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Abdelmonem The Modern Ordinary full...
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1 The Modern Ordinary: Changing culture of living in Egypt’s traditional quarters at the turn of the twentieth Century Abstract Having experienced social and political structures of the 19 th century Europe, Western- educated Egyptian elite used public institutions to force legislative structures and procedures that ruled out traditional housing forms and spatial systems. This essay detects direct and indirect impact of these changes that informed the spatial change of modern living in Egypt in the first quarter of the twentieth century. It offers analysis of socio-spatial practices and change in ordinary Cairenes’ modes of everyday living, using social routine and interaction to explain spatial systems and changing house forms during the first quarter of the 20 th century. In doing so, the essay utilized archival documents, accounts, formal decrees, and novels of the time as well as conducting survey of house forms and spatial organizations in Old Cairo. INTRODUCTION ‘Cairo, therefore, will no longer be an Arab city, and will no longer possess those peculiarities which render it so picturesque and attractive’ 1 . Sophie Lane-Poole In the first paragraph of his book, The story of Cairo, Stanley Lane-Poole described the city of 1902 by saying: ‘There are two Cairos, distinct in character, though but slenderly in site. There is a European Cairo, and there is an Egyptian Cairo. The last was one El-Kahira, the victorious... it is now so little conquering, indeed has become so subdued. .. in truth European Cairo knows little of its medieval sister’ 2 . This grasp of the explicit differences summarizes the city’s development throughout the nineteenth century, the period that witnessed the setback for the hawari from being dominant to being marginal urban communities. Muhammad Ali (1805-1849) 3 , intentionally, had banned all traces of medieval architecture and their stylistic peculiarities for different reasons. Banning the use of Mashrabiyya in new buildings was made under the pretext of health and safety 4 ; as it was made of wood, it could cause fire 5 . The truth behind this ban could be understood if we consider the larger plan behind changing the image of the medieval 6 . It was a decisive diversion from the medieval past through, for example, widening the roads,
Transcript of Abdelmonem The Modern Ordinary full...
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TheModernOrdinary:
ChangingcultureoflivinginEgypt’straditionalquartersattheturnofthetwentiethCentury
Abstract
Havingexperiencedsocialandpoliticalstructuresofthe19thcenturyEurope,Western-educatedEgyptianeliteusedpublicinstitutionstoforcelegislativestructuresandproceduresthatruledouttraditionalhousingformsandspatialsystems.ThisessaydetectsdirectandindirectimpactofthesechangesthatinformedthespatialchangeofmodernlivinginEgyptinthefirstquarterofthetwentiethcentury.Itoffersanalysisofsocio-spatialpracticesandchangeinordinaryCairenes’modesofeverydayliving,usingsocialroutineandinteractiontoexplainspatialsystemsandchanginghouseformsduringthefirstquarterofthe20thcentury.Indoingso,theessayutilizedarchivaldocuments,accounts,formaldecrees,andnovelsofthetimeaswellasconductingsurveyofhouseformsandspatialorganizationsinOldCairo.
INTRODUCTION
‘Cairo,therefore,willnolongerbeanArabcity,andwillnolongerpossessthosepeculiaritieswhichrenderitsopicturesqueandattractive’1.
SophieLane-Poole
Inthefirstparagraphofhisbook,ThestoryofCairo,StanleyLane-Pooledescribedthecityof
1902bysaying:‘TherearetwoCairos,distinctincharacter,thoughbutslenderlyinsite.Thereis
aEuropeanCairo,andthereisanEgyptianCairo.ThelastwasoneEl-Kahira,thevictorious...itis
nowsolittleconquering,indeedhasbecomesosubdued...intruthEuropeanCairoknowslittle
ofitsmedievalsister’2.Thisgraspoftheexplicitdifferencessummarizesthecity’sdevelopment
throughoutthenineteenthcentury,theperiodthatwitnessedthesetbackforthehawarifrom
beingdominanttobeingmarginalurbancommunities.MuhammadAli(1805-1849)3,
intentionally,hadbannedalltracesofmedievalarchitectureandtheirstylisticpeculiaritiesfor
differentreasons.BanningtheuseofMashrabiyyainnewbuildingswasmadeunderthepretext
ofhealthandsafety4;asitwasmadeofwood,itcouldcausefire5.Thetruthbehindthisban
couldbeunderstoodifweconsiderthelargerplanbehindchangingtheimageofthemedieval6.
Itwasadecisivediversionfromthemedievalpastthrough,forexample,wideningtheroads,
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creatingsquaresandgardens,paintingthehousesinwhite,andadoptingnewhousingmodels.
Inshort,hewasputtingamodernmaskontheoldcityfabricandsoonrealizeditwasnot
possible.
Followingalmostfivedecadesandconfrontationalstrugglewiththecapital’sresidentsand
localcommunities,Ali’splanscouldbeseenasasuccess.Hence,incontrasttoMuhammadAli’s
approach,KediveIsmail(1863-1879)abandonedthehopeofimprovingthehawariandfocused
onproducingorganized,plannedwesternhomesinthesuburboftheoldcity.Toachievethis
goal,araftoflegislationwasproducedtocontrolbuildingactivitiesandsetstandardsfor
building,modifyingormaintaininghomes.Withinthiscontext,thehawariwereslowlychanging
fromtheirmedievalimageintoamorecomplexandmoderncharacter.Changewasa
consequenceofacombinedsetoffactors.Fromoneside,socialstructureoflocalareaswas
significantlychanging,onthebackofemergenceofwestern-styledandcivilizedcentresoutside
theoldcity,whichattractedrichmerchantstorelocate,leavingoldhawarideprivedoftheirrich
inhabitantsandresources.Fromtheotherside,thegovernmentstartedtoimplementaheavy
handedpolicytocontrolthebuiltenvironmentandurbanspacewiththeaimofenforcinga
European-styleimage(aEuropeannationintheEast)7.Theembryonicformandimageof
plannedCairowereunmistakeableattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,whiletheharah‘s
positionasafundamentalurbanunithadforeverbeencompromisedbythewell-established
andmaintainedIsmailia(European)Cairo.
Throughoutthenineteenthcentury,Cairowasmovingtowardsanindustrialeconomy,
requiringmanypeasantstojointhenewly-establishedfactoriesandtoearnregularwages.
MuhammadAli’s(1805-1849)projectformodernCairocommencedwithcleaningthehawari
andpaintingbuildings’facadesinwhite,demolishingruinedhousesandregulatingstreet
lighting,andfaçadedesigns.However,hismostimportantcontributiontothechangingurban
settingwasthefocusonlargesizeindustrialprojectssuchascottonandoilfactories,which
requiredlargenumbersofregularworkers.Thosecamefromthecountryside,thetroubledand
unstablecountrysidevillages,searchingforsecurejobsinCairoandlookingforcheap
accommodation8.Thissituationappliedheavypressureonthehawari:analreadycongested
spacewithpoorandlowqualityservices,toaccommodatethewavesofnewmigrantworkers.
Ontheotherhand,latenineteenthcenturydevelopmentsmadebyEuropeanreal-estate
companiesattractedtherichmerchantsduetotheirEuropeanflavour,pavedandlit
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boulevards9.Theplaceofsuchinfluentialplayersinlocalcommunitiesoftheoldcitywasfilled
bythosepoorpeasantmigrantswhocametojointhenewwagedworkingclass.Theyoccupied
roofsofhousesandvacantplots,creatingtheIshash10andAhwash11.Thismovedthehawari
downinthesocialladder,withtheirphysicalstructure,thebuildings,fallingintodisrepairdueto
lackofmaintenanceandfinancialresources.
