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TheModernOrdinary:

ChangingcultureoflivinginEgypt’straditionalquartersattheturnofthetwentiethCentury

Abstract

Havingexperiencedsocialandpoliticalstructuresofthe19thcenturyEurope,Western-educatedEgyptianeliteusedpublicinstitutionstoforcelegislativestructuresandproceduresthatruledouttraditionalhousingformsandspatialsystems.ThisessaydetectsdirectandindirectimpactofthesechangesthatinformedthespatialchangeofmodernlivinginEgyptinthefirstquarterofthetwentiethcentury.Itoffersanalysisofsocio-spatialpracticesandchangeinordinaryCairenes’modesofeverydayliving,usingsocialroutineandinteractiontoexplainspatialsystemsandchanginghouseformsduringthefirstquarterofthe20thcentury.Indoingso,theessayutilizedarchivaldocuments,accounts,formaldecrees,andnovelsofthetimeaswellasconductingsurveyofhouseformsandspatialorganizationsinOldCairo.

INTRODUCTION

‘Cairo,therefore,willnolongerbeanArabcity,andwillnolongerpossessthosepeculiaritieswhichrenderitsopicturesqueandattractive’1.

SophieLane-Poole

Inthefirstparagraphofhisbook,ThestoryofCairo,StanleyLane-Pooledescribedthecityof

1902bysaying:‘TherearetwoCairos,distinctincharacter,thoughbutslenderlyinsite.Thereis

aEuropeanCairo,andthereisanEgyptianCairo.ThelastwasoneEl-Kahira,thevictorious...itis

nowsolittleconquering,indeedhasbecomesosubdued...intruthEuropeanCairoknowslittle

ofitsmedievalsister’2.Thisgraspoftheexplicitdifferencessummarizesthecity’sdevelopment

throughoutthenineteenthcentury,theperiodthatwitnessedthesetbackforthehawarifrom

beingdominanttobeingmarginalurbancommunities.MuhammadAli(1805-1849)3,

intentionally,hadbannedalltracesofmedievalarchitectureandtheirstylisticpeculiaritiesfor

differentreasons.BanningtheuseofMashrabiyyainnewbuildingswasmadeunderthepretext

ofhealthandsafety4;asitwasmadeofwood,itcouldcausefire5.Thetruthbehindthisban

couldbeunderstoodifweconsiderthelargerplanbehindchangingtheimageofthemedieval6.

Itwasadecisivediversionfromthemedievalpastthrough,forexample,wideningtheroads,

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creatingsquaresandgardens,paintingthehousesinwhite,andadoptingnewhousingmodels.

Inshort,hewasputtingamodernmaskontheoldcityfabricandsoonrealizeditwasnot

possible.

Followingalmostfivedecadesandconfrontationalstrugglewiththecapital’sresidentsand

localcommunities,Ali’splanscouldbeseenasasuccess.Hence,incontrasttoMuhammadAli’s

approach,KediveIsmail(1863-1879)abandonedthehopeofimprovingthehawariandfocused

onproducingorganized,plannedwesternhomesinthesuburboftheoldcity.Toachievethis

goal,araftoflegislationwasproducedtocontrolbuildingactivitiesandsetstandardsfor

building,modifyingormaintaininghomes.Withinthiscontext,thehawariwereslowlychanging

fromtheirmedievalimageintoamorecomplexandmoderncharacter.Changewasa

consequenceofacombinedsetoffactors.Fromoneside,socialstructureoflocalareaswas

significantlychanging,onthebackofemergenceofwestern-styledandcivilizedcentresoutside

theoldcity,whichattractedrichmerchantstorelocate,leavingoldhawarideprivedoftheirrich

inhabitantsandresources.Fromtheotherside,thegovernmentstartedtoimplementaheavy

handedpolicytocontrolthebuiltenvironmentandurbanspacewiththeaimofenforcinga

European-styleimage(aEuropeannationintheEast)7.Theembryonicformandimageof

plannedCairowereunmistakeableattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,whiletheharah‘s

positionasafundamentalurbanunithadforeverbeencompromisedbythewell-established

andmaintainedIsmailia(European)Cairo.

Throughoutthenineteenthcentury,Cairowasmovingtowardsanindustrialeconomy,

requiringmanypeasantstojointhenewly-establishedfactoriesandtoearnregularwages.

MuhammadAli’s(1805-1849)projectformodernCairocommencedwithcleaningthehawari

andpaintingbuildings’facadesinwhite,demolishingruinedhousesandregulatingstreet

lighting,andfaçadedesigns.However,hismostimportantcontributiontothechangingurban

settingwasthefocusonlargesizeindustrialprojectssuchascottonandoilfactories,which

requiredlargenumbersofregularworkers.Thosecamefromthecountryside,thetroubledand

unstablecountrysidevillages,searchingforsecurejobsinCairoandlookingforcheap

accommodation8.Thissituationappliedheavypressureonthehawari:analreadycongested

spacewithpoorandlowqualityservices,toaccommodatethewavesofnewmigrantworkers.

Ontheotherhand,latenineteenthcenturydevelopmentsmadebyEuropeanreal-estate

companiesattractedtherichmerchantsduetotheirEuropeanflavour,pavedandlit

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boulevards9.Theplaceofsuchinfluentialplayersinlocalcommunitiesoftheoldcitywasfilled

bythosepoorpeasantmigrantswhocametojointhenewwagedworkingclass.Theyoccupied

roofsofhousesandvacantplots,creatingtheIshash10andAhwash11.Thismovedthehawari

downinthesocialladder,withtheirphysicalstructure,thebuildings,fallingintodisrepairdueto

lackofmaintenanceandfinancialresources.

Asaresult,thehawarioftheearly20thcenturywerenolongerthepreferredsitesforthe

merchants’homes.Largecourtyardhouseswere,consequently,replacedbycompactmulti-

storeyhouses.Introvertedorganizationofhomeswasturnedinside-out,withlargeopeningson

thecentrallane.Thedominanthousetype,then,wasathree-fourlevel,load-bearing,compact

building,whichseemedtohavefollowedearlymodelhousesofMuhammadAlithatfailedto

catchonduringhislifetime(Fig.1).ThehardboundaryandtighteningurbanareaofoldCairo,

surroundedbynewdevelopmentsofIsmailiCairo,madeinevitablethedeclineofthe

historically-dominantmodelofcourtyardhouses.Theextendedfamilystructure,thecoreof

community,hadtofindalternativewaystoresideinsmallerplotswithloweraffordability.

StudyingoldCairooverthatextendedperiodoftimehastoconsidersuchsocialandeconomic

change.Infact,untiltheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury,themainheadlineintheurban

sceneinCairowasthetransformationtowardsmodernity.

Whilemanystudieslookedatchangesintermsofpoliticalculture,socialchangeor

architecturalstyle,Ilookinthisessayatthemulti-layeredandprolongedeffortsthat

demarcatedalmostfivedecadesofsocio-culturaltransformationthatenabledthechangein

livingcondition,lifestyleandculturalvalues,notsimplyinthemodernquarters,butmoresoin

thehawariofthemedievalcity.Ilookintohowthedreamofmodernityinfluencedtheideaof

homebothsociallyandspatially.Thisessayarguesthatwhiletheliberalvaluesofmodernity

wereembodiedinanationalistagendathatattemptedtobreakwiththedeeplyrooted

traditionsandmysticalcultureofthepast,thechangeofthespatialsystemsofhouseforms

havelargelybeeninfluencedbythechangeisthesocialstructureandeconomiccapabilitiesof

thoselivingintheoldcity.Itreportsthatthischangecouldbetracedthroughthreepathwaysof

changeinCairenehomes;a.Restructuringthelegalsystemthatgovernedthedesignand

constructionofhouses;b.Reformingeducationtofocusondomesticmannersandbehavior;and

c.Foundingprofessionaltrainingonidealsofmodernarchitecture.

