women´s authority roles

7/25/2019 womens authority roles

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Novum Testamentum XXXVI, 4 (1994), EJ. Brill, Leiden

WOMEN'S AUTHORITY ROLESIN PAUL'S CHURCHES:

COUNTERCULTURAL OR CONVENTIONAL?

by

WENDY COTTER

Chicago

Gone are the days when scholars like Albert Schwegler in his1846 History of Post-Apostolic Times would conclude that Paul'sentreaties to Euodia and Syntyche in Phil. 4:2 must be symbolicreferences to two 'parties' in Philippi because a literal interpretation, i.e. entreaties to two women, would give the passage a "strangecharacter". 1 Today, it is generally uncontested that certain womenin Paul's community exercised authority, and that this authorityextended over men as well as women.

If we are to be specific in identifying such women, an examination of Paul's letters brings six women leaders into view: 2

1 "So ist man von hier aus versucht, auch jene zwei rthselhaften Frauennamen, statt fr den Namen historischer Individuen, was der ganzen Stelle einenusserst seltsamen Charakter geben wrde, fur typische Partheinamen zuhalten", Albert Schwegler, Nachapostolisches Zeitalter (2 Bnde; Graz, Austira:Akademische Druck, 1846), 2. 133-135. I am indebted for this reference to J.B.Lightfoot, who does not quote its entirety, but whose translation, "strange mean


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Apphia (Phi 2):

It has been assumed that Apphia must be Philemon's wife because her name follows his. 3 This argument would be more com-pelling if Paul's address named only these two. But in fact, it ismore accurate to say that Apphia's name occupies a median posi-tion in a list of three addressees. Furthermore, one would think thatPaul might signal that Philemon and Apphia are a couple by link-

ing them through complementary epithets as he does with Aquilaand Prisca in Rom 16:3, "my fellow workers" ( ). As it is, each of the three receive separate appellations: Philemonis the "fellow worker"; Apphia is the "sister"; Archippus is the"fellow soldier". But the person who is given the masculinecounterpart of Apphia's epithet is Timothy whom Paul calls"brother". Actually, when one weighs the relative importance ofthe

three epithets used for the addressees, it is Apphia's that holdsmost prestige. And Paul only uses the epithet "sister" again withPhoebe from Cenchreae, a woman Paul describes as a deacon anda patroness/protectress () to many and also to him (Rom16:1 2).

Finally, Paul's address to these three continues on to include"the church that meets in your house". Thus, the listing of Apphiaand Archippus belongs to this recognition of the church organiza-tion in Philemon's house. The deference to Apphia and Archippusthen, would seem to function as a salutation to the main leaders ofthat otherwise faceless assembly. 4

Chloe(l Cor 1:11):

Paul attributes the news about division in the Corinthian com-munity from "Chloe's people" ( ), John Hurd has

f


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may grant that Chloe might have been a Christian. However, if the

phrase is translated "the household of Chloe' ' there is no need tomake that presumption. 5 This argument only serves to emphasizethe fact that for Paul, it is Chloe who is the one who will be so wellknown by the Corinthian community that all he need do is use the vague "" to identify his informants. Furthermore, to supposethat Chloe does not even belong to the community would castPaul's phrasing in a most ungracious light. Would he continue to

identify certain converts by reference to their non Christian owneror matron?It is far less strained to recognize in Paul's easy phrase his

presumption that the whole Corinthian community will know whohis informants are because Chloe is a prominent woman in thecommunity. What her role might be is not at all defined. Yet theremust be some credibility to her name, or why would he take care

to identify his source as he does, and then proceed to address thedifficulty with no hint of doubt about the accuracy of the report?

Prisca (1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:3,4):

While Luke preserves her memory using the diminutive Priscilla(Acts 18:2, 18,26) Paul refers to her with the formal Prisca (1 Cor

16:19; Rom 16:3).6

In his closing remarks, Paul sends the Corin-thian community greetings from Prisca and her husband Aquila who have a church in their house (1 Cor. 16:19). This church would be situated in Ephesus since Paul has already indicated thathe is writing the letter from that city (1 Cor. 15:32; esp. 1 Cor16:8). This couple is mentioned again in Rom 16:3 4 where Paulacknowledges that they "risked their necks" (

) for him. Paul tells the community that Prisca and Aquilaare worthy not only of his thanks but the thanks of "all the Chur-


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whether Aquila and Prisca are still in Ephesus or have returned to

Rome.7

The argument for Ephesus as the destination would be sup-ported by Paul's former reference to the couple's church there (1Cor 16:19). Furthermore, this reference is supported by the tradi-tions of Acts where it is said that Paul met the couple in Corinthafter they had been forced from Rome by the edict of Claudius(Acts 18:l 3). 8 They then travelled with Paul and subsequentlysetded in Ephesus (Acts 18:26).