Asaresult,thehawarioftheearly20thcenturywerenolongerthepreferredsitesforthe
merchants’homes.Largecourtyardhouseswere,consequently,replacedbycompactmulti-
storeyhouses.Introvertedorganizationofhomeswasturnedinside-out,withlargeopeningson
thecentrallane.Thedominanthousetype,then,wasathree-fourlevel,load-bearing,compact
building,whichseemedtohavefollowedearlymodelhousesofMuhammadAlithatfailedto
catchonduringhislifetime(Fig.1).ThehardboundaryandtighteningurbanareaofoldCairo,
surroundedbynewdevelopmentsofIsmailiCairo,madeinevitablethedeclineofthe
historically-dominantmodelofcourtyardhouses.Theextendedfamilystructure,thecoreof
community,hadtofindalternativewaystoresideinsmallerplotswithloweraffordability.
StudyingoldCairooverthatextendedperiodoftimehastoconsidersuchsocialandeconomic
change.Infact,untiltheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury,themainheadlineintheurban
sceneinCairowasthetransformationtowardsmodernity.
Whilemanystudieslookedatchangesintermsofpoliticalculture,socialchangeor
architecturalstyle,Ilookinthisessayatthemulti-layeredandprolongedeffortsthat
demarcatedalmostfivedecadesofsocio-culturaltransformationthatenabledthechangein
livingcondition,lifestyleandculturalvalues,notsimplyinthemodernquarters,butmoresoin
thehawariofthemedievalcity.Ilookintohowthedreamofmodernityinfluencedtheideaof
homebothsociallyandspatially.Thisessayarguesthatwhiletheliberalvaluesofmodernity
wereembodiedinanationalistagendathatattemptedtobreakwiththedeeplyrooted
traditionsandmysticalcultureofthepast,thechangeofthespatialsystemsofhouseforms
havelargelybeeninfluencedbythechangeisthesocialstructureandeconomiccapabilitiesof
thoselivingintheoldcity.Itreportsthatthischangecouldbetracedthroughthreepathwaysof
changeinCairenehomes;a.Restructuringthelegalsystemthatgovernedthedesignand
constructionofhouses;b.Reformingeducationtofocusondomesticmannersandbehavior;and
c.Foundingprofessionaltrainingonidealsofmodernarchitecture.
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THEGENDERQUESTION:WOMENASPUBLICFIGURES
Earlyforcesofchangeemergedwhenwestern-educatedEgyptianelites,onreturninghome
fromtheireducationalmissionsinEurope(mainlyFrance)inthesecondhalfofNineteenth
Century,wereappointedtoleadnationalgovernmentalandculturalinstitutions12.Their
objectivewastoemulatetheEuropeanmodelofknowledgeandphilosophywithintheconfines
oftheirnationalterritoryandwithrespecttotheirlocalcultureandtraditionasweseeinthe
writingsofGamalEl-Dinal-Afghani,MuhammadAbdu,Rifa’aAl-TahtawiandQasimAmin13.
WhilethefirstthreefigureswerereligiousscholarswithprogressiveviewsonIslam,thefourth
wasofcivilianbackground.Theyusedmediaoutletsandinstitutionsavailabletothemto
propagateideologicalreformespeciallythroughcontestingradicalcultureandrestrictionson
freedomofthought,practice,andknowledgeaswellasthediscriminativegendersegregationof
thetime.Asmedievalcultureandsocialconventionswerecentredonfamilyandthepositionof
women,theharem,thereformersconsideredwomenastheirprincipalissueforthereform
movement.Whileschoolsofbothsexes(femalesandmales)hadbeenavailablesincetheearly
nineteenthcentury,theradicalSheikhsinsistedthatwomenshouldstayathomeattheservice
ofmen,secludedfromstrangers,withtheirfreedomlimitedtoharemenclosures14.These
currentsofreform,especiallyregardingthepositionofwomen,werestrongenoughto
underlinetheissuespublicallywithinperiodicalssuchasAllataifduringthelate19thcentury.
Thewomenquestionwasatthecentreofthiselitistmovementthathadextensively
questionedthemarginalandoppressedpositionofwomeninthepredominantlypatriarch
cultureofhouseholdsthatexcludedthemfromeducation,workandpubliclife.Itwasapparent
thattheelites’callfortheliberationofwomenandtheirrightstoeducationmovedthewomen
fromtheirperipheralpositiontobeatthecentreofmodernizingEgypt.Thesedebateshad
inevitablyextendedtoquestionthespatialorganizationofhousesandthewaytheharem
quarterwasisolated.Fortheelites,thiswasnolongerasuitablespatialorderformodernEgypt.
Theintellectualdebateonthepositionofwomanwithinsocietyhaddestabilizedthetraditional
formofcourtyardhouse,invitingradicalchangetowardsaformofsharedtenancyinmulti-story
apartmentbuildings.Women’ssocialsphereofactivitieshadsignificantlychangedandthe
tolerancetowardswomen’sexposureinthepublicscenecombinedwiththeshrinkageof
domesticareasresultedinmoreintegratedenvironmentbetweenprivateandpublicspaces.
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Women’spositioninsocietywasthenlookedatasanindicatoraccordingtowhichtheliberal
valuesofmodernsocietiesweremeasuredinaconservativeregionsuchasEgyptandthe
MiddleEast.Cairo,duetoitsproximityandlinkswithEurope,wasthecentreofactive
developmenttowardsmodernitythroughoutthenineteenthandtwentiethcentury.Itwasthe
turnofthetwentiethcenturywhichseemedtheperiodduringwhichEgyptiansocietystartedto
cometotermswiththevaluesofmodernityandliberalsociety.Thiswasexplicitinthe
persistentcallforculturalandideologicalreformbytheintellectualelitesinlocalnewspapers
sincelate1870sthatcontinuedforsomefiftyyearsdefininganeraofenlightenmentandreform
thatchallengedtheinheritedmedievalthought15.Returningelitesbelievedthatwithout
changingthementalityofthepeople,leadingthenationtomodernityisalmostimpossible16.
ThedesirewastoemulatetheEuropeanmodelofknowledgeandphilosophywithinthe
confinesofnationalterritoryandwithrespecttotheirlocalcultureandtradition.
FORThereformers,inordertoattendtobemodern,Egyptianshadtoengagewiththe
knowledge,scientificandphilosophicalprogressofthewest17,andtheindicationofthiswasto
acceptwomenasequalmembersinaliberalsociety.Theycorrelatedthefreedomofwomento
thesocialfreedomandtheprogressofthenation18.TheApexofconflictwiththeconservatives
cameafterthepublishingofQasemAmin’sTahriral-Mar’aa(LiberationofWoman)in1899that
wasaprotestovertheradicalconstraintsonwomen’seducationandwork19.Thebookwas
introducedbyShaykhMuhammadAbdu(thehighestReligiousfigure,theEgyptianMufti),what
gaveitextensivemediaattentionandcriticismfromconservativeandradicalleaders20.
Interestingly,boththereformersandtheradicalsheikhsagreedonthecentralityofwomen
totheprogressofthenation,buteachinownterms.Thereformersfoundnocontradiction
betweenIslamandwesternmodernitybasedonwomen’sequalrights,toeducation,work,and
participationifpubliclife.Ontheotherside,theconservativesbelievedthatwomenshould
remainisolatedathomeandfocusontheirdomesticduties.Theformers’thoughtsand
principlesspreadthroughoutthegrowingnumberofperiodicalsandprivately-ownedprinting
pressesbythesecondhalfofthecentury.ByronD.Cannonarguedthatsocialandcultural
changewasactuallytakingplaceintheprevioustwodecadesandthebookwasjustarticulation
ofthecurrentstreamofthoughts21.Hereferredtoarticlesappearedinal-Lata’ifmagazine
duringthe1880s,handlingthesameissues,althoughinlessrevolutionaryways.Theharem
system,theprincipalfeatureofmedievalculture,however,cametoanend,asBerthBadran
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claimed,by1923whenHudaSharawi,thewell-knownEgyptianfeminist,drewbackherveilin
public.Later,manyhadreplicatedherapproachandhighclasswomeneschewedtheveilaspart
oftheirdressingstyle22.
