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Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Watch and listen to the video to get some background information about the two texts you're about to
read. After you've watched the video, go to the next page to start reading.
1. Print and look over your reading guide.
2. Read the text or texts over the following pages.
3. After you've read, answer the questions in your reading guide.
Important note: Answering the reading questions is essential for a solid understanding of the reading
and for success on the quiz that follows.
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Reading GuideEnglish 111.1.5 Read: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Name:Date:
After you've finished reading, write short answers to these questions.
1. Both of these pieces use all three logical appeals, but they emphasize different ones. In your opinion,
which logical appeal (logos, pathos, or ethos) is most important to Patrick Henry's speech? Support your
answer with at least two specific examples from the text.
2. In your opinion, which logical appeal is most important in these excerpts from Thomas Paine's
Common Sense? Support your answer with at least two specific examples from the text.
3. How do both Henry and Paine argue that the time for war is now?
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4. How does Paine support his idea that there is "no country on the globe" as "capable of raising a fleet
as America"? What kind of an appeal is this?
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Terms of Use
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Reading MaterialsEnglish 111.1.5 Read: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Name:Date:
Speech of Patrick HenryMarch 23, 1775
In the Convention of Delegates of Virginia
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen
who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights;
and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do,
opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without
reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this
country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in
proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way
that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our
country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider
myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven,
which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against
a painful truth, and listen to the song of the siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of
wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of
those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole
truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of
judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have
been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has
been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those
warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a
work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must
be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
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subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial
array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive
for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies
and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent
over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And
what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten
years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every
light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble
supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech
you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm
which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have
prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands
of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with
contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace
and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve
inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely
to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged
ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I
repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be
stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a
British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction?
Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the
delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if
we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions
of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are
invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles
alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to
fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.
Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the
contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be
heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
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It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace—but there is no peace. The
war is actually begun! The next gale, that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of
resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen
wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains
and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me
liberty, or give me death!
From Common SenseBy Thomas Paine
Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs
In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense: and
have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and
prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves that he will put on, or
rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the
present day.
Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all
ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have
been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms as the last resource decide the contest; the
appeal was the choice of the King, and the Continent has accepted the challenge.
The Sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a City, a County, a Province, or a
Kingdom; but of a Continent — of at least one-eighth part of the habitable Globe. 'Tis not the concern of
a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected
even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-time of Continental union, faith and
honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a
young oak; the wound would enlarge with the tree, and posterity read in it full grown characters. . . .
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America has flourished under her former connection with Great
Britain, the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same
effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a
child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to
become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true; for I answer
roundly that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power
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taken any notice of her. The commerce by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life,
and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.
But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true, and defended the Continent at
our expense as well as her own, is admitted; and she would have defended Turkey from the same
motive, viz. — for the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas! we have been long led away by ancient prejudices and made large sacrifices to superstition. We
have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not
attachment; and that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account; but from her enemies on
her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be
our enemies on the same account. Let Britain waive her pretensions to the Continent, or the Continent
throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with France and Spain, were they at war with
Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connections.
It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the Colonies have no relation to each other but through
the Parent Country, i.e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys and so on for the rest, are sister Colonies by
the way of England; this is certainly a very roundabout way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest
and only true way of proving enmity (or enemyship, if I may so call it.) France and Spain never were, nor
perhaps ever will be, our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of Great Britain. . . .
I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation to show a single advantage that this continent can
reap by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge; not a single advantage is derived. Our
corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them
where we will.
But the injuries and disadvantages which we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our
duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: because, any
submission to, or dependence on, Great Britain, tends directly to involve this Continent in European wars
and quarrels, and set us at variance with nations who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against
whom we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no
partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European
contentions, which she never can do, while, by her dependence on Britain, she is made the makeweight
in the scale of British politics.
Europe is too thickly planted with Kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out
between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection84
with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for
reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because neutrality in that case would be a safer
convoy than a man of war. Everything that is right or reasonable pleads for separation. The blood of the
slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'tis time to part. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath
placed England and America is a strong and natural proof that the authority of the one over the other,
was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the Continent was discovered, adds weight
to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled, increases the force of it. The reformation was
preceded by the discovery of America: As if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the
persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety. . . .
Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and
only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than
repeated petitioning — and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of
Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's
sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the
violated unmeaning names of parent and child.
To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp act,
yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated,
will never renew the quarrel.
As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it
will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a
power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern
us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five
months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years
be looked upon as folly and childishness — There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper
time for it to cease.
Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under
their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an
island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and
America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to
different systems: England to Europe, America to itself.
I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and
independence; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this85
continent to be so; that everything short of that is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, —
that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther,
would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.
As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no
terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of
blood and treasure we have been already put to. . . .