Euodia and Syntyche (Phil 4.2):

Paul shows deference to both these Christians by giving each onea separate invocation, "I entreat Euodia, I entreat Syntyche".Clearly, a matter of significance hats divided two old friends andPaul does not want to stand in the middle as judge. Instead, he asks

an unnamed "yoke fellow" () to arbitrate. Paul joins bothin his praise, "They have labored side by side with me, Clementand the rest of the fellow workers whose names are written in the

book of life" (Phil 4:3). Paul's description suggests that Euodia andSyntyche belonged to a team of men and women evangelizers.

The matter that has now divided the two fellow workers cannot be so severe as to destroy the community because Paul is clearly

refraining from giving advice on the specific matter at issue. At thesame time, the situation is serious enough to warrant a public notein this community letter, together with a request for a thirdmember to arbitrate. The respect Paul exhibits toward each

woman's position, and the level of concern he shows in making apublic appeal to them suggests that both Euodia and Syntyche holdsome office of distinction in the Philippian community.

Phoebe {Kom 16:1 2):


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Whether the destination of the letter is Ephesus or Rome, Phoebe's

own city of provenance is clear: Paul introduces her as a deaconfrom Cenchreae. The status of Phoebe, "our sister", is describedas a . The new RSV correcdy translates the word,"benefactor" instead of its former rendition of "helper". Theresearch of Carolyn Whelan has shown that the usual contexts for also suggest a protectress. Such women kept their pro-tgs insulated from financial difficulties by their benefaction

and/or through the exercise of their influence in powerful networksof family and friends.9 Paul acknowledges that this deacon has beena protectress/benefactor to many and also to him (Rom 16:2). ThuPhoebe's status is notable because she is not holding an officwithin the community, but is also a recognized benefactor.

Paul gives to these women the same affectionate and honourabletides that he will give to men. Just as he calls Timothy his brotherhe will call Apphia and Phoebe his sisters. When Paul recognizespecial members of the churches with the epithets of "co-worker","deacon" and "patron/benefactor/protector", women are on anequal footing with men. Furthermore, Paul never situates any ofthese women in their relation to a man, their father, brother, husband or son.

In the light of the male dominated society of the Mediterraneanworld of first century, these women leaders might seem to represena new countercultural movement inaugurated by Christian groups.It would appear that Paul provided women with an open avenue fortheir involvement and, unlike the androcentric organizations of hisday, encouraged and praised women for their exercise of leadershipin his communities. Particularly at this time, when scholars are trying to reconstruct the social reality of early Christian communitiesthese conclusions carry important implications for the reconstructions of the earliest Christian communities. Were they boldlyliberating for women and men in abolishing the sexist restriction


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the dominating culture/s in the cities represented by these women

leaders in Paul's communities. Then, we will explore the generalsocial parameters afforded to women against that culturalbackdrop. In the light of that evidence, we will decide whether theleadership in Paul's communities appears countercultural or conventional in character.

A. The Prevalent Culturels in the Six Cities

Colossae is most frequendy assumed to be the home of Apphiasince the names "Onesimus" and "Archippus" appear in Col.4:9; 17 respectively. The difficulty her is that the date and authorship of Coiossians have been issues of serous scholarly dispute sincethe first challenges of Edward Evanson in 1805. Theological content, style and even vocabulary have all been contrasted with Paul's

accepted letters.10

Yet, since the opinio communis is still divided, letus allow the ancient presupposition to hold and consider Colossaeto represent the city of Apphia.