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THEGENDERQUESTION:WOMENASPUBLICFIGURES

Earlyforcesofchangeemergedwhenwestern-educatedEgyptianelites,onreturninghome

fromtheireducationalmissionsinEurope(mainlyFrance)inthesecondhalfofNineteenth

Century,wereappointedtoleadnationalgovernmentalandculturalinstitutions12.Their

objectivewastoemulatetheEuropeanmodelofknowledgeandphilosophywithintheconfines

oftheirnationalterritoryandwithrespecttotheirlocalcultureandtraditionasweseeinthe

writingsofGamalEl-Dinal-Afghani,MuhammadAbdu,Rifa’aAl-TahtawiandQasimAmin13.

WhilethefirstthreefigureswerereligiousscholarswithprogressiveviewsonIslam,thefourth

wasofcivilianbackground.Theyusedmediaoutletsandinstitutionsavailabletothemto

propagateideologicalreformespeciallythroughcontestingradicalcultureandrestrictionson

freedomofthought,practice,andknowledgeaswellasthediscriminativegendersegregationof

thetime.Asmedievalcultureandsocialconventionswerecentredonfamilyandthepositionof

women,theharem,thereformersconsideredwomenastheirprincipalissueforthereform

movement.Whileschoolsofbothsexes(femalesandmales)hadbeenavailablesincetheearly

nineteenthcentury,theradicalSheikhsinsistedthatwomenshouldstayathomeattheservice

ofmen,secludedfromstrangers,withtheirfreedomlimitedtoharemenclosures14.These

currentsofreform,especiallyregardingthepositionofwomen,werestrongenoughto

underlinetheissuespublicallywithinperiodicalssuchasAllataifduringthelate19thcentury.

Thewomenquestionwasatthecentreofthiselitistmovementthathadextensively

questionedthemarginalandoppressedpositionofwomeninthepredominantlypatriarch

cultureofhouseholdsthatexcludedthemfromeducation,workandpubliclife.Itwasapparent

thattheelites’callfortheliberationofwomenandtheirrightstoeducationmovedthewomen

fromtheirperipheralpositiontobeatthecentreofmodernizingEgypt.Thesedebateshad

inevitablyextendedtoquestionthespatialorganizationofhousesandthewaytheharem

quarterwasisolated.Fortheelites,thiswasnolongerasuitablespatialorderformodernEgypt.

Theintellectualdebateonthepositionofwomanwithinsocietyhaddestabilizedthetraditional

formofcourtyardhouse,invitingradicalchangetowardsaformofsharedtenancyinmulti-story

apartmentbuildings.Women’ssocialsphereofactivitieshadsignificantlychangedandthe

tolerancetowardswomen’sexposureinthepublicscenecombinedwiththeshrinkageof

domesticareasresultedinmoreintegratedenvironmentbetweenprivateandpublicspaces.

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Women’spositioninsocietywasthenlookedatasanindicatoraccordingtowhichtheliberal

valuesofmodernsocietiesweremeasuredinaconservativeregionsuchasEgyptandthe

MiddleEast.Cairo,duetoitsproximityandlinkswithEurope,wasthecentreofactive

developmenttowardsmodernitythroughoutthenineteenthandtwentiethcentury.Itwasthe

turnofthetwentiethcenturywhichseemedtheperiodduringwhichEgyptiansocietystartedto

cometotermswiththevaluesofmodernityandliberalsociety.Thiswasexplicitinthe

persistentcallforculturalandideologicalreformbytheintellectualelitesinlocalnewspapers

sincelate1870sthatcontinuedforsomefiftyyearsdefininganeraofenlightenmentandreform

thatchallengedtheinheritedmedievalthought15.Returningelitesbelievedthatwithout

changingthementalityofthepeople,leadingthenationtomodernityisalmostimpossible16.

ThedesirewastoemulatetheEuropeanmodelofknowledgeandphilosophywithinthe

confinesofnationalterritoryandwithrespecttotheirlocalcultureandtradition.

FORThereformers,inordertoattendtobemodern,Egyptianshadtoengagewiththe

knowledge,scientificandphilosophicalprogressofthewest17,andtheindicationofthiswasto

acceptwomenasequalmembersinaliberalsociety.Theycorrelatedthefreedomofwomento

thesocialfreedomandtheprogressofthenation18.TheApexofconflictwiththeconservatives

cameafterthepublishingofQasemAmin’sTahriral-Mar’aa(LiberationofWoman)in1899that

wasaprotestovertheradicalconstraintsonwomen’seducationandwork19.Thebookwas

introducedbyShaykhMuhammadAbdu(thehighestReligiousfigure,theEgyptianMufti),what

gaveitextensivemediaattentionandcriticismfromconservativeandradicalleaders20.

Interestingly,boththereformersandtheradicalsheikhsagreedonthecentralityofwomen

totheprogressofthenation,buteachinownterms.Thereformersfoundnocontradiction

betweenIslamandwesternmodernitybasedonwomen’sequalrights,toeducation,work,and

participationifpubliclife.Ontheotherside,theconservativesbelievedthatwomenshould

remainisolatedathomeandfocusontheirdomesticduties.Theformers’thoughtsand

principlesspreadthroughoutthegrowingnumberofperiodicalsandprivately-ownedprinting

pressesbythesecondhalfofthecentury.ByronD.Cannonarguedthatsocialandcultural

changewasactuallytakingplaceintheprevioustwodecadesandthebookwasjustarticulation

ofthecurrentstreamofthoughts21.Hereferredtoarticlesappearedinal-Lata’ifmagazine

duringthe1880s,handlingthesameissues,althoughinlessrevolutionaryways.Theharem

system,theprincipalfeatureofmedievalculture,however,cametoanend,asBerthBadran

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claimed,by1923whenHudaSharawi,thewell-knownEgyptianfeminist,drewbackherveilin

public.Later,manyhadreplicatedherapproachandhighclasswomeneschewedtheveilaspart

oftheirdressingstyle22.

Themostnotableachievementofthemovementrestedinthepublicdiscourseabout

women’spositioninsocietyandtheintroductionofthenewwomanasanactivememberinthe

publicdomain23.Unlikethetraditionalone,thenewwomanwaseducated,active,madegood

useoftime,wasnotpreytosuperstitionandirrationalthinking,whileretainhercommitments

toherfamilyandchildren24.Aseducated,activeandproductive,thenewwomenshouldnotbe

limitedtotheharem,theisolatedquarterinthehouse.Thenewwomanwasthemeasureto

whichthesocietywascomparedtoitsEuropeancounterpart,ashowfaritattendedtothe

compulsoryrequirementsofmodernity.Furthermore,Egyptiansociologistsarguedthatthe

reformmovementhasshapednotonlythenewwoman,butalsothenewman,wholikesawell

presentedandorderedhome,hasgoodtaste,andadmirepleasantstructures25.Thenewman

wassensitive,emotionalandwouldonlychoosehispartnerthroughdirectinteractionand

emotionalcompanionship,somethingthatwasrejectedentirelybytheconservativeculture.In

fact,thenewmanandwomanwerepicturedasEuropeancharactersineasterncontext.