Themostnotableachievementofthemovementrestedinthepublicdiscourseabout
women’spositioninsocietyandtheintroductionofthenewwomanasanactivememberinthe
publicdomain23.Unlikethetraditionalone,thenewwomanwaseducated,active,madegood
useoftime,wasnotpreytosuperstitionandirrationalthinking,whileretainhercommitments
toherfamilyandchildren24.Aseducated,activeandproductive,thenewwomenshouldnotbe
limitedtotheharem,theisolatedquarterinthehouse.Thenewwomanwasthemeasureto
whichthesocietywascomparedtoitsEuropeancounterpart,ashowfaritattendedtothe
compulsoryrequirementsofmodernity.Furthermore,Egyptiansociologistsarguedthatthe
reformmovementhasshapednotonlythenewwoman,butalsothenewman,wholikesawell
presentedandorderedhome,hasgoodtaste,andadmirepleasantstructures25.Thenewman
wassensitive,emotionalandwouldonlychoosehispartnerthroughdirectinteractionand
emotionalcompanionship,somethingthatwasrejectedentirelybytheconservativeculture.In
fact,thenewmanandwomanwerepicturedasEuropeancharactersineasterncontext.
LIVINGDOWNTOWN:EUROPEANMODERNITYOF19thCENTURY
“Thedwelling’svalueasasocialinstitutionthatorganizedacquaintanceshipandCertifiedpubliccharacteremergedincontradictiontotheperceivedlimitationanddangersofalternativehousingforms.Incontrasttothecarefullyregulatedsocial
trafficofhomehospitality,boardingandtenanthousesappearedsocialpromiscuous,nonselective,andimmediatelyvulnerabletomarketdeterminationsofpersonalworth.Tenanthousingrelations,incontrast,wereperceivedasimposing
nosocialaccountabilityformoraltransgressions.”26
InHousingandDwelling,BarbaraMillerLanemadethecaseforthetransitionoflivingfrom
localesandcommunitiestothedowntownoflargecitiesasashiftofsocialandspatial
significanceofthelate19thcentury27.ApartmentbuildingsinNewYork,ParisandLondonaswell
asthoseofIsmailiCairoandIstanbulallowedfamiliestomoveoutoftheirproductive
communitieswithlonginheritedsocio-culturalsystems.Themovetowardsprestigious
downtownswithwideboulevardsandapartmentbuildingswasinspiredbyEuropeanswhohad
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beenlivinginapartmentbuildingsforgenerations,andbythesecondhalfofthenineteenth
century,Parisianapartmentbuildingswerethefashionablemodeltoimitateinbigcities(Fig.
2)28.Thenewtenancysystemwasbasedontheideaofbeingindependentwithlifestyles
inscribedbymobilityandconnectivityinthenewquarters.Noself-sufficiency,nointimatesocial
coherencewithinthelocality.MarketedatthetimeinNewYorkas‘Parisiandwellings’,Parisian
Buildings’or‘FrenchFlats’29inNewYorkornineteenthcenturyCairoas‘ParisontheNile’,the
thenEuropeaninspirationexemplifiedhowfartheFrenchmodeloflivingwasasubscriptionfor
enlightenedandelitistsocialclassandanabandonmentofthetraditionalandoldpre-industrial
communityliving.Theurbanchangederivedbyfreedomtomoveeasilyandfrequentlybothin
locationandinsocialstatusfosteredanxietiesforfamiliesthatwantedtoasserttheirsocial
statusintheemergingnewterritoriesandcircumstances30.
Itwasarguedthatthistransitionwasaby-productofearlynineteenthcenturymiddleclass
effortsinplanningreform,developinghouseholdtechnologies,andthechangingaspirationof
workingclasspeople31.Theriseofthebourgeoisclassesandtheirdelicatelivingcultureand
lifestyleowemuchtotheriseofthoseEuropeanhousingmodelsassociatedwithliberalvalues
thatflourishedduringlate1920sand1930sinCairo.Thehighlypicturesqueanddecorated
nineteenthcenturyapartmentbuildingsinCairo,AlexandriaorinAlbanyandBroadwayinNew
Yorkappearedmassiveintermsofsizeandheightwithintheirlocalcontextual.Theirmulti-
apartmentfloorplans,occupiedbytradesmen,merchantsandforeignbusinessmen,extended
tomorethanthesizeoffourhousesofthetime.Widewrought-ironbalconieswerethemost
uniqueelementofthenewdomesticlivinginthenineteenthcentury.FortheCairenes,for
example,suchexplicitoutwardexposuretostranger-onlookersfromasdeepastheheartofthe
privatehome,wastotallyrejectedintheoldquartersthatreliedchieflyoninner,visually
protectedcourtyards.Moreover,toliveadjacenttostrangertenantsinthesamebuildingand
sometimesonthesamefloormeantashiftinthesocio-spatialboundariesofprivacyfromthe
medievalgatestotheverydooroftheapartmentandonlyafewmetersawayfromthe
bedroom.Inaddition,therewasnospaceforthetraditionallargeteamofservantsinthenew
apartments.Theconnectionwitheverydayactivitiesinthestreetwaslostinfavourofmore
mobilityandopportunitiesforengagementwiththewidersociety.Thisledtoanearlytransition
towardsmodernityanddisjuncturewiththenotionoflocalityandsocialcoherence.Instead,
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modernsocietywiththecentralityoftheselfbecamethecriterionofthenewlifeinthenewly
shapedurbanliving.
Astenancyhousingproliferatedinthenewquarters,oldquarterswitnessedmigrant
countrymenandlowerclassresidentsfillinginspacesandbuildingsabandonedbythedeparting
merchantsandprofessionals.Whiletherewasgenerousprovisionofservicesandinfrastructure
tothenewareas,oldquarters’qualityoflivingwasshattered.Previouscourtyardhouseswere
dividedintosmallerunitsofone-roomortworoomapartmentsforsharedandboarding
accommodationsandtheoldhomogeneouscommunitieswerepolarisedbetweengenuine
residentsandnewsettlers.Onmanyoccasions,migrantworkershadtobehousedinold
warehousesorformermiddleclassapartmentbuildings,whichweredividedintosmallerunits,
notahealthyarrangementasmanyoftheroomswerewithoutproperventilation.Forexample,
in1900,ParkAvenueand109thStreetinNewYorkCitywerefilledwithcountrymigrants,with
manyofthetypicaltwobedroomedDumbbellfloorplansturnedintounitsofsingleroom
accommodationperfamily.Smallerroomsweredark,withoutproperventilation.Shared
courtyardswerefilledwithservices,creatinganunpleasantappearance,allofwhichcontributed
tothepassingofTheAmericanTenementHouseActsof1867&1879thatprohibitedcellar
apartmentsunlesscertainhealthconditionsweremet.