The leader Chloe is a Corinthian. Phoebe comes from Cen-chreae, the seaport near Corinth. Prisca and her husband have achurch at Ephesus. The dispute over the destination of Rom 16means that some scholars suppose that Prisca and Aquila have

10 Raymond Brown estimates that sixty percent of scholars addressing the matter conclude that Coiossians is not Paul's ("The Pauline Heritage in Colos-sians/Ephesians: The Church as Christ's Body to Be Loved", The Churches the

Apostles Left Behind [New York: Paulist, 1984], 47-60). A thorough discussion ofthe history of the problems together with the major scholars' standing on each sideof the argument is provided by Raymond F. Collins, Letters That Paul Did NotWrite: The Epistle to the Hebrews and The Pauline Pseudepigrapha (Wilmington,Delaware: Glazier, 1988), 171-208. As a brief example of the scholarly division:A. Coiossians as Inauthentic: F.C. Baur (1845); Heinrich Ewald (1857); J.G.Eichhorn (1812); R. Bultmann (1921); Gnther Bornkamm (1948); William


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returned to Rome now that Claudius' ban has been lifted. There

fore, Rome too will be considered as one of the cities connected toa woman leader in Paul's communities. Therefore, the six citiesare: Colossae; Corinth; Cenchreae; Philippi; Ephesus and Rome.

Colossae

Together with Laodicea and Hierapolis, Colossae was the third

member of this Phrygian trio of cities famous for dyed goods andwoolen garments. Colossae was famous for its own particular red,called Colossene. 11 In the Imperial period Colossae dwindled to asmall town, overshadowed by Laodicea just eleven miles away.Laodicea was the new juridical center 12 and became a large prosperous commercial center as well. T.R.S. Broughton remarks,

Norice should be taken of the emporium at Laodicea, in which fullers, dyers(?),

and makers of one-piece garments were all concerned: could it have been a centralmarket, a sort of Laodicean Cloth Hall? 15

In 60 or 61 C.E. Laodicea suffered a severe earthquake. 14 Dueto its notable wealth the city managed its own reconstruction without outside appeals for financial aid. If Colossae was also struckdown, and Orosius (circa 414 CE) records that it was, 15 it mustnever have recovered. It is not heard of again. The scarcity of

evidence about this town does not allow us to make any firm statement about its population or its dominant culture, or the influencethat nearby Laodicea had on its own life.

Corinth

The former Greek city was razed in 146 BCE by the Roman

general Mummius. Left in ruins for a hundred years, it was madeinto a Roman colony by Julius Caesar in 44 BCE. Its former name,


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Ephyra, was changed to Colonia Laus Julia Corinthiensis. 16

Numismatic evidence and other inscriptions indicate that the citywas organized according to Latin custom with the duoviri as highestmagistrates. 17 Strabo claims that many were freedmen. From thefact that both Greek and Latin appear on the coins the populacewas a mixture of Latin and Greek-speaking people.

Cenchreae

It is the seaport seven miles east of Corinth, described by Straboas having a village and a harbour. 18 There was a naval station onthe eastern side. The west was used for trade with Asia.

Philippi

This was a Macedonian colony of Rome19

with the lus Italicum. 20

It was first settled by orders of Mark Anthony when he named itColonia Victrix Philippensium. After Augustus' triumph overAnthony, he struck coins in remembrance of that victory and herenamed the city Colonia Iulia Augusta Philippensium. Augustusdispossessed Anthony's landholders and gave the property to hisown veterans. 21

Ephesus

Unlike Philippi and Corinth, Ephesus had not been refoundedby Roman veterans. Rather, the city was taken over by theRomans in 133 BCE. But Roman culture was already exerting aninfluence in the prominent and wealthy Roman patrons who came

to take up residence in that city. Ephesus was a thriving center ofbusiness and trade. In fact, although Pergamum was the actual


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of the Asian treasury and the residence of the proconsul. 22

Anthony chose Ephesus for his headquarters in 33 BCE.23

InAugustus' time, only Ephesus and Nicea of all the cities of Asiawere permitted to dedicate sacred precincts to Caesar due to theirprominence. 24 The list of public works in Ephesus that werefinanced by prominent Romans is proof enough of the dominanceof the Roman presence there, a dominance that had been at workfor over one hundred years prior to Paul's visit there. 25 So, unlike

Philippi and Corinth which had been reconstructed andrepopulated by Roman veterans, Ephesus was still an Asian city.Yet, the prominence of the Romans who resided in the city and thepower of their patronage over the one hundred year period indicatethat among the cultures that thrived there, the Roman culture hada pronounced influence.