LIVINGDOWNTOWN:EUROPEANMODERNITYOF19thCENTURY

“Thedwelling’svalueasasocialinstitutionthatorganizedacquaintanceshipandCertifiedpubliccharacteremergedincontradictiontotheperceivedlimitationanddangersofalternativehousingforms.Incontrasttothecarefullyregulatedsocial

trafficofhomehospitality,boardingandtenanthousesappearedsocialpromiscuous,nonselective,andimmediatelyvulnerabletomarketdeterminationsofpersonalworth.Tenanthousingrelations,incontrast,wereperceivedasimposing

nosocialaccountabilityformoraltransgressions.”26

InHousingandDwelling,BarbaraMillerLanemadethecaseforthetransitionoflivingfrom

localesandcommunitiestothedowntownoflargecitiesasashiftofsocialandspatial

significanceofthelate19thcentury27.ApartmentbuildingsinNewYork,ParisandLondonaswell

asthoseofIsmailiCairoandIstanbulallowedfamiliestomoveoutoftheirproductive

communitieswithlonginheritedsocio-culturalsystems.Themovetowardsprestigious

downtownswithwideboulevardsandapartmentbuildingswasinspiredbyEuropeanswhohad

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beenlivinginapartmentbuildingsforgenerations,andbythesecondhalfofthenineteenth

century,Parisianapartmentbuildingswerethefashionablemodeltoimitateinbigcities(Fig.

2)28.Thenewtenancysystemwasbasedontheideaofbeingindependentwithlifestyles

inscribedbymobilityandconnectivityinthenewquarters.Noself-sufficiency,nointimatesocial

coherencewithinthelocality.MarketedatthetimeinNewYorkas‘Parisiandwellings’,Parisian

Buildings’or‘FrenchFlats’29inNewYorkornineteenthcenturyCairoas‘ParisontheNile’,the

thenEuropeaninspirationexemplifiedhowfartheFrenchmodeloflivingwasasubscriptionfor

enlightenedandelitistsocialclassandanabandonmentofthetraditionalandoldpre-industrial

communityliving.Theurbanchangederivedbyfreedomtomoveeasilyandfrequentlybothin

locationandinsocialstatusfosteredanxietiesforfamiliesthatwantedtoasserttheirsocial

statusintheemergingnewterritoriesandcircumstances30.

Itwasarguedthatthistransitionwasaby-productofearlynineteenthcenturymiddleclass

effortsinplanningreform,developinghouseholdtechnologies,andthechangingaspirationof

workingclasspeople31.Theriseofthebourgeoisclassesandtheirdelicatelivingcultureand

lifestyleowemuchtotheriseofthoseEuropeanhousingmodelsassociatedwithliberalvalues

thatflourishedduringlate1920sand1930sinCairo.Thehighlypicturesqueanddecorated

nineteenthcenturyapartmentbuildingsinCairo,AlexandriaorinAlbanyandBroadwayinNew

Yorkappearedmassiveintermsofsizeandheightwithintheirlocalcontextual.Theirmulti-

apartmentfloorplans,occupiedbytradesmen,merchantsandforeignbusinessmen,extended

tomorethanthesizeoffourhousesofthetime.Widewrought-ironbalconieswerethemost

uniqueelementofthenewdomesticlivinginthenineteenthcentury.FortheCairenes,for

example,suchexplicitoutwardexposuretostranger-onlookersfromasdeepastheheartofthe

privatehome,wastotallyrejectedintheoldquartersthatreliedchieflyoninner,visually

protectedcourtyards.Moreover,toliveadjacenttostrangertenantsinthesamebuildingand

sometimesonthesamefloormeantashiftinthesocio-spatialboundariesofprivacyfromthe

medievalgatestotheverydooroftheapartmentandonlyafewmetersawayfromthe

bedroom.Inaddition,therewasnospaceforthetraditionallargeteamofservantsinthenew

apartments.Theconnectionwitheverydayactivitiesinthestreetwaslostinfavourofmore

mobilityandopportunitiesforengagementwiththewidersociety.Thisledtoanearlytransition

towardsmodernityanddisjuncturewiththenotionoflocalityandsocialcoherence.Instead,

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modernsocietywiththecentralityoftheselfbecamethecriterionofthenewlifeinthenewly

shapedurbanliving.

Astenancyhousingproliferatedinthenewquarters,oldquarterswitnessedmigrant

countrymenandlowerclassresidentsfillinginspacesandbuildingsabandonedbythedeparting

merchantsandprofessionals.Whiletherewasgenerousprovisionofservicesandinfrastructure

tothenewareas,oldquarters’qualityoflivingwasshattered.Previouscourtyardhouseswere

dividedintosmallerunitsofone-roomortworoomapartmentsforsharedandboarding

accommodationsandtheoldhomogeneouscommunitieswerepolarisedbetweengenuine

residentsandnewsettlers.Onmanyoccasions,migrantworkershadtobehousedinold

warehousesorformermiddleclassapartmentbuildings,whichweredividedintosmallerunits,

notahealthyarrangementasmanyoftheroomswerewithoutproperventilation.Forexample,

in1900,ParkAvenueand109thStreetinNewYorkCitywerefilledwithcountrymigrants,with

manyofthetypicaltwobedroomedDumbbellfloorplansturnedintounitsofsingleroom

accommodationperfamily.Smallerroomsweredark,withoutproperventilation.Shared

courtyardswerefilledwithservices,creatinganunpleasantappearance,allofwhichcontributed

tothepassingofTheAmericanTenementHouseActsof1867&1879thatprohibitedcellar

apartmentsunlesscertainhealthconditionsweremet.

THEQUESTIONOFIDENTITY:BUILDINGTHEEUROPEANCAIRO

FollowingthesecampaignsandlegislativestructuresinwhatwascalledStateBuilding;Cairowas

settoreceivethenewmodelsofapartmenthousebuildingsaspartofitsfabric,givingwayto

theemergenceofnewtypologythatcombinedgroundfloorshopsandstoreswithhigherlevel

floorsofhousingunits,mainlyinthenewquarters.SuchEurope-inspiredmodelbecamemore

acceptableintheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury,whenwomen’smovementand

accessibilitywerenolongerfundamentalissuesinhouseplanningordesign.Initiallystartedas

housesforforeigners,theirrichlocalcounterpartssoonbecameresidentofthesebuildings.In

fact,thiswasoneapproachrichEgyptiansfollowedtoupgradetheirsociallifestyletoprove

theirabilitytostandmodernintheurbansceneinEgypt.AtatimewhenEgyptwasstillunder

theBritishcolonialrulein1910s-1920s,thediscourseonmodernity;‘howmodernwere

Egyptians’and‘thereformofEgypt'shomes’,wascentraltotheprocessthroughwhichmiddle-

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classCairenesdefinedthemselvesasmodernandprogressiveindissidenceagainstdismissive

toneofthecolonialrulers32.