THEQUESTIONOFIDENTITY:BUILDINGTHEEUROPEANCAIRO
FollowingthesecampaignsandlegislativestructuresinwhatwascalledStateBuilding;Cairowas
settoreceivethenewmodelsofapartmenthousebuildingsaspartofitsfabric,givingwayto
theemergenceofnewtypologythatcombinedgroundfloorshopsandstoreswithhigherlevel
floorsofhousingunits,mainlyinthenewquarters.SuchEurope-inspiredmodelbecamemore
acceptableintheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury,whenwomen’smovementand
accessibilitywerenolongerfundamentalissuesinhouseplanningordesign.Initiallystartedas
housesforforeigners,theirrichlocalcounterpartssoonbecameresidentofthesebuildings.In
fact,thiswasoneapproachrichEgyptiansfollowedtoupgradetheirsociallifestyletoprove
theirabilitytostandmodernintheurbansceneinEgypt.AtatimewhenEgyptwasstillunder
theBritishcolonialrulein1910s-1920s,thediscourseonmodernity;‘howmodernwere
Egyptians’and‘thereformofEgypt'shomes’,wascentraltotheprocessthroughwhichmiddle-
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classCairenesdefinedthemselvesasmodernandprogressiveindissidenceagainstdismissive
toneofthecolonialrulers32.
LisaPollardarguedthatBourgeoisiemaleEgyptiansof1919sattachednationalmeaningsof
solidaritytotheirdomestichabitsaspartoftheirnationalidentity;“Men'smaritalbehaviorand
domestichabitsappearedcentraltodemonstratingEgypt'sreadinessforself-rule.”33Inorderto
becomemodern,youneedtoactlikeoneandyourattitudetohomeandfamilyistherefore
pivotal.Infact,Pollardlistedahostofreadingsandeducationaltextbooksaround1905-1911
thatcommunicatedthenewhomeanditsmannersofmodernitytochildrenthroughsimple
wordsandquestions.Forexample,areadertitled‘ReadingandPronunciation’askedquestions
suchas,‘Whatdoproperhomesneed?’and‘Howdowebuildproperhouses?’whichwere
answeredthatmodernlifestylerequired,similartothoseusedbythereformmovement,‘order,
cleanlinessandventilation.’Forthem,‘darkorcrowdedquarterswerelistedasbelongingto
anotherworld,apremodernworldwhichhadtobedoneawaywithsuchthataneweraof
modernitycouldbeusheredin’34.Thiscouldjustifyparticulararchitecturaltransformationand
predominanceofcertainformsofthetime.Inthatsense,paralleltothedeclineof
mashrabiyyahasoldfashion,openterracesoverlookinglargestreetsboulevardsrepresented
thesymptomofmodernlivinginCairoandothercitiessuchasAlexandria.(Fig.3)
Theprocessofstructurededucationonmodernityandmodernliving,indeedreachedtothe
professionaltrainingofemergingengineeringschoolsthatsoonbecameapparentintheworkif
theirgraduates.By1930s,designdrawingsforhouseslargelyfollowedthistrend.Theliberation
ofwomenfromtheharemwings,facilitiesbynationalmodernists,easedtheburdenoflarge
housesandforcedarationalspaceorganisation.Infact,housedesignsoftwoprominent
Egyptianarchitectsduring1930sshowedhowdominantmodernopen-buildingformswere.
HassanFathyearlyworkandRamsesWissaWassifdesignsofhomesofthetimearetestimony
onthat.In(Fig.4)HassanFathy,knownforhisadmirationoftraditionalbuildingtechniquesat
laterstages,displaysafairlyoutward-orientedfloorplanofapartment-officebuildingswith
largebalconyandopeningdirectlyopentotherooms’interiors.Accesstothehouseunitand
fromislargelyexposedtopublicview.Eventhoughdesignedoutsidetheoldcity,itdenotesa
departurefromthementalityofenclosuresandmanipulationofspaceadvocatedbythe
traditionalformsofthehawari.IfFathy’sdesignswereoutsidethehistoricalcore,RamsesWissa
WassifDiplomaProjectof1930swasintheOldcity.Wassif’sworkshowedadegreeof
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uncertaintyandtensionbetweenthevalueofthecontextualfabricandtheidealsofmodernity
ofthetimewiththeuseofconcreteandsquarespacesarrangedaroundacourtyard,however,
anopenone(Fig.5).
However,withthecolonialrulecomingtoanend,thesocialistagendatookoverwithmore
focusonsocialequityandtheidealsofmassproductionofhousingleadingthenotionofhome
tobeindustriousandeconomicinprinciple.Thisresembledafundamentaldeparturefrom
socialdomainofinteractiontobedrivenbyauthoritativestatepoliciesmanagementofpublic
properties,withseriousviolationoflocalsocialcohesionandbreakdownofthesocio-spatial
association,witnessedintheoldcity.DuringNasser’sprojectsofsocialhousing,thespatial
organisationofhomedeniedanyopportunityofprivacyandlocalcontrolonthebuilt
environment.Movingfromstate-ledsocialhousingprojectstoprivatedevelopersoflate1970s,
themodernisttypologiesofisolatedanddisconnectedapartmentbuildingsdominatedthe
urbansceneinCairo.Duringthatperiod,theideaofhomeassocialconstructrepresented,toa
largeextent,awithdrawalofsociallycohesivecommunitiesandthemakingofhomeaswayof
buildingsociety.WhilethepositionofwomenwaslargelycentraltotheideaofhomeinOld
Cairo,newhousesofmodernityexposedthevulnerabilityofthefamilyandtheirprocessesof
communalandcontextualexistence,atleastinnewneighbourhoodsthatwerebombardedwith
massesofconcretegiantsthatareeconomicmodelsofconsumption.
THELEGISLATIONQUESTION:CHANGINGPROFESSIONANDCULTUREOFLIVING
Thenewperspectivesandtolerancetowardsthemovementandinteractionofwomenwithin
thesocietyresultedinsimplerandlesscomplexhouselayout.Extensivemeasuresofisolating
theharemwerenolongercompulsory.Themodelofindependent,self-sufficientcourtyard
housewasnolongerasuccessfuloraffordablemodeltofollow.Thiswasevidentinthe
increasinglyrelaxedandsimplifiedorganizationofthehousesbuiltbetween1880sand1920s
andtheincrementalnumberofextrovertapartmentbuildingconstruction,eitherintheoldcity
orthenewquartersequally.FewlargehousesinthehawariofoldCairo,retainedthetraditional
courtyardhousesbutwithmucheasieraccesstoroomsaroundit,includingtheharem.
Transparencybecameacceptableinthehouseandcorridorshavebeenlitanddirecttowards
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therooms,whilewindowsstartedtohaveglasspanes,asweseeinBaytAl-Kharazi(1881AD).In
short,theideaofhomewaschanginginthementalityoflocalpeople.
Ontheotherhand,thereferencetothedelicatetasteandsensitivityofthenewcharacters
requiredformodernEgyptwouldessentiallyrequireachangedhome.Hence,thedebate
betweentheoldandthenewandsubsequentconfrontationsamongbothofthemcontinued
duringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturyandnaturallyextendedtotheterritoryofhome
thatrequired,accordingtothereformers,anequalchangeinitsstructure.Itwasnecessaryto
makeaconvincingeconomicreasoningthatmadesensetotheincreasinglypoorEgyptiansas
wellasamongeducatedEgyptians.QassimAmincriticizedthecomplexityofgender-segregated
housesinCairoinTheLiberationofWoman:‘Lookatus,youfindourhouseisdividedintotwo
parts,oneformenandanotherforwomen.Whenweneedtobuildahouse,ineffect,wespend
whatisenoughfortwohouses[twoattachedhouses].....Thisincludesfurnitureforeachofthe
twohouses,twoteamsofservants,oneformenandanotherforwomen.’35Inaddition,he
applaudedtheWesternmiddleclasshousethatis‘wellorganized,morebeautifulthanits
orientalcounterpart,eventhoughtheEuropeanspendsmuchlessthattheArab’36.
Thisattackonthetraditionalformsofhouseswascoordinatedamongotherreformers.