RomeAlthough in the Imperial period a myriad of cultures had come

to Rome, the dominant culture was clearly Roman.

Conclusion

Had these six cities represented six different dominant cultures,

the scope of one article would not allow the investigation we haveproposed. However, the evidence shows that, with the exception ofthe problematic case of Colossae, all the other cities were heavilyRomanized. It follows that the discussion of cultural parametersgenerally available to women within the cities should address theexpectations within Roman culture during the Imperial period.

B. The Roman Woman's Role in the Home, in Society and in Polit


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The day after a Roman girl was married, a ceremony was held inwhich she assumed her new role as matrona and mater families of thehousehold. In more affluent houses, the ceremony would haveincluded the presentation of the domestic staff and the keys to thehousehold. Poorer families must have found their own equivalent. 26

The Roman notion of the wife as guardian of the home includednot only her responsibility for the goods of the household, but alsoher authority to watch over the virtue of those who lived and

worked there. 27The difference between Roman and Greek ideas of a woman's

place in the home is reflected to some degree in the plan of thetypical Roman house. Of course, for the poor person, a home is notmuch more than four walls and a roof. But when people arewealthy, they demonstrate both the conventions and excesses permitted within their culture. An examination of the floorplans of

wealthy homes in Pompeii, such as that of the House of the Surgeonand the House of Epidius Rufus 28 shows that in the Roman housebedrooms are located with no special division of the men's andwomen's quarters. The bedrooms empty out into the atrium, thelarge open area for the welcoming of visitors. These houses standin clear contrast to the homes constructed by proportionatelywealthy people of Greek/hellenistic cultural sensibilities. According

to Vitruvius, the first century architect under Julius Caesar andAugustus, Greek houses were designed so that the women's part ofthe house is separated from that used by men for socializing withtheir friends. 29

As we pass in, there is the Great Hall in which the ladies sit with the spinningwomen. Right and left of the recesses are the bedchambers, of which one is calledthe thalamus, the other the amphithalamus. Round the colonnades are the ordinary


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dining-rooms, the bedrooms and the servants' rooms. This part is called the

women's quarter, gynaeconites. Next to this is a larger block of buildings with moresplendid peristyles ... These buildings have splendid approaches and doorways ofsuitable dignity Halls and square entrances face the south that there may beample room for four triclinia, and for the servants who attend them and assist inthe amusements. In these halls men's banquets are held. For it was not the customfor women to join men at dinner. Now these peristyles are called the men's block,for in them men meet without interruption from the women ... the Greek call

andrones the halls where the men's banquet's take place, because women areexcluded. 30

Some classical scholars have questioned whether the second sectionof the house was really a second area for general entertaining. 31 Butone must ask why Vitruvius would introduce the idea of a divisionon his own, especially when separate entertaining was not thegeneral practice among the Romans. It is clear, however, that theexclusion of women from dinners was considered ordinary decentbehaviour among the Greeks. This will be borne out by otherRoman testimony as we shall see.

Second, Vitruvius demonstrates the need to explain to hisRoman readers a difference in cultural practice. Clearly, Romanculture did allow women to join men at dinner without any shadowof indecency. It was a normal practice. Similarly, Romans did notdivide the house to separate women's living quarters from those ofthe men.

This dramatic difference between the two culturer means that,whereas the presence of women with men at a Roman dinner partywould be of itself decent, it would be considered immodest andshocking in a strictly Greek cultural context.