LisaPollardarguedthatBourgeoisiemaleEgyptiansof1919sattachednationalmeaningsof

solidaritytotheirdomestichabitsaspartoftheirnationalidentity;“Men'smaritalbehaviorand

domestichabitsappearedcentraltodemonstratingEgypt'sreadinessforself-rule.”33Inorderto

becomemodern,youneedtoactlikeoneandyourattitudetohomeandfamilyistherefore

pivotal.Infact,Pollardlistedahostofreadingsandeducationaltextbooksaround1905-1911

thatcommunicatedthenewhomeanditsmannersofmodernitytochildrenthroughsimple

wordsandquestions.Forexample,areadertitled‘ReadingandPronunciation’askedquestions

suchas,‘Whatdoproperhomesneed?’and‘Howdowebuildproperhouses?’whichwere

answeredthatmodernlifestylerequired,similartothoseusedbythereformmovement,‘order,

cleanlinessandventilation.’Forthem,‘darkorcrowdedquarterswerelistedasbelongingto

anotherworld,apremodernworldwhichhadtobedoneawaywithsuchthataneweraof

modernitycouldbeusheredin’34.Thiscouldjustifyparticulararchitecturaltransformationand

predominanceofcertainformsofthetime.Inthatsense,paralleltothedeclineof

mashrabiyyahasoldfashion,openterracesoverlookinglargestreetsboulevardsrepresented

thesymptomofmodernlivinginCairoandothercitiessuchasAlexandria.(Fig.3)

Theprocessofstructurededucationonmodernityandmodernliving,indeedreachedtothe

professionaltrainingofemergingengineeringschoolsthatsoonbecameapparentintheworkif

theirgraduates.By1930s,designdrawingsforhouseslargelyfollowedthistrend.Theliberation

ofwomenfromtheharemwings,facilitiesbynationalmodernists,easedtheburdenoflarge

housesandforcedarationalspaceorganisation.Infact,housedesignsoftwoprominent

Egyptianarchitectsduring1930sshowedhowdominantmodernopen-buildingformswere.

HassanFathyearlyworkandRamsesWissaWassifdesignsofhomesofthetimearetestimony

onthat.In(Fig.4)HassanFathy,knownforhisadmirationoftraditionalbuildingtechniquesat

laterstages,displaysafairlyoutward-orientedfloorplanofapartment-officebuildingswith

largebalconyandopeningdirectlyopentotherooms’interiors.Accesstothehouseunitand

fromislargelyexposedtopublicview.Eventhoughdesignedoutsidetheoldcity,itdenotesa

departurefromthementalityofenclosuresandmanipulationofspaceadvocatedbythe

traditionalformsofthehawari.IfFathy’sdesignswereoutsidethehistoricalcore,RamsesWissa

WassifDiplomaProjectof1930swasintheOldcity.Wassif’sworkshowedadegreeof

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uncertaintyandtensionbetweenthevalueofthecontextualfabricandtheidealsofmodernity

ofthetimewiththeuseofconcreteandsquarespacesarrangedaroundacourtyard,however,

anopenone(Fig.5).

However,withthecolonialrulecomingtoanend,thesocialistagendatookoverwithmore

focusonsocialequityandtheidealsofmassproductionofhousingleadingthenotionofhome

tobeindustriousandeconomicinprinciple.Thisresembledafundamentaldeparturefrom

socialdomainofinteractiontobedrivenbyauthoritativestatepoliciesmanagementofpublic

properties,withseriousviolationoflocalsocialcohesionandbreakdownofthesocio-spatial

association,witnessedintheoldcity.DuringNasser’sprojectsofsocialhousing,thespatial

organisationofhomedeniedanyopportunityofprivacyandlocalcontrolonthebuilt

environment.Movingfromstate-ledsocialhousingprojectstoprivatedevelopersoflate1970s,

themodernisttypologiesofisolatedanddisconnectedapartmentbuildingsdominatedthe

urbansceneinCairo.Duringthatperiod,theideaofhomeassocialconstructrepresented,toa

largeextent,awithdrawalofsociallycohesivecommunitiesandthemakingofhomeaswayof

buildingsociety.WhilethepositionofwomenwaslargelycentraltotheideaofhomeinOld

Cairo,newhousesofmodernityexposedthevulnerabilityofthefamilyandtheirprocessesof

communalandcontextualexistence,atleastinnewneighbourhoodsthatwerebombardedwith

massesofconcretegiantsthatareeconomicmodelsofconsumption.

THELEGISLATIONQUESTION:CHANGINGPROFESSIONANDCULTUREOFLIVING

Thenewperspectivesandtolerancetowardsthemovementandinteractionofwomenwithin

thesocietyresultedinsimplerandlesscomplexhouselayout.Extensivemeasuresofisolating

theharemwerenolongercompulsory.Themodelofindependent,self-sufficientcourtyard

housewasnolongerasuccessfuloraffordablemodeltofollow.Thiswasevidentinthe

increasinglyrelaxedandsimplifiedorganizationofthehousesbuiltbetween1880sand1920s

andtheincrementalnumberofextrovertapartmentbuildingconstruction,eitherintheoldcity

orthenewquartersequally.FewlargehousesinthehawariofoldCairo,retainedthetraditional

courtyardhousesbutwithmucheasieraccesstoroomsaroundit,includingtheharem.

Transparencybecameacceptableinthehouseandcorridorshavebeenlitanddirecttowards

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therooms,whilewindowsstartedtohaveglasspanes,asweseeinBaytAl-Kharazi(1881AD).In

short,theideaofhomewaschanginginthementalityoflocalpeople.

Ontheotherhand,thereferencetothedelicatetasteandsensitivityofthenewcharacters

requiredformodernEgyptwouldessentiallyrequireachangedhome.Hence,thedebate

betweentheoldandthenewandsubsequentconfrontationsamongbothofthemcontinued

duringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturyandnaturallyextendedtotheterritoryofhome

thatrequired,accordingtothereformers,anequalchangeinitsstructure.Itwasnecessaryto

makeaconvincingeconomicreasoningthatmadesensetotheincreasinglypoorEgyptiansas

wellasamongeducatedEgyptians.QassimAmincriticizedthecomplexityofgender-segregated

housesinCairoinTheLiberationofWoman:‘Lookatus,youfindourhouseisdividedintotwo

parts,oneformenandanotherforwomen.Whenweneedtobuildahouse,ineffect,wespend

whatisenoughfortwohouses[twoattachedhouses].....Thisincludesfurnitureforeachofthe

twohouses,twoteamsofservants,oneformenandanotherforwomen.’35Inaddition,he

applaudedtheWesternmiddleclasshousethatis‘wellorganized,morebeautifulthanits

orientalcounterpart,eventhoughtheEuropeanspendsmuchlessthattheArab’36.

Thisattackonthetraditionalformsofhouseswascoordinatedamongotherreformers.

Almostadecadeearlier,AliPashaMubarak,theministerofPublicWork,andinjustificationto

theinitiationofmunicipalsystemthatlimiteddesignandconstructionofhousestotrained

professional,launchedacomprehensivecriticismfortraditionalformoflivingrulingitas

inefficientandunhealthy.Inhisinfamousandboldstatement,Mubarakstated:

‘TodaypeoplehaveabandonedoldwaysofconstructioninfavouroftheEuropean

stylebecauseofitsmorepleasantappearance,betterstandardsandlowercosts.Inthe

newsystem,roomsareeithersquareorrectangularinshape.Intheoldsystem,living

roomstogetherwiththeirdependenciesweredisorderedcorridorsandcourtyards

occupyingalotofspace...mostofthespaceslackedfreshairandsunlight,whicharethe

essentialcriteriaforhealth.Thushumidityaccumulatedinthesespacescausing

disease...facadesneverfollowedanygeometricorderthuslookinglikethoseof

cemeteries.Inthenewsystemfacadesareorderedandhavegoodfamiliarlook’.37

AliMubarak,Al-Khitatal-Tawfiqiyyah,1888.