Almostadecadeearlier,AliPashaMubarak,theministerofPublicWork,andinjustificationto
theinitiationofmunicipalsystemthatlimiteddesignandconstructionofhousestotrained
professional,launchedacomprehensivecriticismfortraditionalformoflivingrulingitas
inefficientandunhealthy.Inhisinfamousandboldstatement,Mubarakstated:
‘TodaypeoplehaveabandonedoldwaysofconstructioninfavouroftheEuropean
stylebecauseofitsmorepleasantappearance,betterstandardsandlowercosts.Inthe
newsystem,roomsareeithersquareorrectangularinshape.Intheoldsystem,living
roomstogetherwiththeirdependenciesweredisorderedcorridorsandcourtyards
occupyingalotofspace...mostofthespaceslackedfreshairandsunlight,whicharethe
essentialcriteriaforhealth.Thushumidityaccumulatedinthesespacescausing
disease...facadesneverfollowedanygeometricorderthuslookinglikethoseof
cemeteries.Inthenewsystemfacadesareorderedandhavegoodfamiliarlook’.37
AliMubarak,Al-Khitatal-Tawfiqiyyah,1888.
12
Mubarak’scriticism,infact,wasdesignedtomakecaseforwesternformsoflivingthat
followssimplerorderandgeometricprinciples.But,toacceptnewforms,youmustdismissthe
longrootedandacceptedmodelsasproblematicandwasteful,whilebeingunhealthy.Infact,
onesentenceinparticularwasstriking;hedismissedthe‘disorderedcorridorsandcourtyards
occupyingalotofspace’,whichheknewaspeculiartolocaltraditionandpartofthelocalsocial
systemsinOldCairo,centredaroundthemovementofwomenandensuringadequatelevelof
privacy.Indeed,asofficialandreformer,hewaspromotingwesternlifestylethroughthe
Parisian-typologyofthetimewithitscompactformsofapartmentbuildingsthatrelyonthe
independenceofthelivingunit,disconnectionfromwidestreetboulevardsandgeometrically
orderedarrayofwindowsthatexposetheinteriorofthehousetotheoutsideworld.
Ontheotherhand,activepubliclifeinthelocalalleysdidnotsurvivetheseinstitutional
reforms.Thehawari’ssociallifewaschallengedbyaseriesoflawsaimingtochangethephysical
featuresandorganizationofthosespaces.Between1880and1910,variouslawswereissuedto
putthepublicsphereintoashapeandorderthatsuitedtherulingregime’sdesiredimage.The
clearestattemptappearedinthedecreeissuedbytheMinistryofPublicWorkson22ndFebruary
1882,wherebyArticle12wasintendedtocleartheroadsofthestoneseatsspreadacrossthe
oldcity(Fig.6).Itsays:“Allstructuresintrudingfromthebuildingintotheroad,suchasstone
seats,stairs,shouldberemovedwiththeexceptionofhistoric,religiousorartisticallyvalued
buildingsuntiltheirfacadesarerefurbishedonthealignmentline”38.Article13ofthesame
decreeinstructedthat“allexistingarchesonpublicroadsshouldbedemolishedoncetheyare
damagedorattachedstructuresaretoberestored[refurbished].”Itcontinued:“The
constructionofthosearchesonpublicroadsisprohibitedfromnowon”39.
Whilethestoneseatswereremovedandre-builtseveraltimes,itispresumedthat
legislationsrelatingtopermissionandfeesforpublicfestivitieswerenotimplemented,atleast
inOldCairo40.ItwasapparentthatthegovernmentwantedtodealwitholdCairoandits
hawariasitdidwithIsmailiCairowithitspavedandwideboulevards.Theregulatorsand
officialsdidnotunderstandthatthepublicsphereofthehawari,includingitsphysicalfeatures
(stoneseats,stairs)andsocialevents(festivitiesandmawlids),wereessentialpartsoflocal
cultureanddailylife.Theyhousedessentialeconomicactivities,servingfoodtovisitorsfor
13
mawlidsthatflourishedthroughouttheyear[R4.2.08].Removingtheseatsandgetting
permissionforusingpublicspacescouldhaveeliminatedmostgatheringsandbasicsocio-
culturalpatternsoflife.
Furthermore,tolateradeeplyrootedprofessionandtraditionalbuildingpractices,afirm
controloftheadministrativeorlegislativestructureswasneeded.Followingseveralattempts
byKediveTawfiq(1879-1892)andHabbasHelmi(1892-1914)toorganizeactivitiessuchas
building,trading,crime,andtaxation,ataxcouncilwasformedin1886,comprisingelectedlocal
buildingowners,tocontrolbuildingactivities.Theultimatetransformationtowardsamodern
state,thought,entailedthereformofitsgovernmentalandmunicipalstructure.Tanzim
departmentwasdevelopedtheleadinginstitutionattemptingtohandletheconfusingstructure
andurbanorder41.Thelegislationsmightappeartohavebeennecessaryfororganizationofthe
growingmetropolitanCairo.However,theinfluenceoftheEuropeans,especiallytheFrench
engineers,wasapparent.Duringthelastquarterofthenineteenthcentury,French-educated
Egyptianscontrolledmostgovernmentalandculturalinstitutions,inparticipationwithwestern
(mainlyFrench)experts.TanzimDepartmentin1889,forexample,employed4Egyptiansand6
FrenchengineersandallformalcorrespondenceandcommunicationswerewritteninFrench42.
Underthisorganization,thetraditionalmasterbuilder’srolewassubdividedamongseveral
institutions:thearchitect,fordesignandproductionofacceptedscaleddrawings;theMinistry
ofPublicWorks,fordesignreviews,permissionsandinspection;andfinally,thenewbuilder
whohadtoconstructthebuildingexactlyasperthedrawingsandspecifications43.
From1883onwards,newbuildingactivitiesandrestorationswerenotallowedwithoutprior
permissionfromtheTanzimdepartment,basedonapproveddrawingsmadeby‘architect/
engineer’.Adecreeissuedon8thSeptember1883fromtheMinistryofPublicWorks44(Fig.7)
said:“Clause1:Anybuildingactivitieswithincitiesshouldobtainaformalpermissionbeforethe
workcommences”.Clause2ofthesamedecreeinsistedthattheapplicationforbuilding
permissionshouldbeaccompaniedby“drawingsoftheplot,roadsandneighboursdrawnona
scale1:200”.Thenewlegislationrequiredeverynewbuildingtofollowthedefinedroad
alignmentmaps(KhututTanzim)45.Thesamedecreesettheminimumdimensionsofaroomto
be4(L)x3(W)x3(h)meters.Anynon-approvedactivitieswereconsideredillegalandweresubject
toapenaltyordemolition46.TheextentoftheserestrictionswasdescribedbyMahboubduring
the1930s:‘They[powerofrules]arewidetotheextentthatbytheapplicationofTanzim
14
Alignmentlawsof1881,1887and1889,buildinglinescanbedecreedforthewideningor
modifyingofanypublicstreetorroad.Nonewconstructionscanencroachontheselines,and,
moreover,heighteningoranyformsofmaintenance,includingevenplasteringofsuchportions
ofexistingbuildingsasarecutbytheselines,areforbidden.’47
Themasterbuilder,thecentralcharacterinbuildingactivitiesintheCairoof1800,wasthe
mainvictimofthenewbuildingregulationsanddecrees,andwasreplacedbyacomplex
technicalprocessofplanning,drawings,applicationandconstructionbytheendofthecentury.
