Activityrdquo In Hellenistic
Economies edited by Zofia Archibald John Davies Vincent Gabrielsen and G J
Oliver London - New York Routledge
--- (2007) ldquoBrotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning The Non-public
Associations of the Greek Worldrdquo Mediterranean Historical Review 22 183-210
Garnsey Peter and Richard Saller (1987) The Roman Empire Economy Society and
Culture London Duckworth
Gellner Ernest (1977) ldquoPatrons and Clientsrdquo In Patrons and Clients in
Mediterranean Societies edited by ibidem and John Waterbury 1-6 London
Duckworth
Gibbs Matthew (2011) ldquoTrade Associations in Roman Egypt Their Raison drsquoEcirctrerdquo
Ancient Society 41 291-315
--- (2013) ldquoCollegiardquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited by Roger S
Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and Sabine R
Huebner 1649-1652 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Gilihan Yonder Moynihan (2012) Civic Ideology Organization and Law in the Rule
Scrolls A Comparative Study of the Covenantersrsquo Sect and Contemporary
Voluntary Associations in Political Context Leiden Boston Brill
Gruen Eric (1984) The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome Berkeley and
Los Angeles University of California Press
Hammond N G L (1989) The Macedonian State Origins Institutions and History
Oxford Clarendon Press
Harris Edward M (2013) ldquoHoroirdquo In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History edited
by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew Erskine and
121
Sabine R Huebner 3305-6 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Hatzopoulos M B (1994) Cultes et Rites de Passage en Maceacutedoine Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I A Historical
and Epigraphic Study Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2002) ldquoΛατρείες της Μακεδονίας Τελετές Μεταβάσεως και Μυήσειςrdquo In
Λατρείες στην laquoΠεριφέρειαraquo του Αρχαίου Ελληνικού Κόσμου edited by Afroditi A
Avagianou 11-29 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
--- (2011) ldquoMacedonians and the Other Greeksrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Ancient
Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC- 300AD
edited by Robin J Lane Fox 51-78 Leiden Boston Brill
Harland Philip (2003) Associations Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a
Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Minneapolis Fortress Press
Hekster Olivier Schmidt-Hofner Sebastian and Witschel Christian (eds) (2009)
Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire Proceedings of the
Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg July
5-7 2007) Leiden Boston Brill
Herz Peter (2008) ldquoUumlberlegungen zur Geschichte des Μakedonischen Koinon im
dritten Jahrhundertrdquo In Festrituale in der Roumlmischen Kaiserzeit edited by Joumlrg
Ruumlpke 115-132 Tuumlbingen Mohr Siebeck
Hopkins Keith (1983) Death and Renewal Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Howgego Christopher Heuchert Volker and Burnett Andrew (eds) (2005) Coinage
and Identity in the Roman Provinces Oxford Oxford University Press
Jaccottet Anne-Franccediloise (2003) Choisir Dionysos Les Associations Dionysiaques
ou la Face Cacheacutee du Dionysisme I and II uumlrich Akanthus
Johnson Terry and Dandeker Chris (1989) ldquoPatronage Relation and Systemrdquo In
Patronage in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 219-238
London and New York Routledge
Joshel Sandra (1992) Work Identity and Legal Status at Rome Norman and London
University of Oklahoma Press
Kallet-Marx (1995) Hegemony to Empire The Develpoment of the Roman Imperium
in the East from 148- 62 BC Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California
Press
Kanatsoulis Demetrios (1953-55) ldquoΤο Κοινόν των Μακεδόνωνrdquo Μακεδονικά 3 26-
49
--- (1955-1960) ldquoΗ Μακεδονική Πόλις Από της Εμφανίσεως της μέχρι των Χρόνων
του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνουrdquo Μακεδονικά 4 232-314