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Mubarak’scriticism,infact,wasdesignedtomakecaseforwesternformsoflivingthat

followssimplerorderandgeometricprinciples.But,toacceptnewforms,youmustdismissthe

longrootedandacceptedmodelsasproblematicandwasteful,whilebeingunhealthy.Infact,

onesentenceinparticularwasstriking;hedismissedthe‘disorderedcorridorsandcourtyards

occupyingalotofspace’,whichheknewaspeculiartolocaltraditionandpartofthelocalsocial

systemsinOldCairo,centredaroundthemovementofwomenandensuringadequatelevelof

privacy.Indeed,asofficialandreformer,hewaspromotingwesternlifestylethroughthe

Parisian-typologyofthetimewithitscompactformsofapartmentbuildingsthatrelyonthe

independenceofthelivingunit,disconnectionfromwidestreetboulevardsandgeometrically

orderedarrayofwindowsthatexposetheinteriorofthehousetotheoutsideworld.

Ontheotherhand,activepubliclifeinthelocalalleysdidnotsurvivetheseinstitutional

reforms.Thehawari’ssociallifewaschallengedbyaseriesoflawsaimingtochangethephysical

featuresandorganizationofthosespaces.Between1880and1910,variouslawswereissuedto

putthepublicsphereintoashapeandorderthatsuitedtherulingregime’sdesiredimage.The

clearestattemptappearedinthedecreeissuedbytheMinistryofPublicWorkson22ndFebruary

1882,wherebyArticle12wasintendedtocleartheroadsofthestoneseatsspreadacrossthe

oldcity(Fig.6).Itsays:“Allstructuresintrudingfromthebuildingintotheroad,suchasstone

seats,stairs,shouldberemovedwiththeexceptionofhistoric,religiousorartisticallyvalued

buildingsuntiltheirfacadesarerefurbishedonthealignmentline”38.Article13ofthesame

decreeinstructedthat“allexistingarchesonpublicroadsshouldbedemolishedoncetheyare

damagedorattachedstructuresaretoberestored[refurbished].”Itcontinued:“The

constructionofthosearchesonpublicroadsisprohibitedfromnowon”39.

Whilethestoneseatswereremovedandre-builtseveraltimes,itispresumedthat

legislationsrelatingtopermissionandfeesforpublicfestivitieswerenotimplemented,atleast

inOldCairo40.ItwasapparentthatthegovernmentwantedtodealwitholdCairoandits

hawariasitdidwithIsmailiCairowithitspavedandwideboulevards.Theregulatorsand

officialsdidnotunderstandthatthepublicsphereofthehawari,includingitsphysicalfeatures

(stoneseats,stairs)andsocialevents(festivitiesandmawlids),wereessentialpartsoflocal

cultureanddailylife.Theyhousedessentialeconomicactivities,servingfoodtovisitorsfor

13

mawlidsthatflourishedthroughouttheyear[R4.2.08].Removingtheseatsandgetting

permissionforusingpublicspacescouldhaveeliminatedmostgatheringsandbasicsocio-

culturalpatternsoflife.

Furthermore,tolateradeeplyrootedprofessionandtraditionalbuildingpractices,afirm

controloftheadministrativeorlegislativestructureswasneeded.Followingseveralattempts

byKediveTawfiq(1879-1892)andHabbasHelmi(1892-1914)toorganizeactivitiessuchas

building,trading,crime,andtaxation,ataxcouncilwasformedin1886,comprisingelectedlocal

buildingowners,tocontrolbuildingactivities.Theultimatetransformationtowardsamodern

state,thought,entailedthereformofitsgovernmentalandmunicipalstructure.Tanzim

departmentwasdevelopedtheleadinginstitutionattemptingtohandletheconfusingstructure

andurbanorder41.Thelegislationsmightappeartohavebeennecessaryfororganizationofthe

growingmetropolitanCairo.However,theinfluenceoftheEuropeans,especiallytheFrench

engineers,wasapparent.Duringthelastquarterofthenineteenthcentury,French-educated

Egyptianscontrolledmostgovernmentalandculturalinstitutions,inparticipationwithwestern

(mainlyFrench)experts.TanzimDepartmentin1889,forexample,employed4Egyptiansand6

FrenchengineersandallformalcorrespondenceandcommunicationswerewritteninFrench42.

Underthisorganization,thetraditionalmasterbuilder’srolewassubdividedamongseveral

institutions:thearchitect,fordesignandproductionofacceptedscaleddrawings;theMinistry

ofPublicWorks,fordesignreviews,permissionsandinspection;andfinally,thenewbuilder

whohadtoconstructthebuildingexactlyasperthedrawingsandspecifications43.

From1883onwards,newbuildingactivitiesandrestorationswerenotallowedwithoutprior

permissionfromtheTanzimdepartment,basedonapproveddrawingsmadeby‘architect/

engineer’.Adecreeissuedon8thSeptember1883fromtheMinistryofPublicWorks44(Fig.7)

said:“Clause1:Anybuildingactivitieswithincitiesshouldobtainaformalpermissionbeforethe

workcommences”.Clause2ofthesamedecreeinsistedthattheapplicationforbuilding

permissionshouldbeaccompaniedby“drawingsoftheplot,roadsandneighboursdrawnona

scale1:200”.Thenewlegislationrequiredeverynewbuildingtofollowthedefinedroad

alignmentmaps(KhututTanzim)45.Thesamedecreesettheminimumdimensionsofaroomto

be4(L)x3(W)x3(h)meters.Anynon-approvedactivitieswereconsideredillegalandweresubject

toapenaltyordemolition46.TheextentoftheserestrictionswasdescribedbyMahboubduring

the1930s:‘They[powerofrules]arewidetotheextentthatbytheapplicationofTanzim

14

Alignmentlawsof1881,1887and1889,buildinglinescanbedecreedforthewideningor

modifyingofanypublicstreetorroad.Nonewconstructionscanencroachontheselines,and,

moreover,heighteningoranyformsofmaintenance,includingevenplasteringofsuchportions

ofexistingbuildingsasarecutbytheselines,areforbidden.’47

Themasterbuilder,thecentralcharacterinbuildingactivitiesintheCairoof1800,wasthe

mainvictimofthenewbuildingregulationsanddecrees,andwasreplacedbyacomplex

technicalprocessofplanning,drawings,applicationandconstructionbytheendofthecentury.

Thenewsystemrequiredqualifiedprofessionalstoimplementthestate’svision,andonly

architectswithexperienceinproducingscaleddrawingsforformalreviewandpermission

purposes.Furthermore,theconstructionworkhadtobesupervisedbythearchitect/engineer

andTanzimofficersasperalegislativedecreeissuedon8thSeptember188348.Thedecree

definedseveralconditionsandrecommendedcertainformsandspatialordersandsetseveral

hygienicregimesandspatialrequirementssuchasminimuminternalroomconfiguration,

naturalventilationforallrooms,andorientingopeningstothenorth,withprovisionforafewto

thesouth(forcrossventilation)(Fig.8).Moreover,itrequiredatoiletforeveryclosed

apartmentandrecommendedconstructionmaterialsandfinishes,externalandinternalaswell

asinspectionprocedures:wallsshouldbemadeof‘limestoneorbrickswithlimemortar’49.