Thenewsystemrequiredqualifiedprofessionalstoimplementthestate’svision,andonly
architectswithexperienceinproducingscaleddrawingsforformalreviewandpermission
purposes.Furthermore,theconstructionworkhadtobesupervisedbythearchitect/engineer
andTanzimofficersasperalegislativedecreeissuedon8thSeptember188348.Thedecree
definedseveralconditionsandrecommendedcertainformsandspatialordersandsetseveral
hygienicregimesandspatialrequirementssuchasminimuminternalroomconfiguration,
naturalventilationforallrooms,andorientingopeningstothenorth,withprovisionforafewto
thesouth(forcrossventilation)(Fig.8).Moreover,itrequiredatoiletforeveryclosed
apartmentandrecommendedconstructionmaterialsandfinishes,externalandinternalaswell
asinspectionprocedures:wallsshouldbemadeof‘limestoneorbrickswithlimemortar’49.
‘Internalwallsshouldbeplasteredandreceiveonecoatofoilpaint’.Allworkshouldbe
inspectedfrequentlybytheMinistryofPublicWorks’engineers50.
SOCIALECONOMYandTHEUNAFFORDABLETRADITION
HomesofOldCairohadnooptionbuttoreplacetheintroverted,largeplotsizehouseswith
extrovertedhighrise(3-4storeys)compacthouses,inwhichthehorizontally-stretchedHarem
turnedintoverticallyorganizedwings.Transformationofsocio-culturalandeconomicconditions
definitelytookitstollonthebuiltfabricineveryaspect.Withthedepartureofrichmerchants,
mostofbuildingtradewasonsmallplotsandpart-sharesduetoinheritance;someshareshad
beensoldseparatelyorswappedwithothers.Thevastmajorityofsellingrecordsinal-Babal-
Ali’scourtaroundtheturnofthecenturyfollowedthesameconvention51.Theresultwassmall
plotsforreduced,compact,vertically-extendedhousesthatsoondevelopedintojoint-
householdunits,inwhichfamilyrelativesusedtooccupyseparateapartmentswithinthesame
15
building.KennethCunoreportedthatthejoint-householdsystempredominatedurbanhousing
inEgyptattheturnofthe20thcentury52.Inhisstudy,Cunofoundthatthemajorityofhousesin
Cairoconsistedofjoint-householdunitsof7members(58%)ratherthanthesinglehousesof
thesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury53.Attheturnofthetwentiethcentury,onlyafew
housesofcourtyardintrovertedorganizationwerestillinactualuse.
Emergingdomestictypologyhadtoaccommodatefamilieswithinpartsofprevioushouses,
withnewsocio-spatiallogicthatwasorganizedvertically.Thebasicunitofthefamily,the
masterofthefamily,wouldoccupythefirsttwolevels:thegroundlevelhadanentrance,main
hawsh,forstableandfoodstorage,aMajlismaleandfamilyreceptionspace,akitchenwith
ovenandafewservices[R3.1.07]54.Ifmorespacewereavailable,theharemwingcouldbepart
ofthislevel.Upperlevelswerearrangedtoincludeavarietyofsleeping(harem)wingswith
smallserviceareas,eachofwhichhousedasub-familybranch,mainlyeldersonsandtheir
families(Fig.9).Asecondstageofthisdevelopmentcamewheneachfamilyresidencewas
dividedintoseparateapartmentswhoseoccupantswerenotrelatedtoeachother.Thiswas
takingplace,chieflyduringthe1940s-1960s,paralleltothemodernmovementinEuropeand
theriseofapartmentbuildingsincosmopolitanCairoandpromotedbythestate55.Thevacant
multi-storyhouseswerethenfilledwithimmediateoccupantsfromdifferentbackgrounds.For
thefirsttime,everyunitofthebuildinghadtoworkindependentlyandincludeallservices.The
sharedkitchenonthegroundfloorstartedtodisappearandsmallkitchenunitswereimplanted
ateverylevel.WhilesurveyingsomeofthesehousesinalGammaliyyah,tightkitchensand
bathroomswerefoundtobecommonfeatures.
Thistransformationhadprofoundimplicationsforthesocialcohesionandphysical
infrastructureofthesebuildings.Verticalextensionsmeantreducingareasofdirect
communicationbetweenhousesfromonesideandthepublicspherefromtheother,both
visuallyandvocally,inabreakfromthelocaltraditionthatreliedonthecontinuousflowof
activitiesbetweenprivateandpublicspheresandwherezonesoftransitionoccupiedand
transcendedtheboundariesbetweenindoorandoutdoorspaces.Undertheneworder,there
wasaneedforalternativemeansofcommunicationbetweenhighlevelsandthealleyspace.
Operablewindows,basedonthemodernRumistyle56,andterracesemergedtodominate
facades,beingspeciallyrecommendedbynewbuildingregulations.Balconiesbecamethe
transitionalspacesprovidingoutwardoverlappingspaceswiththealleyforthoselivinginhigh
16
levelapartmentstostayincontactwitheventstakingplaceontheground.Similarly,pushing
apartmentstowardshigherlevelsfacilitatedtheincreaseinthenumberofretailshopsand
workshopsintrudingintogroundfloorareasopeningtotheharahspace.
CONCLUSIONS:PARTINGHISTORYORINTRODUCINGMODERNITY??
InthispaperIexaminedthecurrentsofmodernitythroughoutthelastquarterofNineteenth
CenturyandEarlyTwentiethCenturythroughmulti-layeredanalysis.Iarguedthatcurrentsof
reformsthatinvolvethegenderquestion,Issuesofidentity,socialeconomyandspatial
transformationwereinpresenceineverydaylifeoftheCairenesintheHawarioftheOldCityas
theywereactiveintheModernQuartersinIsmailiCairo.Whiletheinternalmigrationtowards
thenewEuropean-stylequarterswasanexplicitactofchangeinlifestyleandengagementwith
modernlifeatthetime,theanalysisofthearchitectureofhomeintheOldCityandthenewly
introducedlegislationsshowedprofoundtransformationinthebuildingsandthefabricofthe
oldcitywhichareanotherpathofmodernitythatisgenuineandauthenticinresponsetolocal
livingconditionsandsocialneed.Itisfoundstrikingthatthedeclineoffortunesandservicesin
theoldhawari,didnotresultinbreakdowninitsoperation.Rather,thecenturies-old
communitiesprovedresilientandflexibletoabsorbtheprofoundchangeandreconfigureits
spatialstructuretomanagenewconditionsofmodernlife,withindustrialeconomyatitscentre.
Furthermore,thedepartureoftherichmerchantsandelitefromoldCairo,while
contributingtothephysicalandfinancialdeterioration,didnotresultinasimilardeclineof
sharedsocialactivities.Coffeehousesduringthe1920s,accordingtoNaguibMahfouz57,were
thesitesformeetings,fundingandarrangingrevoltsandattacksagainsttheBritishsoldiers.
Theywerealsolocalpublicvenuesfullofpeopleandentertainerseverynightuntilthemorning.
InPalaceWalk58,Mahfouzdescribedsuchacontinuouslyactiveenvironment:‘Therewasno
cluebywhichtojudgethetime.Thestreetnoiseoutsideherroomwouldcontinueuntildawn.
She[awifeawaitingherhusband’sreturn]couldhearthebabbleofvoicesfromthecoffee
housesandbars,whetheritwasearlyevening,midnight,orjustbeforedaybreak.’59Suchalively
picturewasaffirmedbybothStanleyLane-PooleattheturnofthecenturyandbyAhmed
Mahfouz60in‘MysteryofCairo’,ararebookaboutCairenelifeattheturnofthecentury.
Theturnofthetwentiethcenturywasfoundtobethemostchallengingperiodforthe
survivalofthehawariofCairo,withlackofsupport,intensivemigrationsanddestructiontoits
17
infrastructureandphsyicalsystems.OldCairowasabattlegroundfortheemergingintellectual
reformmovementanditspositiononwomen’sparticipationinsocietyandthepublicsphere,
andwhereradicalculturewasdeeplyrootedandmostpowerful.However,changeinthe
popularmoodtowardswomenwasfacilitatedandencouragedbytheemergenceofthemodern
quartersofEuropeanCairo,rulers’pressuretodrivethewealthymerchantstoresideinnewly
developedzones,whileformalinstitutionstookforcefulactiontoreformthebuiltenvironment.