The Roman Notion of Marriages as a Partnership

The Roman marriage was also distinct in its emphasis on partnership. To be sure, modern ideas of equality can not hold for the


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harmony which ensures a peaceful life together. The virtue itselfpresumes that each partner has the power to speak his or her mind,to agree or disagree. Gaius Sallust, writing in the mid-first centuryBCE, disdainfully dismisses the polygamous practices of foreignerswith his remark:

None of them [their] wives has the position of a partner; all are held equallycheap. "

By the third century CE, the lawyer Modestinus would composethe definition of marriage:Marriage is the joining together of a male and a woman, and a partnership in allof life, a sharing in divine and human law. 34

Suzanne Dixon has argued against Keith Bradley that Romanexpectations for marriage did not stop at the hope for a mutually

satisfactory partnership. In her article, "The Sentimental Ideal ofthe Roman Family,'' she demonstrates through literary evidencethat by the first century BCE married couples entered marriagehoping for deep mutual love. 35 This fact encourages the idea thatdespite the admitted sexism ofthat time, Romans had accepted theimportance of a woman's responding love toward the man to whomshe was married. The evidence suggests that a happy Roman mar

riage afforded a woman the right for her opinions and cares to beaired to her husband. To say this another way, Roman culturalroles for the matrona made her less subordinate to her husbandthan was the custom among non-Roman couples.

To Sum:

These considerations indicate that the Romanized woman of the

Imperial period had a recognized role as an authority in the home,


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that she and her husband entertained both men and womentogether there, and that Roman culture presented the image ofpartners for the couple of emulate.

II. Roman Women in SocietyIn his preface to Lives of Famous Men, Cornelius Nepos writes

For what Roman is ashamed to take his wife to a dinner party? Or whose wife isnot prominent at home or not involved in society? In Greece things are far different. For neither is a wife invited to a dinner party, except of relatives, nor doesshe pass her life except in the inner part of the house, which is called the womenquarters, where a man is not welcome, save for a close relation.3*

Similarly, Cicero is required to explain to his Roman audiencethat Greek women do not attend dinner parties with men. Cicerorelates the contemptible behaviour of Gaius Verres when he visitedLampsacus in Asia Ninor. Hoping to seduce the daughter ofPhilodamus, a rich man of the city, he sent his agent Rubrius todine with the man.

As soon as Rubrius thought the ice was sufficiently broken [at the dinner], he said"Tell me, Philodamus, why not send for your daughter to come in and see us?"The respectable and already elderly father received the rascal's suggestion withastonished silence. As Rubrius persisted, he replied, in order to say somethingthat it was not the Greek custom for women to be present at a men's dinner-party [negaoit mors esse Graecorum ut in convivio virorum accumberent mulleres).37

Not only did Roman women go out with their husband to dinebut the literary evidence shows that they could leave the house ango for a walk during the day. Juvenal's sixth satire is a caustic treatment of women pseudo-intellectuals and self-acclaimed athleti*'champions". However extreme his indictment, it must be that theissue was somehow reflective of a movement in Roman reality


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with friends in the parks. Samuel Dill's research leads him to thefollowing scenario of typical Roman social interaction in the firstcentury:It was a time when people loved to meet anywhere, under the trees of the CampusMartius, in the colonnades of the theatre, or round the seats of the public squares.Everywhere were to be seen those groups which spared no reputation, not eventhe emperor's. And behind the chair of the young matron often hovered the

dangerous exquisite, who could hum the latest suggestive song from Alexandriaor Gades, who knew the pedigree of every racehorse and the secret of everyintrigues. 58

In the Imperial period, women who had money often achieveda strong social profile. Partially this was due to the common practise of marriage sine manu and/or because women could appeal toAugustus' law of three and four children. A marriage sine manu

allowed a woman to remain a legal member of her own family atbirth rather than sever those legal ties to become grafted into thefamily of her husband. Thus, she would retain her own inheritanceand the powser to possess land. Although her maoney was legallyunder the potestas of her father or guardian, at least her inheritancewas hers and in her own name. 39 Augustus' law brought women anew possibility for financial independence. In an effort to persuade

women to bear more children, the emperor had legislated that afree born woman with three children or a freedwoman with fourchildren could control her own finances. 40

It is easy to see how women who achieved this freedom were in aposition to exert a notable force in their social circle and, indirectly,

38 Samuel Dill, Roman Society: From Nero to Marcus Aurelius (London: Macmillan1905), 85. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.67.