Kloppenborg John (1993) ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and
Method Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in
Honour of John C Hurd edited by Bradley H McLean 212-238 Sheffield
Sheffield Academic Press
122
--- (1996) ldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquo In
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen
G Wilson 16-30 London and New York Routledge
--- and Ascough Richard (eds) (2011) Greco-Roman Associations Texts
Translations and Commentary Berlin New York De Gruyter
Koester Helmut (2010) ldquoEgyptian Religion in Thessalonikē Regulation for the
Cultrdquo In From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and
Archaeology edited by Laura Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J
Friesen 143-150 Harvard Harvard University Press
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Chaido (2011) ldquoΚοινὸν τεχνιτῶν στην Αμφίποληrdquo In
Νάματα Τιμητικός Τόμος για τον Καθηγητή Δημήτριο Παντερμαλή edited by Ilias
Sverkos 236-247 Thessaloniki University Studio Press
--- Bakirtzis Charalampos (1995) Φίλιπποι Athens Ministry of Culture
Kremydi-Sisilianou (2005) ldquolsquoBelongingrsquo to Rome lsquoRemainingrsquo Greek Coinage and
Identity in Roman Macedoniardquo In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces
edited by Christopher Howgego Volker Heuchert and Andrew Burnett 95-106
Oxford Oxford University Press
Kubiacutenska J (2001) ldquoTiberius Claudius Lycus de Thessalonique et son Thiaserdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 153-160
Lioulias Stergios (2010) Η Λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στη Μακεδονία Unpublished
master thesis Thessaloniki Aristoteleian University of Thessaloniki
Liu Jinyu (2005) ldquoLocal Governments and Collegia A New Appraisal of the
Evidencerdquo in A Tall Order Imperialism Law Religion And Society in the
Ancient World essays in honor of William V Harris Jean edited by Jacques
Aubert and suzsanna Vaacuterhelyi 279-310 Leipzig Walter de Gruyter
--- (2008) ldquoThe Economy of Endowments the case of Roman associationsrdquo In Pistoi
dia ten technen Bankers loans and archives in the Ancient World Studies in
honour of Raymond Bogaert edited by Koenraad Verboven Katelijn Vandorpe
and Veacuteronique Chankowski-Sable 231-256 Leuven Peeters
--- (2009) Collegia Centonariorum The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman
West Leiden Boston Brill
Loukopoulou Louiza (1996) ldquoThe Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidicerdquo
In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East Social and Political Aspects edited by A
D Rizakis 143-148 Athens Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
National Hellenic Research Foundation
Ma John (2007) ldquoHellenistic Honorific Statues and their Inscriptionsrdquo In Art and
Inscriptions in the Ancient World edited by Zahra Newby and Ruth Leader-
Newby 203-220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Mari Manuela (2011) ldquoTraditional Cults and Beliefsrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to
Ancient Macedon Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon 650BC-
300AD edited by Robin J Lane Fox 453-466 Leiden Boston Brill
Macready Sarah and Thompson FH eds (1987) Roman Architecture in the Greek
World London The Society of Antiquaries of London
MacMullen Ramsay (1963) ldquoA Note on Roman Strikesrdquo The Classical Journal 58
123
269-271
--- (1974) Roman Social Relations 50 BC to AD 284 New Haven and London
Yale University Press
--- (1982) ldquoThe Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empirerdquo The American Journal of
Philology 103 233-246
Meyer Elizabeth (1990) ldquoExplaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire
The Evidence of Epitaphsrdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 80 74-96
--- (1993) Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athensrdquo The Journal of Hellenic
Studies 113 99-121
McCready Wayne (1996) ldquoEcclēsia and Voluntary Associationsrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by John S Kloppenborg and