Medievalhousesandharawiwerethefirsttobeaffectedbythisprocessofchange,
fundamentallyandstructurally.Courtyard-centredhousesbecameanunnecessaryluxuryfor
theemerginglowclasscommunity.Thisformoforganizationwasreplacedbythemore
affordable,compactandextrovertedmulti-storyfamilyhousesonsmallerplotsofland.
Largehousesweredividedintosmallerplotsduetoinheritancesandexchangelaws,and
latereveryportionwasdevelopedasanindependentunit/building.Thenotionofhavinga
housetoexclusivelyaccommodateoneextendedfamilywasindeclineandgivingwaytomore
dividedandindependentapartments.Inthemeantime,thestate’sformalinstitutionsexercised
powerfulcontroloveractivitiesinthepublicsphere,manifestedintheopeningofthewestern
deadendtothroughtraffic,declaringtwohousesashistoricalsitesandrequestingformal
permitspriortoanypublicfestivitiesandcelebrationsinpublicspaces.Thesovereigntyofthe
localsocialgroupwas,hence,compromisedandtheircontroloverthepublicspherewas
challengedbyemerginginstitutions.
WhileEuropeaninfluenceonthearchitectureofhomeinCairowaslargelyperceivedinits
directformsofapartmentbuildingsinthenewIsmailiquartersofLate19thCenturyCairo,its
deepeffectthatlaterchangedtheurbanstructure,cultureandfabricofthemetropolis
remainedimplicitintheOldCity.Suchgapinresearch,inmyview,requiresfurthereffortsand
explorationonthewaycurrentsofmodernitymetandnegotiatedlongrootedtraditionsand
radicalthoughts.
18
FIGURES
Fig.1:ModelModernHousesofMuhammadAli’sera
Fig.2:EarlyclassicalPeriodApartmentBuilding
19
Fig.3:CherifPachaStreetinAlexandriaaBoulevardofearlytwentiethCentury(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)
Fig.4:EarlyplansofmodernOfficeBuildinginCairobyHassanFathy(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)
20
Fig.5WissaWasifDiplomaProjectinCairo:Earlydesignsofopencourtyardhouses(1930s)(CourtesytoRBSCL-TheAmericanUniversityinCairo)
Fig.6StoneSeatsinthealleywaysoftheoldCity(Lane-Poole,theStoryofCairo,1902)
21
Fig.7Originaldecreeforfirstbuildingregulationin1880s
Fig.8:MoreorderedinternalFaçadesof1880shousesintheOldcity:BaytAlKharazi(1881)
22
Fig.9:CommonTypologyofhousebuildingsforsmallerfamilyunitsinearlyTwentiethCentury:
ZuqaqAl-DarbAl-Asfar.
NOTESANDREFERENCES1SophiaLane-PooledescribinghercriticismofMuhammadAli’spoliciesandplanstomodernizeEgyptandabandontheoldcityduringherstayinCairo.See:S.Lane-Poole,TheEnglishwomaninEgypt:LettersfromCairo.2volumes.(London:WilliamClowes&Sons.,1845)2S.Lane-Pool,TheStoryofCairo.(London:J.M.Dent&Co.1902).p13MuhammadAliwastherulerofEgyptfrom1805-1847,andisconsideredthefounderofmodernEgypt,wherehebuiltamodernarmyandnavy.HedreamedofEgyptasapowerfulandadvancedstateandestablishedthefirstindustrialeconomyinEgypt.4Lane-Poole,TheEnglishWomaninEgypt.p49.InherletterofJuly1843,shestated,‘aproclamationhasbeenissuedbythePashaforextensivealterationandrepairsthroughoutthecity.Thehousesaretobe
23
whitewashedwithinandwithout;thosewhoinhabitruinedhousesaretorepairorsellthem;anduninhabiteddwellingsaretobepulleddownforthepurposeofformingsquaresandgardens;mashrabiyyatareforbidden,andmastabahsaretoberemoved.’Thiswasquoted,aswell,in:J.Abu-Loghud,Cairo:1001yearsofcityvictorious.(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1971)p93-945B.Kenzari,&Y.ElSheshtawy,TheAmbiguousVeil:OnTransparency,theMashrabiy'ya,andArchitecture.JournalofArchitecturalEducation.Vol56,no4,Pp.17-25.(2003)p226AbuLoghud,Cairo.7Theforcewasapparentinseveraldecreesissuedduringthe1880stoapplyconstraintsonnewbuildingsintheformofspecificstandardssuchasroomsizes,materialsandexternalandinteriorfinishes.TheseallweredrivenfromAliMubarak’svision(asquotedatthebeginningofthechapter).Seeforexample,decreeissuedon1stSeptember1882,imposingthefirstbuildingregulations(showninpage178)8Beinin,J.&Zachary,L.WorkersontheNile:nationalism,communism,Islam,andtheEgyptianworkingclass,1882-1954.(Cairo:TheAmericanUniversityinCairoPress,1998).p24;J.Beinin,FormationofTheEgyptianWorkingClass.MERIPReports,no.94:OriginsoftheWorkingClass,ClassintheMiddleEast.Washington:MiddleEastResearchandInformationCentre,Pp14-23,(1981)p159Jean-LucArnaudarguedthatmovingthosemerchantstonewquarterswasaprincipalplanofthegovernment.Merchantslivingattheedgeoftheoldcity,inparticular,weregivenlargeplotsinnewquarterstobuildnewhomes,while‘keepingtheirbusinesses(shops,stores)intheoldcity,whichshouldremainthecentralsitefortradeinCairointhelongterm’.ThiswasplannedtofeedthenewIsmailiaquarterwithactivemovementandlivelyenvironment.SeeJean-LucArnaudLeCaire:MiseenPlaced’unevillemodern1867-1097,Desintérêtsduprinceauxsociétésprivées.ArabictranslationbyHalimTouson&FuadEl-Dahan(2002)Cairo:HigherCommissionforCultureinassociationwithFrenchCentreforCultureandCooperationinCairo.(1998)p15310Ishshash(pl.,single:ishshah)andmeansatemporarystructure,mainlyoftimber.11Ahwash(pl.,singlehawsh)meansgatedopenlandfilledwithtents.However,thisphenomenonwasnotpresentatallhawari.Someofthemdidnotexperiencesuchmigrantwaves(atleastnotextensively)asAl-Darbal-Ahmar.12SuchasMinistryofEducation,MinistryofPublicWorkandothers.13ThosenameswerelistedbyAlbertHourani,inhisseminalwork,ArabthoughtsintheliberalageasleadingreformersinEgypt,duringtheperiod1850-1940.SeeA.A.HouraniArabicthoughtintheliberalage,1798-1939.(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1962)14H.Shaarawi,Haremyears:TheMemoirsofanEgyptianfeminist.TranslatedandIntroducedbyMargotBadran.(NewYork:FeministPressattheCityUniversityofNewYork,1986).p1115Hourani,ArabThoughtintheLiberalAge,ibid.16RefertoQassimAmin’sLiberationofwomen;AhmedLutfiAl-SayyidArticlesinAL-Jarida.17Hourani,ibid.10318ThiswasidenticaltotheviewofGamalEl-DinEl-Afghani’sarticlesinAl-lata’ifmagazineduring1880s.19Amin,Tahriral-Mar’aa(Theliberalizationofwomen),ArabicTitle.InEmara,M.(2008)QasimAmin:Completeworks.Cairo:Daral-Shorouq.Pp319-417.p32220MuhammadEmarajustifiedhisargument,thatAminhadlittleknowledgeaboutstrongreligiousreferencesusedinhisbook.HereferredtoseveralstatementsbytheircontemporariesthatAbdusupportedthebookandwasassumedtohavewrittenlargepartsofitwhilehewastheMufti,thehighestscholarlypostinEgypt.SeeEmara,QasimAmin.p117-12721B.D.CannonNineteenth-CenturyArabicWritingsonWomenandSociety:TheInterimRoleoftheMasonicPressinCairo-(al-Lataif,1885-1895).InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies.Vol.17,No.4.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1985).pp463-484,p469-470;Womenwerealreadyadmittedto