39 "In the case of marriage with manus the position of the wife was like that ofa daughter. While her husband or his paterfamilias lived, she could hold no pro


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in politics as well. For example, it was not at all unusual for such women to run their own business independently and exerciseauthority over the entirety of their own estate. Note that in Acts16:13 15, Lydia, a native of Thyatira but now living in Philippi,owns a purple dye trade business. Moved by Paul's preaching, sheand her whole household are baptized. Lydia prevails on Paul andhis companions to stay at her home. The writer of Acts is so verycautious about propriety, it would be quite unlike him to allow any

element of immodesty in the story of Lydia's invitation to Paul.41

Clearly, Luke presumes the Romanized influence present inLydia's independent business and running of the household. Hedoes not expect her to confer with a husband, father or guardian

before she offers her house to Paul and his companions. She takesauthority and Luke plainly sees this as a laudable act. For him,Lydia is acting as Paul's benefactor in what is apparently a very

decent edifying manner.Roman and Romanized women with independent use of their

money often did take the role of benefactor for clubs of variouskinds, for the social honour it would bring to them. Inscriptions ofthe clubs and associations of the Greco Roman world offer praisesand thanks to the women who built their meeting houses andfinanced their dinners. These public displays of thanks meant that

certain women were bound to gain influence through the power ofa glowing public reputation in the towns of cities where they exer-cised their generosity. 42

Whether or not women patrons of professional collegia were alsoconsidered members is not clear. Although women are sometimesentitled mater, they are not necessarily the patrons of the club. In

41 For a discussion and list of passages in which Luke alters his sources for suchreasons, see Henry J. Cadbury, The Style and Literary Method of Luke (New York


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an unpublished paper on the phenomena of collegia in the hellenisticand Greco-Roman era, John S. Kloppenborg observes that in thelist of members of the collegium of Aesculapius and Hygieia, the paterand mater titles appear with other notable personages. But they arelisted after the quinquennalis and immediately before the immunes a

cur atores. This would suggest that the titles pater and mater weroffices, rather than honorific titles for patrons. 43 But the holding ofsuch offices, even if not that of patron, was still of immense importance to both men and women members, as Ramsay Macmullenexplains,

What is interesting about craft associations for our purposes is the focusing of theirenergies on the pursuit of honour rather than of economic advantage .. . Theycared a lot more about prestige, which members as a whole could not ordinarilyhope to gain, but which, within a subdivision of their ciity, competing with theirpeers, they could deal out according to a more modest scale of attainments.Associations thus resembled the whole social context they found themselves in andimitated it as best they could. 44

Romanized women were in a position to gain status and honourfor themselves and their families. The inscriptional evidencedemonstrates incontestably that they did so, in part, by theirbenefactions to clubs and societies. The inscriptions honouringsuch women show that members of a club, men and women, were

eager to recognize their patrons. These inscriptions are proof thatthe culture did not demand that a woman be identified by herfather, husband or guardian. She had her own identity.

To Sum:

Sarah Pomeroy's summary of the Romanized woman's freedoms

fittingly brings this section to a close:


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Roman women were involved with their culture and were able to influence their

society, whereas the Athenian women were isolated and excluded from activitiesoutside the home. Roman women dined with their husbands and attended respectable parties, games, shows, and even political gatherings ... Roman women hadaccess to money and power, and their fortunes were linked to those of the state.As men prospered, so did women. 43

III. Roman Worries in Politics

Although Roman women did have a notable degree of freedomin society, they were not supposed to bring attention to themselvesby public speeches or any overt political demonstrations. Here,Roman and Greek culture agreed in the exclusion of women fromthe public and/or political arena. Wealthy, powerful women had touse indirect means to have their views made public, and to havetheir political leanings represented. This was accomplished by theRoman woman who had independent control of her estate or whohad a network of powerful men friends.

When on occasion women did try to enter the public arena,such as the courts, they were judged to have offended the modestyexpected of them and to have overstepped the limitations of theirsex. Tacitus describes Agrippina's share in the authority of Neroher son as "an almost masculine depotism". 46 It is interesting tonote the report of Valerius Maximum about the three separateresponses to each of three women who came to court to plead theirown cause. He prefaces the account with this remark,We ought not to pass over in silence those women whom the circumstances of theirnature, and the modesty of their sex were not able to prevent from speaking inthe Forum or in the courts. 47

One of the women was able to win her case immediately. She wasnicknamed "Androgyne" because "she bore a man's courageunder a woman's appearance" The second woman received a


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Roman orator Quintus Hortensius, and she had tried to find ahearing for her grievance before the wives of the Triumvirs withoutsuccess. The slighdy desperate circumstances, and the honourablebackground of the woman seem to have created a respectable auraaround her otherwise unseemly (i.e. unfeminine) behaviour. 48