‘Internalwallsshouldbeplasteredandreceiveonecoatofoilpaint’.Allworkshouldbe

inspectedfrequentlybytheMinistryofPublicWorks’engineers50.

SOCIALECONOMYandTHEUNAFFORDABLETRADITION

HomesofOldCairohadnooptionbuttoreplacetheintroverted,largeplotsizehouseswith

extrovertedhighrise(3-4storeys)compacthouses,inwhichthehorizontally-stretchedHarem

turnedintoverticallyorganizedwings.Transformationofsocio-culturalandeconomicconditions

definitelytookitstollonthebuiltfabricineveryaspect.Withthedepartureofrichmerchants,

mostofbuildingtradewasonsmallplotsandpart-sharesduetoinheritance;someshareshad

beensoldseparatelyorswappedwithothers.Thevastmajorityofsellingrecordsinal-Babal-

Ali’scourtaroundtheturnofthecenturyfollowedthesameconvention51.Theresultwassmall

plotsforreduced,compact,vertically-extendedhousesthatsoondevelopedintojoint-

householdunits,inwhichfamilyrelativesusedtooccupyseparateapartmentswithinthesame

15

building.KennethCunoreportedthatthejoint-householdsystempredominatedurbanhousing

inEgyptattheturnofthe20thcentury52.Inhisstudy,Cunofoundthatthemajorityofhousesin

Cairoconsistedofjoint-householdunitsof7members(58%)ratherthanthesinglehousesof

thesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury53.Attheturnofthetwentiethcentury,onlyafew

housesofcourtyardintrovertedorganizationwerestillinactualuse.

Emergingdomestictypologyhadtoaccommodatefamilieswithinpartsofprevioushouses,

withnewsocio-spatiallogicthatwasorganizedvertically.Thebasicunitofthefamily,the

masterofthefamily,wouldoccupythefirsttwolevels:thegroundlevelhadanentrance,main

hawsh,forstableandfoodstorage,aMajlismaleandfamilyreceptionspace,akitchenwith

ovenandafewservices[R3.1.07]54.Ifmorespacewereavailable,theharemwingcouldbepart

ofthislevel.Upperlevelswerearrangedtoincludeavarietyofsleeping(harem)wingswith

smallserviceareas,eachofwhichhousedasub-familybranch,mainlyeldersonsandtheir

families(Fig.9).Asecondstageofthisdevelopmentcamewheneachfamilyresidencewas

dividedintoseparateapartmentswhoseoccupantswerenotrelatedtoeachother.Thiswas

takingplace,chieflyduringthe1940s-1960s,paralleltothemodernmovementinEuropeand

theriseofapartmentbuildingsincosmopolitanCairoandpromotedbythestate55.Thevacant

multi-storyhouseswerethenfilledwithimmediateoccupantsfromdifferentbackgrounds.For

thefirsttime,everyunitofthebuildinghadtoworkindependentlyandincludeallservices.The

sharedkitchenonthegroundfloorstartedtodisappearandsmallkitchenunitswereimplanted

ateverylevel.WhilesurveyingsomeofthesehousesinalGammaliyyah,tightkitchensand

bathroomswerefoundtobecommonfeatures.

Thistransformationhadprofoundimplicationsforthesocialcohesionandphysical

infrastructureofthesebuildings.Verticalextensionsmeantreducingareasofdirect

communicationbetweenhousesfromonesideandthepublicspherefromtheother,both

visuallyandvocally,inabreakfromthelocaltraditionthatreliedonthecontinuousflowof

activitiesbetweenprivateandpublicspheresandwherezonesoftransitionoccupiedand

transcendedtheboundariesbetweenindoorandoutdoorspaces.Undertheneworder,there

wasaneedforalternativemeansofcommunicationbetweenhighlevelsandthealleyspace.

Operablewindows,basedonthemodernRumistyle56,andterracesemergedtodominate

facades,beingspeciallyrecommendedbynewbuildingregulations.Balconiesbecamethe

transitionalspacesprovidingoutwardoverlappingspaceswiththealleyforthoselivinginhigh

16

levelapartmentstostayincontactwitheventstakingplaceontheground.Similarly,pushing

apartmentstowardshigherlevelsfacilitatedtheincreaseinthenumberofretailshopsand

workshopsintrudingintogroundfloorareasopeningtotheharahspace.

CONCLUSIONS:PARTINGHISTORYORINTRODUCINGMODERNITY??

InthispaperIexaminedthecurrentsofmodernitythroughoutthelastquarterofNineteenth

CenturyandEarlyTwentiethCenturythroughmulti-layeredanalysis.Iarguedthatcurrentsof

reformsthatinvolvethegenderquestion,Issuesofidentity,socialeconomyandspatial

transformationwereinpresenceineverydaylifeoftheCairenesintheHawarioftheOldCityas

theywereactiveintheModernQuartersinIsmailiCairo.Whiletheinternalmigrationtowards

thenewEuropean-stylequarterswasanexplicitactofchangeinlifestyleandengagementwith

modernlifeatthetime,theanalysisofthearchitectureofhomeintheOldCityandthenewly

introducedlegislationsshowedprofoundtransformationinthebuildingsandthefabricofthe

oldcitywhichareanotherpathofmodernitythatisgenuineandauthenticinresponsetolocal

livingconditionsandsocialneed.Itisfoundstrikingthatthedeclineoffortunesandservicesin

theoldhawari,didnotresultinbreakdowninitsoperation.Rather,thecenturies-old

communitiesprovedresilientandflexibletoabsorbtheprofoundchangeandreconfigureits

spatialstructuretomanagenewconditionsofmodernlife,withindustrialeconomyatitscentre.

Furthermore,thedepartureoftherichmerchantsandelitefromoldCairo,while

contributingtothephysicalandfinancialdeterioration,didnotresultinasimilardeclineof

sharedsocialactivities.Coffeehousesduringthe1920s,accordingtoNaguibMahfouz57,were

thesitesformeetings,fundingandarrangingrevoltsandattacksagainsttheBritishsoldiers.

Theywerealsolocalpublicvenuesfullofpeopleandentertainerseverynightuntilthemorning.

InPalaceWalk58,Mahfouzdescribedsuchacontinuouslyactiveenvironment:‘Therewasno

cluebywhichtojudgethetime.Thestreetnoiseoutsideherroomwouldcontinueuntildawn.

She[awifeawaitingherhusband’sreturn]couldhearthebabbleofvoicesfromthecoffee

housesandbars,whetheritwasearlyevening,midnight,orjustbeforedaybreak.’59Suchalively

picturewasaffirmedbybothStanleyLane-PooleattheturnofthecenturyandbyAhmed

Mahfouz60in‘MysteryofCairo’,ararebookaboutCairenelifeattheturnofthecentury.

Theturnofthetwentiethcenturywasfoundtobethemostchallengingperiodforthe

survivalofthehawariofCairo,withlackofsupport,intensivemigrationsanddestructiontoits

17

infrastructureandphsyicalsystems.OldCairowasabattlegroundfortheemergingintellectual

reformmovementanditspositiononwomen’sparticipationinsocietyandthepublicsphere,

andwhereradicalculturewasdeeplyrootedandmostpowerful.However,changeinthe

popularmoodtowardswomenwasfacilitatedandencouragedbytheemergenceofthemodern

quartersofEuropeanCairo,rulers’pressuretodrivethewealthymerchantstoresideinnewly

developedzones,whileformalinstitutionstookforcefulactiontoreformthebuiltenvironment.