Stephen G Wilson 31-58 London New York Routledge
McLean Bradley (1993) ldquoThe Agrippinilla Inscription Religious Associations and
Early Christian Formationrdquo in Origins and Method Towards a New
Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd
edited by Bradley H McLean 239-270 Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press
Meeks Wayne (1983) The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle
Paul New Haven and London Yale University Press
Mikalson John (2006) ldquoGreek Religion Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic
Periodrdquo In The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World edited by Glenn
R Bugh 208-224 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Millar Fergus (1977) The Emperor in the Roman World Ithaca New York Cornell
University Press
--- (2006) ldquoThe Greek City in the Roman Periodrdquo In The Greek World
the Jews and the East edited by Hannah M Cotton and Guy M Rogers 106-135
Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press
Millet Paul (1989) ldquoPatronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athensrdquo In Patronage
in Ancient Society edited by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill 15-48 London and New
York Routledge
Mitrev Georgi (2002) ldquoDionysiac Thiasoi in the Roman Province of Macedonia
Tradition and Innovationsrdquo In Studia in Honorom Margaritae Tacheva edited by
Konstantine Boschnakov and Diljna Boteva 289-97 In Bulgarian Sofia Sofia
University Press
--- (2003) Religious Institutions and Communities in the Province of Macedonia (148
BC-284 AD) Phd Dissertation in Bulgarian with an English Summary Sophia
Mommsen Theodor (1843) De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum Kiliae Libraria
Schwersiana
Monson Andrew (2005) ldquoThe ethics and economics of Ptolemaic religious
Associationrdquo Ancient Society 36 221-238
Morris Ian (1992) Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
---- (1994) ldquoEvery manrsquos Graverdquo In Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology edited by
Alan L Boegehold and Adele C Scafuro 67-101 Baltimore and London The
John Hopkins University Press
124
Muhs Brian (2001) ldquoMembership in Private Associations in Ptolemaic Tebtunisrdquo
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 1-21
Nigdelis Pantelis (2006) Epigrafika Thessalonikeia Thessaloniki University Studio
Press
--- (2010) ldquoVoluntary Associations in Roman Thessalonike In Search
of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Societyrdquo In From Roman to Early
Christian Thessalonike Studies in Religion and Archaeology edited by Laura
Nasrallah Charalambos Bakirtzis and Steven J Friesen 13-47 Harvard Harvard
University Press
--- ldquoIII Roman Macedonia (168 BC - AD 284)rdquo In The History of Macedonia
wwwmacedonian-heritagegr
Nora Pierre (1989) ldquoBetween Memory and History Les Lieux de Meacutemoirerdquo
Representations 26 7-24
North John (1992) ldquoThe Development of Religious Pluralismrdquo In The Jews Among
Pagans and Christians edited by Judith Lieu John North and Tessa Rajak 174-
193 London and New York Routledge
--- (2010) ldquoPagan Ritual and Monotheismrdquo In One God Pagan Monotheism in the
Roman Empire edited by Mitchell Stephen and Van Nuffelen Peter 34-52
Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Pandermalis Dimitrios (1983) ldquo um roumlmischen Portraumlt im kaiserzeitlichen
Makedonienrdquo Klio 65 161-7
--- (1999) ldquoΔίον 1999 Μουσαϊσταί ndash Βασιλεύς Δημήτριοςrdquo ΑΕΜΘ 13 416-20
Papazoglou Fanoula (1988) Les Villes de Maceacutedoine agrave leacutepoque Romaine Athens
Ecole Franccedilaise d Athegravenes
--- (1983) ldquoPolitical and Administrative Devepomentsrdquo In Macedonia 4000 Years of
Greek History and Civilization edited by M B Sakellariou 192-99 Athens
Ekdotike Athenon
Paschidis Paschalis (2012) ldquoCivic Cults and (other) Religious Associations in
Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedoniardquo Forthcoming Paper