Despite the negative labelling of women's public speeches, thereare statements of gratitude for their courage in making them. The

Laudatio Turiae is the eulogy of a bereaved husband for his recently

deceased wife. The speech has great importance for our understanding of Roman marriage and the independence possible forwomen. The woman used all her resources to track down themurderers of her parents and bring them to justice. She foughtgreedy relatives who sought to break her father's will so that herinheritance would be invalidated. When her husband was exiledduring the Roman civil wars and Octavian had him recalled, the

woman went to the public forum and prostrated herself publiclybefore Marcus Lepidus, quoting the decree of Octavian about theauthorized return of her husband. Having been humiliated bybeing dragged away across the floor, she continued to quote Octa-vian's ruling until Lepidus realized that he must respect the recallorders. In this case, the husband has only words of profoundgratitude and love for the outstanding courage shown by his wife. 49

The inscription confirms the fact that, not only were womendenied public offices, they were expected to refrain from any formal'public' behaviour.

To Sum:

In the matter of public presence, Roman culture did not allow

women to call attention to themselves. In legislative and juridicalassemblies women were excluded from any leadership role and any


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C.I The Authoritative Roles of the Women Leaders in Paul's Church

Countercultural or Conventional? Apphia's service as a leader in the church cannot be adjusticated

since Paul does not offer us enough evidence of her activities. IfColossae is her home and if it remained non Romanized we wouldhave to conclude that her very presence as a recognized leader isindeed countercultural. Paul groups her with two men, Philemonand Archippus as though they form a team. It is no wonder thatscholars who are more familiar with general hellenistic culture havepresumed that she must be married to one or the other. Througha Greek lens, Apphia's leadership would appear rather bold. How-ever, we must hasten to add that there are still many questionsaround the destination of the letter to Philemon.

Chloe is not necessarily a head of a church, but Paul's referenceto his informants as "Chloe's people" indicates the baptizedmembers of her household. As we have argued earlier, Paul wouldnot continue to identify his converts by their attachment to a nonChristian woman unknown to the community and/or him. Paul'sreference to Chloe falls into place much easier if we recognize heras at least a patroness of some kind who is well known and esteemed

by the Corinthian community. This would explain how Paul wouldallow the credibility of the report to rest on the mention of thoseunder her authority. In the light of the Roman culture which waspervasive in Corinth and with the evidence of women's patronageso plentiful, Chloe's prominence is conventional rather thancountercultural.

Seen against the background of Roman culture, Prisca's clearpartnership with Aquila reflects Roman ideals of the good mar-riage. Since an meets in their house, Prisca as matrona hasher own leadership role to play by virtue of the fact that she is thed f h h W h hi f l


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advantage of the greater social mobility permitted to women in aRoman culture like that found in Philippi. Perhaps this included

visiting friends and setting up networks for 'evangelization*. Notethat Paul's mention of these women in the same breath withhimself, Clement 'and the rest' suggests that these two women werepart of a group composed of both men and women. Since Romansensibilities allowed clubs with membership of both sexes, the factthat a Christian community encouraged the formation of suchteams is not at all boldly innovative.

Phoebe's role as a benefactress and guardian is evidence of thefinancial independence possible for many women in the Imperialperiod. She also may have been able to act as a guardian due toinfluential people among her family members and friends. Suchexercise of power is completely conventional. Phoebe holds theoffice of deacon at Cenchreae. Her authority in the community isproblematic only if it is being exercised in the public arena. ButPaul's communities appear to meet in homes where Roman sen-sibilities are already prepared for women's more dominant role. So,although Phoebe is holding an office, she is not doing so in a wayoffensive to the Roman culture which pervades Cenchreae.

Therefore, acknowledging the uncertainty in Apphia's case, wecan say with respect to the other five women that there would seemto be nothing countercultural in their roles given the context of theRoman or Romanized cities where their communities reside.