A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness
of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of
our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event
to time and chance. If we omit it now, some, Massanello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular
disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the
powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the
government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a
temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain
give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the
wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independence now, ye know
not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government.
There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the continent, that
barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty
hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them.
To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our affections wounded
through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little
remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship
expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and
greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? . . .
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot
of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa,
have long expelled her. — Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to
depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
Of the Present Ability of America: with some Miscellaneous Reflections
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I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a
separation between the countries would take place one time or other: And there is no instance in which
we have shown less judgment, than in endeavoring to describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of
the continent for independence.
As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove
mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor if possible to find out the very time. But I need
not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for the time hath found us. The general concurrence, the glorious
union of all things, proves the fact.
'Tis not in numbers but in unity that our great strength lies: yet our present numbers are sufficient to
repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath at this time the largest body of armed and disciplined
men of any power under Heaven: and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is
able to support itself, and the whole, when united, is able to do anything. Our land force is more than
sufficient, and as to Naval affairs, we cannot be insensible that Britain would never suffer an American
man of war to be built, while the Continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder
an hundred years hence in that branch than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because
the timber of the Country is every day diminishing, and that which will remain at last, will be far off or
difficult to procure. . . .
No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar,
timber, iron, and cordage are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,
who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to
import most of the materials they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it
being the natural manufactory of this country. 'Tis the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished
is worth more than it cost: And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protection
are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our paper currency
with ready gold and silver. . . .
In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even to rankness so that we need not
want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.
Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing. Our knowledge is
hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.
Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can expect nothing but
ruin. If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living
in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to
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quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The
difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shows the
insignificance of a British government, and fully proves that nothing but Continental authority can
regulate Continental matters.
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others is, that the fewer our numbers are, the
more land there is yet unoccupied, which, instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless
dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant
support of government. No nation under Heaven hath such an advantage as this.
The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favor of
independence. We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so we might be less united. 'Tis a
matter worthy of observation that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military
numbers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns; and the reason is evident, for trade being the
consequence of population, men became too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.
Commerce diminishes the spirit both of patriotism and military defence. And history sufficiently informs
us that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the
increase of commerce England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers,
submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing
are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling
duplicity of a spaniel.
Youth is the seed-time of good habits as well in nations as in individuals. It might be difficult, if not
impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of
interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion. Colony would be
against colony. Each being able would scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and foolish
gloried in their little distinctions the wise would lament that the union had not been formed before.
Wherefore the present time is the true time for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in
infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are of all others the most lasting and
unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters; we are young, and we have been
distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable era for posterity to glory
in.
The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time which never happens to a nation but once, viz., the time
of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have
been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they
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had a king, and then a form of government; whereas the articles or charter of government should be
formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterwards; but from the errors of other nations let us
learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity — to begin government at the right end.
Sources
Patrick Henry, "Speech in the Convention of Delegates of Virginia," Richmond, VA, March 23, 1775, in
American Oratory (Philadelphia: Desilver, Thomas, 1836), 13-15.
Thomas Paine, Common Sense (New York: Peter Eckler, 1918), 19-46.
Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's . Any unauthorized copying, reuse, or redistribution
is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning Inc.
Terms of Use
89
Video Transcript: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Video opens with the words "So, you're about to read . . ." in white on a black background.
A man sitting in a chair speaks to the camera.
AUDIO
Narrator: Hello!
The United States used to be colonies of Great Britain a long, long time ago, and Britain, it ruled these
colonies from, well, Britain — you know, across the ocean. Some people were fine with this; they were
loyal to the king and wanted to remain British. It's cool being British, they said. Some wanted to become
independent from Britain for a number of reasons, including the fact that they felt they were being
treated unfairly by the British government.
In the second half of the 18th century, the colonists who wanted independence from Britain started
getting more and more vocal, trying to convince their friends and families that it was time to form a new
government, people — and on their own soil, and unattached to the king, etc. O.K., so now you're about to
read two of the most famous pieces of rhetoric from that time period.
One is a speech by Patrick Henry that was written just before the Revolutionary War broke out. In the
speech, he tries to persuade the leaders of Virginia to send troops to fight the British. Number two is a
pamphlet called Common Sense by Thomas Paine, which helped inspire and inform what would soon
become the Declaration of Independence. Kind of important. I think so, and so does history.
Anyway, so, as you read, look at how the authors used rhetoric. Because it's that rhetoric that helped
inspire people to create what we now know as the United States of America. That's where we live.
(That's where I live; I don't know where you live. Don't send me your address; that's weird.)
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Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Take a minute to review your answers on the reading guide. You're about to take a quiz
on what you just read.
Use this opportunity to check your work.
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Rhetoric The use of language to persuade an audience.
Audience appealsMethods of persuading an audience through emotion,
logic, or ethics.
Logos The presentation of facts and statistics.