presented at the conference Associations in Context Rethinking Associations and
Religion in the post-classical Polis (11th
-13th
October 2012) Copenhagen
University of Copenhagen
Patterson John (1993) ldquoPatronage collegia and burial in Imperial Romerdquo In Death
in Towns Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead 100-1600 edited by
Steven Bassett Leicester Leicester University Press
--- (1994) ldquoThe Collegia and the Transformation of the Towns of Italy in the Second
Century ADrdquo In LItalie dAuguste agrave Diocleacutetien Actes du colloque international
organiseacute par lEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome edited by helliphellip 227-238 Romehellip
--- (2006) Landscapes and Cities Rural Settlement and Civic Transformation in
Early Imperial Italy Oxford Oxford University Press
Pavis DrsquoEscurac Henriette (1988) ldquoOrigo et Reacutesidence dans le Monde du Commerce
sou le Haut-Empirerdquo Ktema 13 57-68
Pearson Michael Parker (1982) ldquoMortuary Practices Society and Ideology an
Ethnoarchaeological Studyrdquo In Symbolic and Structural Archaeology edited by
125
Ian Hodder 99-113 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Petsas Fotis (1969) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής Μακεδονίαςrdquo
Aρχαιολογικό Δελτίο 24 (Χρονικά) 291-312
Perry Jonathan Scott (2006) Roman Collegia The Modern Evolution of an Ancient
Concept Leiden Brill
Perdrizet Paul (1900) ldquoInscriptions de Philippes Les Rosaliesrdquo BCH 24 299-323
Pingiatoglou Semeli (2010) ldquoCults of Female Deities at Dionrdquo Kernos 23 179-192
Poland Franz (1909) Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens Leipzig Teubner
Purcell Nicholas (1987) ldquoTomb and Suburbrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by Henner von Hesberg and Paul
Zanker 25-41 Munich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Rebillard Eacuteric (2009) The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity Translated by
Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci Ithaca and London
Cornell University Press
Robert Louis (1940) Les Gladiateurs dans lrsquo Orient Grec Paris Bibliothegraveque de
l Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes
Romiopoulou Aikaterine (1973) ldquoΑρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κεντρικής
Μακεδονίαςrdquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 28 B2 433-442
Rouecheacute Charlotte (1993) Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman
and Late Roman Period London W S Maney and Son
Rizakis Athanasios (1986) ldquoΗ Κοινότητα των Συμπραγματευόμενων Ρωμαίων της
Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαϊκή Οικονομική Διείσδυση στη Μακεδονίαrdquo Αρχαία
Μακεδονία IV 511-524 Thessaloniki Institute for Balkan Studies
--- (1998) ldquoL Eacutemigration Romaine en Maceacutedoine et la Communaute Marchande de
Thessalonique Perspectives Eacuteconomiques et Socialesrdquo In Les Italiens dans le
Monde Grec IIe siegravecle av J-C - Ier siegravecle ap J-C Circulation Activiteacutes
Inteacutegration edited by Christel Muumlller and Claire Hasenohr 110-132 Paris Eacutecole
Normale Supeacuterieure
--- and Tourasoglou I (2000) Mors Macedonica Ο Θάνατος στα Επιτάφεια Μνημεία
της Άνω Μακεδονίας Athens Archaiologiki Etaireia
Rives James B (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire Malden MA Blackwell
Publishing
Rohde Dorothea (2012) Zwischen Individuum und Stadtgemeinde Die Integration
von Collegia in Hafenstaumldten Mainz Verlag Antike
Royden Hasley (1988) The Magistrates of the Roman Professional Collegia in Italy
from the First to the Third Century AD Pisa Giardini
Saller Richard (1982) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Salmeri Giovanni (2011) ldquoReconstructing the Political Life and Culture of the Greek
Cities of the Roman Empirerdquo In Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age edited by Onno van Nijf and Richard Alston 197-214 Leuven
Paris Walpole MA Peeters