C.2 Women's Leadership in the Context of an

Although Paul's communities seem to gather in households, henever refers to these groups as an . Rather, each one is an. The research of Wayne McCready shows that the term

refers to a formal assembly of citizens.50

The most plentifulexamples of the term belong to the golden days of Athens when all


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A first century use of the term occurs in a letter from Pliny toTrajan in which he refers to the civic assembly of the free Greekcity, Amisus. 52 Admittedly, it was common for the voluntaryassociations of the Mediterranean to organize themselves on themodel of a city, and it was not at all unusual to create offices similarto those at city hall. 53 Larger households often created a miniaturecity within its walls to provide a 'citizenship* of some kind. As Plinyremarks, "for slaves the household takes the place of city and com-monwealth". 54 However, it was rare for a society to call itself an. 55 Although more study is required before we may bespecific about the connotations of the word for the Christians of thefirst generation communities, the evidence suggests that

was understood as an assembly of the citizens of a 'free' city,gathered as God's holy people. The term clearly passes by thedomestic or the simply social contexts of a gathering and instead,communicates a civic seriousness to the assembly. This means thatChristian organizations were in that way a 'civic* or 'political' enti-ty, however pious the context. Seen from his point of view, then,

women in leadership roles within the were indeed par-ticipating in a countercultural activity. As we have seen, neitherGreek nor Roman culture allowed women a 'civic' office. Despitethe fact that this met in a household, where Roman cultureallowed women to exercise a greater authority, the fact that theassembly considered itself a political, civic entity means that theroles of these women leaders were also political and civic.

Paul's Eschatology The Future of God's

Paul makes it clear to his communities that they are in no waya temporary grouping that will come apart at the coming of Christ.Rather he explains to each community the special regard they shallenjoy as a holy assembly set apart to live with God


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We find evidence of this teaching in 1 Corinthians, where Paulrebukes the community for seeking litigation in the civic courts. Heremonstrates (1 Cor 6:2 3),Do you not know that the saints will judge the world? And if the world is to be

judged by you, are you incompetent to try trivial cases? Do you not know that weare to judge angels?

In cases of the Philippians, Paul promises them that they can expectto enjoy their prominence as citizens of heaven (Phil 3:18 20), while

he assures the Roman church that their desires for public honourand glory will be satisfied on the last day (Rom 2:6 7),

For he will repay according to each one's deeds: to those who by patiently doinggood seek for glory and honour and immortality he will give eternal life.

The members of the will enjoy their full status as adoptedchildren of God (Rom 8:22 23). Like the adopted children of the

Emperor, they will come into their royal heritage.Such expectations for the community mean that the offices of the were not just civic in name, but in actuality. The com-munity was meant to participate together in an eternal life. Suchteachings only affirm the serious character of the civic and publicnature of the Christian . The idea of women carrying ontheir positions of authority as officers in the city of God would have

been an idea that was certainly a fresh one for women, andundoubtedly countercultural.

Conclusion

Given the domestic surroundings of the , the authorityroles of women in the Romanized cities were somewhat veiled asthe culturally acceptable activities of most women in that city. Thepositive side of this reality is that Paul was free to call upon the


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women who appear in these letters as leaders in their . And

so this civic, or political involvement was countercultural for women. Moreover, as we have seen, Paul gives the impression thatthe community as a whole will become the citizens of heaven andexercise authority there as well. Again, there is no exception in thecase of the women. It is assumed that their authority will be ratifiedand recognized in the last day. And this manifestation will be seennot only by Christ and the rest of the Christians but indeed before

the whole world who stands awaiting judgement.The women in Paul's letters who show themselves to be leadersin these communities appeared to fit into cultural norms acceptablein Roman culture. But the reality of their involvement due to thecharacter of the assembly as God's endowed their leader-ship with a countercultural equality with the men members of thecommunity.

A Final Word

Two tasks present themselves for further investigations. First,the fact that the women leaders in Paul's letters belong to Romanor Romanized cities shows the need to more finely nuance the studyof Christian letters so that they are seen against the predominant

cultures of the cities to which they are sent. The term "GrecoRoman" is now used to describe the general cultural character ofthe first century Mediterranean world, but cannot be understood toindicate a cultural homogeneity. Cities only miles apart mightdisplay strong differences in social interaction, as we have seen isthe case with Roman and Greek expectations of women.

Second, with respect especially to first generation Christian com-

munities, the term must be freed from overly Chris-tianized concepts more reminiscent of the third century. The


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