24
certainfieldsofeducation.Forexample,In28thSeptember1886,13femalestudentsgraduatedwithdiplomasfromtheSchoolofBirthaswasannouncedintheformalnewspaperofthetime:al-Waqa’Ial-MasriyyahIssue28thSeptember1886.p92422Shaarawi,Ibid.p723Amin,Al-Mar’aal-jadida,1900.SeeMohammadImara,QasimAmin:CompleteWorks.24H.ElSadda,Gender,NationandtheArabicNovel:Egypt1892-2008.(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress.2012)25 H. El Sadda Imaging the "New Man": Gender and Nation in Arab Literary Narratives in the EarlyTwentiethCentury,JournalofMiddleEastWomen’sStudies,Vol.3,No.2,pp31-55,(2007)p32.26E.Blackmar,Manhattanforrent1785-1850.(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1989)27 B. M. Lane, (ed.) Housing and Dwelling: Perspectives on Modern domestic architecture. (London:Routledge,2007)28E.C.Cromley,Alonetogether:AhistoryofNewYork’searlyapartments. (NewYork:CornellUniversityPress,1990)29Cromley,ibid.,asquotedinLane,B.M.(ed.),2007,‘HousingandDwelling’,p106.30Ibid.,p107.31Blackmar,‘Thesocialmeaningsofhousing’,p108.Blackmar,E.(1989)“Thesocialmeaningsofhousing,1800-1840”,inB.M.Lane,(ed.),2007,‘HousingandDwelling’,p10832L.Pollard,TheFamilyPoliticsofColonizingandLiberatingEgypt,1882-1919,SocialPolitics,7(1),(2007)pp.47-7933Ibid.34Ibid,p5835Amin,TheLiberationofWoman.TranslationismadebytheAuthor.36Ibid.37AliMubarak(1823-18953)wasthefirstministerofPublicWorksinEgypt,andwasoneofthemostinfluentialEgyptianreformersinthesecondhalfofthe19thcentury.HewaseducatedinFrance(1844-850)andledtheEgyptianRuler,KhediveIsmail’sprojecttobuildEuropeanCairo.Thisstatementwaswritteninhisbook,al-Khitatal-Tawfiqiyyah.ThetranslationistakenfromKhaledAsfour,IdentityintheArabRegion:ArchitectsandProjectsfromEgypt,Iraq,SaudiArabia,KuwaitandQatar.p15138ADecreeissuedbytheCabinetconcerningtheconditionsandthestructureoftheTanzimDepartmentand its responsibilities, 22nd February 1882. Ministry of Public Works. Archival Document, file number6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035967.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.39Ibid.40 As described by elderly members (R1 & R4), during the 1930s and 1940s, people were arrangingfestivities and parties in the public spaces freely and without intervention of the authorities. The briefrecordsofStanleyLane-Pooleaboutthe life in thehawariofoldcityconfirmthispropositionthatsocialactivities likeweddings, festivitiesandfuneralswereactivelytakingplaceonadailybasis.Mybelieve isthatsuchlegislationwasstrictlyappliedonmainroadsandthoroughfaresandnotonthehawari,whichwererarelyvisitedbytheofficials.41SeeseveraldecreesfornewalignmentsofCairenehawariissuedduring1889-1910,inwhichsomeplotswereeitheraddedorexcludedfromthepublicroadnetwork.Forexample:Decreesdated28thNovember1910(File6/3/D,PublicWorks,Code:0075-036184);9thNovember1908(File6/3/D,PublicWorks,Code:0075-036183).Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.42TheCabinethadrequestedtranslationofthosecorrespondencestodiscussthem.SomelettersonthisrequestwerefoundamongthearchivalrecordsoftheMinistryofPublicWorksduringthe1880s.
25
43InthedailyrecordsoftheMinistryofPublicWorks,severalprojectswereannouncedforbiddingonconstructionworks.Forsuchbidding,detailedspecificationsanddrawingswerespecifiedbytheownerortheinstitutionwhichownedthebuilding.Seeforexample:record5/2/1M(Architecturalissueddocuments),no.355-Buildings,fortheyear1877.44FormalDecreefortheconditionofbuildinghouseswithinbigcities,8thSeptember1883.MinistryofPublicWorks.ArchivalDocument,filenumber6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035972.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.45Duetothelackofprofessionalsatthisperiodandtheirhighcost,Iexpectthatmanybuildingownerslefttheirbuildingsun-restoredandlimitedtheopportunitiesforlowclasspeopletobuildnewhouses.Ruinedbuildingswerecontinuouslyoccupiedwithoutmaintenance.Inthepopularal-Moqattamnewspaper,aFrenchArchitectcalledKorsicouspublisheddailyadvertisementsforbuildinghousesandreceivinghisfeesindelayedinstallments.SeeAl-MoqattamNewspaper,issues3279,80,81dated8th,11th,15thJanuary1900.Cairo:Sarroufandco.46AllthesedecisionsweretakenbytheTanzimdepartmentandMinistryofPublicWorksundertheAlignmentActof1881,andtheLawofExpropriationof1906Mahboub,ibid.p28947Mahboubibid.p29248FormalDecreefortheconditionsonbuildinghouseswithinbigcities,8thSeptember1883,MinistryofPublicWorks.ArchivalDocument,filenumber6/2/APublicWorks(ArchivalCode:0075-035972.)Cairo:TheNationalCentreforArchivalDocuments.49Ibid.50Ibid51Theyweresimilarevenintermsofgenderoflandlords/owners:whoweremainlyfemales(widows,orfreedslaves)52K.Cuno,Jointfamilyhouseholdsandruralnotablesin19th-centuryEgypt.InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies.Vol.27,n4.(1995)Pp.485-502.p48653Cuno,ibid.54archivalrecords55NaguibMahfouz,describedhisfamily’smovefromal-Gammaliyyahtoal-Abbasiyyah,thenewdistrictofthecity,asearlyasthe1930s.56Rumi-stylewindowsaretimberwindowsdevelopedduringMuhammadAli’seratosimulateEuropeanwindowsthatarerelativelytallanddividedintothreeverticalparts.57NaguibMahfouzisaNobelPrizeWinnerinLiterature.InhisTrilogyNovels,whichweresetinnearbyal-Darbal-Asfar,‘heusedthestreetsandalleysofhistoricCairoattheturnofthecenturyasthebackdropofhissocialist-realistnovels’,thatappearedasdocumentationofthesocialhistoryofoldCairoatthattime.SeeWilliams,ReconstructingIslamicCairo.p27458Thisnovel,wasfirstpublishedin1956,anddescribeslifeinthecontextofal-Darbal-Asfarfrom1910-1920, where Mahfouz lived out his childhood. Therefore his novels about old Cairo are considered asdocumentationofreallifeofthetime,especiallyinGammaliyyahwhereal-Darbal-Asfarlies.59Mahfouz,PalaceWalk.p160Mahfouz,Khabayaal-Qahira(MysteriesofCairo).