Medievalhousesandharawiwerethefirsttobeaffectedbythisprocessofchange,

fundamentallyandstructurally.Courtyard-centredhousesbecameanunnecessaryluxuryfor

theemerginglowclasscommunity.Thisformoforganizationwasreplacedbythemore

affordable,compactandextrovertedmulti-storyfamilyhousesonsmallerplotsofland.

Largehousesweredividedintosmallerplotsduetoinheritancesandexchangelaws,and

latereveryportionwasdevelopedasanindependentunit/building.Thenotionofhavinga

housetoexclusivelyaccommodateoneextendedfamilywasindeclineandgivingwaytomore

dividedandindependentapartments.Inthemeantime,thestate’sformalinstitutionsexercised

powerfulcontroloveractivitiesinthepublicsphere,manifestedintheopeningofthewestern

deadendtothroughtraffic,declaringtwohousesashistoricalsitesandrequestingformal

permitspriortoanypublicfestivitiesandcelebrationsinpublicspaces.Thesovereigntyofthe

localsocialgroupwas,hence,compromisedandtheircontroloverthepublicspherewas

challengedbyemerginginstitutions.

WhileEuropeaninfluenceonthearchitectureofhomeinCairowaslargelyperceivedinits

directformsofapartmentbuildingsinthenewIsmailiquartersofLate19thCenturyCairo,its

deepeffectthatlaterchangedtheurbanstructure,cultureandfabricofthemetropolis

remainedimplicitintheOldCity.Suchgapinresearch,inmyview,requiresfurthereffortsand

explorationonthewaycurrentsofmodernitymetandnegotiatedlongrootedtraditionsand

radicalthoughts.

18

FIGURES

Fig.1:ModelModernHousesofMuhammadAli’sera

Fig.2:EarlyclassicalPeriodApartmentBuilding

19

Fig.3:CherifPachaStreetinAlexandriaaBoulevardofearlytwentiethCentury(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)

Fig.4:EarlyplansofmodernOfficeBuildinginCairobyHassanFathy(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)

20

Fig.5WissaWasifDiplomaProjectinCairo:Earlydesignsofopencourtyardhouses(1930s)(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)

Fig.6StoneSeatsinthealleywaysoftheoldCity(Lane-Poole,theStoryofCairo,1902)

21

Fig.7Originaldecreeforfirstbuildingregulationin1880s

Fig.8:MoreorderedinternalFaçadesof1880shousesintheOldcity:BaytAlKharazi(1881)

22

Fig.9:CommonTypologyofhousebuildingsforsmallerfamilyunitsinearlyTwentiethCentury:

ZuqaqAl-DarbAl-Asfar.

NOTESANDREFERENCES1SophiaLane-PooledescribinghercriticismofMuhammadAli’spoliciesandplanstomodernizeEgyptandabandontheoldcityduringherstayinCairo.See:S.Lane-Poole,TheEnglishwomaninEgypt:LettersfromCairo.2volumes.(London:WilliamClowes&Sons.,1845)2S.Lane-Pool,TheStoryofCairo.(London:J.M.Dent&Co.1902).p13MuhammadAliwastherulerofEgyptfrom1805-1847,andisconsideredthefounderofmodernEgypt,wherehebuiltamodernarmyandnavy.HedreamedofEgyptasapowerfulandadvancedstateandestablishedthefirstindustrialeconomyinEgypt.4Lane-Poole,TheEnglishWomaninEgypt.p49.InherletterofJuly1843,shestated,‘aproclamationhasbeenissuedbythePashaforextensivealterationandrepairsthroughoutthecity.Thehousesaretobe

23

whitewashedwithinandwithout;thosewhoinhabitruinedhousesaretorepairorsellthem;anduninhabiteddwellingsaretobepulleddownforthepurposeofformingsquaresandgardens;mashrabiyyatareforbidden,andmastabahsaretoberemoved.’Thiswasquoted,aswell,in:J.Abu-Loghud,Cairo:1001yearsofcityvictorious.(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1971)p93-945B.Kenzari,&Y.ElSheshtawy,TheAmbiguousVeil:OnTransparency,theMashrabiy'ya,andArchitecture.JournalofArchitecturalEducation.Vol56,no4,Pp.17-25.(2003)p226AbuLoghud,Cairo.7Theforcewasapparentinseveraldecreesissuedduringthe1880stoapplyconstraintsonnewbuildingsintheformofspecificstandardssuchasroomsizes,materialsandexternalandinteriorfinishes.TheseallweredrivenfromAliMubarak’svision(asquotedatthebeginningofthechapter).Seeforexample,decreeissuedon1stSeptember1882,imposingthefirstbuildingregulations(showninpage178)8Beinin,J.&Zachary,L.WorkersontheNile:nationalism,communism,Islam,andtheEgyptianworkingclass,1882-1954.(Cairo:TheAmericanUniversityinCairoPress,1998).p24;J.Beinin,FormationofTheEgyptianWorkingClass.MERIPReports,no.94:OriginsoftheWorkingClass,ClassintheMiddleEast.Washington:MiddleEastResearchandInformationCentre,Pp14-23,(1981)p159Jean-LucArnaudarguedthatmovingthosemerchantstonewquarterswasaprincipalplanofthegovernment.Merchantslivingattheedgeoftheoldcity,inparticular,weregivenlargeplotsinnewquarterstobuildnewhomes,while‘keepingtheirbusinesses(shops,stores)intheoldcity,whichshouldremainthecentralsitefortradeinCairointhelongterm’.ThiswasplannedtofeedthenewIsmailiaquarterwithactivemovementandlivelyenvironment.SeeJean-LucArnaudLeCaire:MiseenPlaced’unevillemodern1867-1097,Desintérêtsduprinceauxsociétésprivées.ArabictranslationbyHalimTouson&FuadEl-Dahan(2002)Cairo:HigherCommissionforCultureinassociationwithFrenchCentreforCultureandCooperationinCairo.(1998)p15310Ishshash(pl.,single:ishshah)andmeansatemporarystructure,mainlyoftimber.11Ahwash(pl.,singlehawsh)meansgatedopenlandfilledwithtents.However,thisphenomenonwasnotpresentatallhawari.Someofthemdidnotexperiencesuchmigrantwaves(atleastnotextensively)asAl-Darbal-Ahmar.12SuchasMinistryofEducation,MinistryofPublicWorkandothers.13ThosenameswerelistedbyAlbertHourani,inhisseminalwork,ArabthoughtsintheliberalageasleadingreformersinEgypt,duringtheperiod1850-1940.SeeA.A.HouraniArabicthoughtintheliberalage,1798-1939.(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1962)14H.Shaarawi,Haremyears:TheMemoirsofanEgyptianfeminist.TranslatedandIntroducedbyMargotBadran.(NewYork:FeministPressattheCityUniversityofNewYork,1986).p1115Hourani,ArabThoughtintheLiberalAge,ibid.16RefertoQassimAmin’sLiberationofwomen;AhmedLutfiAl-SayyidArticlesinAL-Jarida.17Hourani,ibid.10318ThiswasidenticaltotheviewofGamalEl-DinEl-Afghani’sarticlesinAl-lata’ifmagazineduring1880s.19Amin,Tahriral-Mar’aa(Theliberalizationofwomen),ArabicTitle.InEmara,M.(2008)QasimAmin:Completeworks.Cairo:Daral-Shorouq.Pp319-417.p32220MuhammadEmarajustifiedhisargument,thatAminhadlittleknowledgeaboutstrongreligiousreferencesusedinhisbook.HereferredtoseveralstatementsbytheircontemporariesthatAbdusupportedthebookandwasassumedtohavewrittenlargepartsofitwhilehewastheMufti,thehighestscholarlypostinEgypt.SeeEmara,QasimAmin.p117-12721B.D.CannonNineteenth-CenturyArabicWritingsonWomenandSociety:TheInterimRoleoftheMasonicPressinCairo-(al-Lataif,1885-1895).InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies.Vol.17,No.4.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1985).pp463-484,p469-470;Womenwerealreadyadmittedto