PathosThe quality of speech or written work that appeals to the
emotions of the audience.
EthosThe character and credibility of the writer in the eyes of the
reader.
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Rhetorical device A persuasive technique used to help convince an audience.
Rhetorical questionA question with an obvious answer, which is used to
emphasize a writer's main point.
DictionThe word choice and purposeful arrangement of words
that affect meaning in speech or writing.
ParallelismA pattern in writing in which words and phrases are similar
in structure, one echoing another.
Figurative languageA nonliteral use of language to suggest a speci�c feeling
or meaning.
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SimileA type of �gurative language in which two unlike things are
compared using like, as, than, or resembles.
MetaphorA type of �gurative language in which one thing is said to
be another thing.
Personi�cationA type of �gurative language in which nonhuman objects
are given human qualities.
Tone The author's attitude toward a subject.
Author's purpose The reason the author wrote or is writing about a topic.
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Quiz: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine
Question 1a of 5
In his speech, Patrick Henry asserts that _____ is inevitable.
# Choice
A. Submission
B. Reconciliation
C. War
D. Peace
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Question 1b of 5
In his speech, Patrick Henry asserts that _____ is the colonists' best option now.
# Choice
A. taking over Britain
B. assassinating the king
C. fighting the British
D. agreeing to obey
Question 1c of 5
What does Patrick Henry argue is inevitable?
# Choice
A. War against the British
B. Submission of his brothers
C. An agreement with the king
D. Slavery in the colonies
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Question 2a of 5
In Common Sense, what does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the colonieswill continue to flourish under British rule?
# Choice
A. That the argument is faulty and incorrect
B. That the argument is deductive and solid
C. That the argument lacks pathos and logos
D. That the argument lacks evidence and ethos
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Question 2b of 5
In Common Sense, what does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the colonieshave done well under the control of Britain?
# Choice
A. That the colonies have done well, but will not do well on their own
B. That believing the colonies will continue to do well is misleading
C. That believing the colonies will continue to do well is logical
D. That the colonies have not done well and will never do well
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Question 2c of 5
In Common Sense, how does Thomas Paine respond to the argument that the colonies haveflourished under British rule?
# Choice
A. He agrees and compares the colonies to a growing baby.
B. He argues that they could have done better on their own.
C. He argues that it supports the belief that the colonies will continue toflourish.
D. He agrees with this argument from the opposition and moves on.
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Question 3a of 5
What does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the British have protected thecolonies?
# Choice
A. That they did it because the colonies and Britain share a language
B. That they did not do it on the colonists' account, but on their own account
C. That they had to because the colonies bullied neighboring countries
D. That they care deeply for the colonies, but that the colonies don't need theirprotection
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Question 3b of 5
What is Thomas Paine's response to the argument that the British have protected America?
# Choice
A. That he doesn't believe any of them really wanted to
B. That they have done so because they care about the Americans
C. That their help has been appreciated, but America has no enemies
D. That they have done so for their own sake
Question 3c of 5
What does Paine say about the argument that Britain has defended the colonies in the past?
# Choice
A. That Britain only did so out of self-interest
B. That Britain created conflict so its protection seemed needed
C. That the colonists never really needed the help
D. That the colonists should have protected Britain
101
Question 4a of 5
What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?
# Choice
A. The British army and navy are mostly made up of middle-aged men.
B. The British do not care that much about the colonies and will give up easily.
C. The colonies will have the American Indians fighting for them.
D. The colonies have the resources to build a great navy.
102
Question 4b of 5
What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?
# Choice
A. The population of the colonies is extremely high.
B. The British army is notoriously weak.
C. The king will refuse to send more British soldiers to the colonies.
D. The colonists know the British military's secrets.
103
Question 4c of 5
What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?
# Choice
A. The colonies have the resources to create weapons easily.
B. The British have very few naval ships at their disposal.
C. The colonies will have the rest of Europe on their side.
D. The British lack experience in war and battle.
104
Question 5a of 5
What is one reason Thomas Paine believes that the youth of the colonies is an advantage overBritain?
# Choice
A. Because as a young nation, the colonies' citizens are younger
B. Because as a young nation, the colonies have less to lose
C. Because as an old nation, Britain's military structure is in decay
D. Because as an old nation, Britain has obsolete weapons
105
Question 5b of 5
What is one reason Thomas Paine believes that the youth of the colonies is an advantageagainst Britain?
# Choice
A. Because Britain's age has made its citizens jaded
B. Because older nations like Britain have less to lose
C. Because younger nations always take over older nations
D. Because their youth lends itself to vigor and unity
Question 5c of 5
What is one reason why Thomas Paine says that the time for independence is now?
# Choice
A. Because the colonies are young and united
B. Because the British are distracted by other wars
C. Because the British have old and cowardly generals
D. Because the British have vulnerable islands
106
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