Salway Benet (2013) ldquoName personal Romanrdquo The Encyclopedia of Ancient
History edited by Roger S Bagnall Kai Brodersen Craige B Champion Andrew
126
Erskine and Sabine R Huebner 4690-4691 Malden MA Blackwell Publishing
Schiess Traugott (1888) Die Roumlmischen Collegia Funeraticia nach de Inschriften
Muumlnchen Theodor Ackermann
Sellew Philip (1980) ldquoReligious Propaganda in Antiquity A Case from the
Sarapeum at Thessalonicardquo Numina Aegaea 3 15ndash20
Sokolowski Franciszek (1974) ldquoPropagation of the Cult of Sarapis and Isis in
Greecerdquo Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 441-448
Solin Heikki (2001) ldquoLatin Cognomina in the Greek Eastrdquo In The Greek East in the
Roman Context Proceedings of a Colloquium Organised by the Finnish Institute
at Athens May 21 and 22 1999 edited by Olli Salomies 189-202 Helsinki
Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens
Sourvinou-Inwood C (1990) ldquoWhat is polis-religionrdquo In The Greek City from
Homer to Alexander edited by O Murray and S R F Price 295-322 Oxford
Oxford University Press
Spawforth A (2012) Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution Cambridge
Cambridge University Press
Stark Rodney (1997) The Rise of Christianity How the Obscure Marginal Jesus
Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few
Centuries San Francisco CA Harper
Stavrianopoulou Eftychia (2006a) ldquoIntroductionrdquo In Ritual and Communication in
the Graeco-Roman World edited by ibidem 7-22 Liege Centre International drsquo
Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
--- (ed) (2006b) Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World Liege
Centre International drsquo Eacutetude de la Religion Grecque Antique
Steimle Christopher (2008) Religion im Roumlmischen Thessaloniki Tuumlbingen Mohr
Siebeck
Steinhauer Julietta (2014) Religious Associations in the Post-Classical Polis
Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag
Sverkos K (1997) Συμβολή στην Ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των Ρωμαϊκών
Χρόνων (Πολιτική Οργάνωση Κοινωνία Ανθρωπωνύμια) Thessaloniki Phd
Dissertation at the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Sviatoslav Dmitriev ldquoMagistrates and Officials Greekrdquo in The Oxford Encyclopedia
of Ancient Greece and Rome ed Michael Gagarin and Elaine Fantham 319ndash21
Oxford Oxford University Press
Tataki Argyro (1988) Ancient Beroea Prosopography and Society Athens
Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquities National Hellenic Research
Foundation
--- (1996) ldquoThe Nomina of Macedoniardquo In Roman Onomastics in the Greek East
Social and Political Aspects edited by AD Rizakis 105-109 Athens Research
Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Tod Marcus (1932) Sidelights on Greek History Three Lectures on the Light thrown
by Greek Inscriptions on the Life and Thought of the Ancient World Oxford Basil
Blackwell
Toynbee J M C (1971) Death and Burial in the Roman World London Thames
127
and Hudson
Trakosopoulou-Salakidou Eleni (1993) ldquoΑπό την Κοινωνία της Θεσσαλονίκης των
Αυτοκρατορικών Χρόνων Νέα Επιγραφικά Ευρήματαrdquo In Ancient Macedonia
Fifth International Symposium Vol III edited byhelliphelliphelliphellip Thessaloniki
Institute for Balkan Studies
Tran Nicolas (2006) Les Membres des Associations Romaines Rome Publications
de lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise de Rome
Tsochos Charalampos (2004) ldquoΤο Ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η Λατρεία τους
στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το Επιγραφικό Υλικόrdquo AEMΘ 16 83-94
--- (2012) Die Religion in der Roumlmischen Provinz Makedonien Stuttgart Franz
Steiner Verlag
Van Dyke Ruth and Alcock Suzan (2003) ldquoArchaeologies of Memory An
Intorductionrdquo In Archaeologies of Memory edited by ibidem 1-13 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Van Nijf Onno (1997) The Civic World of Professional Associations Amsterdam
JC Gieben
--- (1999) ldquoAthletics festivals and Greek identity in the Roman Eastrdquo Proceedings of