24

certainfieldsofeducation.Forexample,In28thSeptember1886,13femalestudentsgraduatedwithdiplomasfromtheSchoolofBirthaswasannouncedintheformalnewspaperofthetime:al-Waqa’Ial-MasriyyahIssue28thSeptember1886.p92422Shaarawi,Ibid.p723Amin,Al-Mar’aal-jadida,1900.SeeMohammadImara,QasimAmin:CompleteWorks.24H.ElSadda,Gender,NationandtheArabicNovel:Egypt1892-2008.(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress.2012)25 H. El Sadda Imaging the "New Man": Gender and Nation in Arab Literary Narratives in the EarlyTwentiethCentury,JournalofMiddleEastWomen’sStudies,Vol.3,No.2,pp31-55,(2007)p32.26E.Blackmar,Manhattanforrent1785-1850.(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1989)27 B. M. Lane, (ed.) Housing and Dwelling: Perspectives on Modern domestic architecture. (London:Routledge,2007)28E.C.Cromley,Alonetogether:AhistoryofNewYork’searlyapartments. (NewYork:CornellUniversityPress,1990)29Cromley,ibid.,asquotedinLane,B.M.(ed.),2007,‘HousingandDwelling’,p106.30Ibid.,p107.31Blackmar,‘Thesocialmeaningsofhousing’,p108.Blackmar,E.(1989)“Thesocialmeaningsofhousing,1800-1840”,inB.M.Lane,(ed.),2007,‘HousingandDwelling’,p10832L.Pollard,TheFamilyPoliticsofColonizingandLiberatingEgypt,1882-1919,SocialPolitics,7(1),(2007)pp.47-7933Ibid.34Ibid,p5835Amin,TheLiberationofWoman.TranslationismadebytheAuthor.36Ibid.37AliMubarak(1823-18953)wasthefirstministerofPublicWorksinEgypt,andwasoneofthemostinfluentialEgyptianreformersinthesecondhalfofthe19thcentury.HewaseducatedinFrance(1844-850)andledtheEgyptianRuler,KhediveIsmail’sprojecttobuildEuropeanCairo.Thisstatementwaswritteninhisbook,al-Khitatal-Tawfiqiyyah.ThetranslationistakenfromKhaledAsfour,IdentityintheArabRegion:ArchitectsandProjectsfromEgypt,Iraq,SaudiArabia,KuwaitandQatar.p15138ADecreeissuedbytheCabinetconcerningtheconditionsandthestructureoftheTanzimDepartmentand its responsibilities, 22nd February 1882. Ministry of Public Works. Archival Document, file number6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035967.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.39Ibid.40 As described by elderly members (R1 & R4), during the 1930s and 1940s, people were arrangingfestivities and parties in the public spaces freely and without intervention of the authorities. The briefrecordsofStanleyLane-Pooleaboutthe life in thehawariofoldcityconfirmthispropositionthatsocialactivities likeweddings, festivitiesandfuneralswereactivelytakingplaceonadailybasis.Mybelieve isthatsuchlegislationwasstrictlyappliedonmainroadsandthoroughfaresandnotonthehawari,whichwererarelyvisitedbytheofficials.41SeeseveraldecreesfornewalignmentsofCairenehawariissuedduring1889-1910,inwhichsomeplotswereeitheraddedorexcludedfromthepublicroadnetwork.Forexample:Decreesdated28thNovember1910(File6/3/D,PublicWorks,Code:0075-036184);9thNovember1908(File6/3/D,PublicWorks,Code:0075-036183).Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.42TheCabinethadrequestedtranslationofthosecorrespondencestodiscussthem.SomelettersonthisrequestwerefoundamongthearchivalrecordsoftheMinistryofPublicWorksduringthe1880s.

25

43InthedailyrecordsoftheMinistryofPublicWorks,severalprojectswereannouncedforbiddingonconstructionworks.Forsuchbidding,detailedspecificationsanddrawingswerespecifiedbytheownerortheinstitutionwhichownedthebuilding.Seeforexample:record5/2/1M(Architecturalissueddocuments),no.355-Buildings,fortheyear1877.44FormalDecreefortheconditionofbuildinghouseswithinbigcities,8thSeptember1883.MinistryofPublicWorks.ArchivalDocument,filenumber6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035972.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.45Duetothelackofprofessionalsatthisperiodandtheirhighcost,Iexpectthatmanybuildingownerslefttheirbuildingsun-restoredandlimitedtheopportunitiesforlowclasspeopletobuildnewhouses.Ruinedbuildingswerecontinuouslyoccupiedwithoutmaintenance.Inthepopularal-Moqattamnewspaper,aFrenchArchitectcalledKorsicouspublisheddailyadvertisementsforbuildinghousesandreceivinghisfeesindelayedinstallments.SeeAl-MoqattamNewspaper,issues3279,80,81dated8th,11th,15thJanuary1900.Cairo:Sarroufandco.46AllthesedecisionsweretakenbytheTanzimdepartmentandMinistryofPublicWorksundertheAlignmentActof1881,andtheLawofExpropriationof1906Mahboub,ibid.p28947Mahboubibid.p29248FormalDecreefortheconditionsonbuildinghouseswithinbigcities,8thSeptember1883,MinistryofPublicWorks.ArchivalDocument,filenumber6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035972.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.49Ibid.50Ibid51Theyweresimilarevenintermsofgenderoflandlords/owners:whoweremainlyfemales(widows,orfreedslaves)52K.Cuno,Jointfamilyhouseholdsandruralnotablesin19th-centuryEgypt.InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies.Vol.27,n4.(1995)Pp.485-502.p48653Cuno,ibid.54archivalrecords55NaguibMahfouz,describedhisfamily’smovefromal-Gammaliyyahtoal-Abbasiyyah,thenewdistrictofthecity,asearlyasthe1930s.56Rumi-stylewindowsaretimberwindowsdevelopedduringMuhammadAli’seratosimulateEuropeanwindowsthatarerelativelytallanddividedintothreeverticalparts.57NaguibMahfouzisaNobelPrizeWinnerinLiterature.InhisTrilogyNovels,whichweresetinnearbyal-Darbal-Asfar,‘heusedthestreetsandalleysofhistoricCairoattheturnofthecenturyasthebackdropofhissocialist-realistnovels’,thatappearedasdocumentationofthesocialhistoryofoldCairoatthattime.SeeWilliams,ReconstructingIslamicCairo.p27458Thisnovel,wasfirstpublishedin1956,anddescribeslifeinthecontextofal-Darbal-Asfarfrom1910-1920, where Mahfouz lived out his childhood. Therefore his novels about old Cairo are considered asdocumentationofreallifeofthetime,especiallyinGammaliyyahwhereal-Darbal-Asfarlies.59Mahfouz,PalaceWalk.p160Mahfouz,Khabayaal-Qahira(MysteriesofCairo).