the Cambridge Philological Society 45 175-200
--- (2000) ldquoInscriptions and Civic Memory in the Roman Eastrdquo In The Afterlife of
Inscriptions Reusing Rediscovering Reinventing and Revitalizing Ancient
Inscriptions edited by Alison Cooley 21-36 London Institute of Classical
Studies
--- (2009) Staying Roman - Becoming Greek The Roman Presence in Greek Cities
Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished) Groningen
--- (2010) ldquoBeing Termessian Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian
Cityrdquo In Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial Greek World edited
by Tim Whitmarsh 163-188 Cambridge Cambridge University Press
--- (2011) ldquoPublic Space and the Political Culture in Roman Termessosrdquo In Political
Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age edited by ibidem and Richard
Alston 215-242 Leuven Peeters
--- and Alston Richard (eds) (2011) Political Culture in the Greek City after the
Classical Age Leuven Peeters
Vanderspoel John (2010) ldquoProvincia Macedoniardquo In A Companion to Ancient
Macedonia edited by Joseph Roisman Ian Worthington 251-275 Malden MA
Blackwell Publishing
Verboven Koen (2011) ldquoProfessional Collegia Guilds or Social Clubsrdquo Ancient
Society 41 187-195
Veyne Paul (1990) Bread and Circuses Translation of the original (1976) by Brian
Pearce London Allen Lane The Penguin Press
Vitti Massimo (1996) Η Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης Από την Ίδρυση
έως τονν αλέριο Athens Archaiologike Etaireia
Voutiras Emmanuel (1992) ldquoBerufs- und Kultverein Ein δουμοϲ in Thessalonikerdquo
Zeitschrift fuumlr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992) 87-96
--- (2005) ldquoSanctuaire Priveacute-Cult Public Le Cas du Sarapieion de Thessaloniquerdquo In
128
Ἰδίᾳ καὶ Δημοσίᾳ Les Cadres ldquoPriveacutesrdquo et ldquoPublicsrdquo de la Region recque
Antique Actes du IXe Colloque du CIER A tenugrave agrave Fribourg du 8 au 10 Sept 2003
edited by V Dasen and M Pieacuterart 273-88 Lieacutege CIERGA
Von Hesberg H and anker P (1987) ldquoEinleitungrdquo In Roumlmische raumlberstraszligen
Selbstdaerstellung ndash Status ndash Standard edited by idem 9-20 Munich Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften
Wallace-Hadrill Adrew ed (1989a) Patronage in Ancient Society London and New
York Routledge
--- (1989b) ldquoPatronage in Roman Society from Republic to Empirerdquo In Patronage in
Ancient Society edited by ibidem 63-88 London and New York Routledge
Waltzing Jean Pierre (1895-1900) Eacutetude historique sur les Corporations
professionelles chez les Romains depuis les origins jusquagrave la chute de lEmpire
dOccident Vol I-IV Bruxelles Hayez
Wiemer Hans-Ulrich (2013) ldquoHellenistic Cities The End of Democracyrdquo In A
Companion to Ancient Greek Government edited by Hans Beck 54-69 Malden
MA Wiley-Blackwell
Wilson Stephen (1996) ldquoVoluntary Associations An Overviewrdquo In Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World edited by idem and Stephen G Wilson
1-16 London and New York Routledge
Wilson Stephen (1998) The Means of Naming A Social and Cultural History of
Personal Naming in Western Europe London UCL Press
Wilson Alan John (1966) Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome
New York Manchester University Press
Whitmarsh Tim (ed) (2010) Local Knowledge and Microidentites in the Imperial
Greek World Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Woolf Greg (1996) ldquoMonumental Writing and the Expansion of Roman Society in
the Early Empirerdquo The Journal of Roman Studies 86 22-39
--- (2012) Only Connect Networks and Religious Change in the Ancient
Mediterranean World Lecture at the conference of CRASIS (unpublished)
Groningen
--- (2014) ldquoIsis and the Evolution of Religionsrdquo In Power Politics and the
Cults of IsisProceedings of the Vth International Conference of Isis Studies
Boulogne-sur-Mer October 13ndash15 2011 edited by Laurent Bricault and Miguel
John Versluys 62-92 Leiden Brill
Top Related