Wattanummon's World:

Personal and Tribal Identity in the Algonquian Diaspora

c. 1660-1712

EVAN HAEFELI Princeton University

KEVIN SWEENEY

Amherst College

Wattanummon's adult life was spent, and ultimately consumed, in a strug­

gle to live in the borderlands between N e w England and N e w France during

the half century of conflict following the outbreak of King Philip's War in 1675. At different points in his life Wattanummon was known either as a

Pennacook or a Pigwacket, while at other times he might have been called a Pawtucket, a Cowassuck, or a Schaghticoke. These groups are frequently

assumed to be separate and self-contained entities, tribes with distinct

histories. At times, the tightly bordered model of tribal history may be appropriate and useful, but when one studies the Northeast in the decades

after King Philip's War, such a framework obscures the many ties that

bound these groups together. Recounting what we know of Wattanum­mon's life reveals the limits of narrow tribal histories by demonstrating

just how fluid and interconnected tribal groups were during this period. From the late 1670s until the late 1730s Algonquian-speaking refugees

from southern N e w England and Abenakis in northern N e w England strug­gled to maintain themselves in a region torn apart by wars with the Iro­quois, the English, and the French. W e are calling the movement of peoples and the establishment of new villages and tribes that occurred

in the Northeast in the wake of King Philip's War the "Algonquian Dias­pora" . Reconstructing the life of a single individual clears one path among the many followed by hundreds of individuals whose lives remain hidden beneath ethnic and tribal labels. This distinction is significant in a his­toriography that generally assumes a person's politics were shaped by his tribal identity.

Wattanummon was originally from the lower Merrimac River Valley, near what is today Newbury, Massachusetts, in the heart of the Pawtucket

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homeland (Abbot 1829:44). Wattanummon's name appears to add support

to this traditional account of his origin (see Figure 1). David Pentland

(personal communication) suggests that if the anum is derived from the

proto-Algonquian *-elem- 'think' then the name probably comes from a

people speaking an n-dialect. The Pawtuckets, though closely linked to

the Western Abenaki-speaking (an /-dialect) Pennacooks, are believed to

have been speakers of Massachusetts, an n-dialect (Goddard 1978:75-76;

Salwen 1978:168-170). Daniel Gookin, who wrote extensively about the region's natives, claim­

ed the Pawtuckets originally stood at the head of a number of tribes, including the Pennacooks, who lived further up the Merrimac (Gookin

1972b:8-9). In the aftermath of the 1616-1617 epidemic that destroyed na­

tive settlements along the Massachusetts coast, the influence of the inland

Pennacooks appears to have grown and overshadowed that of the Paw­

tuckets (Salisbury 1982:105-106). By the 1630s, when English colonists started negotiating with the native peoples along the Merrimac River, Pas-

saconaway of the Pennacooks was their leading spokesman. Passaconaway,

and after him his son Wanalancet, pursued a policy of peace and friendship

with the English in the period from the 1630s to the 1670s, though this

did little to prevent the gradual loss of land to the encroaching colonists

(Calloway 1988:265-270). Intermittent warfare with the Five Nations of the Iroquois League prob­

ably made peace with the English a necessity for the Pennacooks, despite its costs. Hostilities between the Pennacooks and the Iroquois began in

the 1630s, escalated into several bloody campaigns during the 1660s, and

only appeared to end when mutual exhaustion overcame both sides' ability

to fight in the early 1670s (Day 1984:35-50; Salisbury 1987:68). The Iro­quois campaigns of the 1660s generated the first refugees of the Algonquian

Diaspora. Some of the Sokokis and Pocumtucks, forced to abandon their villages in the Connecticut Valley, sought refuge along the Merrimac River

with their Pennacook allies or along the St. Lawrence River among the

French (Thomas 1979:395). Presumably Wattanummon was born during

the 1660s when his people were greatly diminished by disease, fighting a protracted war against the Iroquois, and losing land to the English.

W h e n King Philip's War broke out in 1675 the Pennacooks were able to remain neutral during the first year of fighting. It was, however, an uneasy neutrality. Some of the southern New England Algonquians fighting the

English had recently been allies of the Pennacooks against the Iroquois. The English, who distrusted the Pennacooks, sent a military expedition to secure their submission. W h e n it arrived at Pennacook it discovered that Wanalancet, seeking to stay out of the war, had taken his people

north to Cowass, today Newbury, Vermont (Gookin 1972a:462-463; Drake

W A T T A N U M M O N ' S W O R L D 215

1971:(2):209; Calloway 1988:273-275). Wattanummon's family may well

have gone with Wanalancet. In any case Wattanummon would return to Cowass in future times of trouble.

During the spring and summer of 1676, as King Philip's War drew to

a close, hundreds of Algonquians from southern New England fled from

the English and the Iroquois to find a refuge with the Pennacooks. The acceptance of refugees increased English fears and effectively ended the

Pennacooks' long-standing peace with the English (Drake 1971:(1):248;

Calloway 1990:81). Major Richard Waldron, for years the leading trader

with the Pennacooks, called a conference with the Pennacooks and their neighbors at Dover, New Hampshire in the fall of 1676. There, by means

of trickery, he seized several hundred Indians, mostly refugees he sus­pected of having fought in King Philip's War. Waldron released those

Algonquians he recognized as Pennacooks, Wanalancet among them, but

took the other "strange Indians" back to Massachusetts and sold them

into servitude (Belknap 1972:(1):140-145; Drake 1971:(2):131-133; Drake 1973:17-20; Calloway 1988:275).

The Dover incident would haunt the Pennacooks for years to come. In the aftermath, a number of them, including some of Wanalancet's rela­

tives, headed north to Cowass or Canada, both recognized refuges from the English and the Iroquois (Gookin 1972a:463; Drake 1971:(2):208-209; Cal­

loway 1988:276, 1990:81). Wanalancet, with other relatives and presumably

Wattanummon and his family (judging from Wattanummon's subsequently close ties to Wanalancet), preferred to remain closer to the English. Within

a year, a raiding party of Pennacooks and southern New England Al­

gonquians who had sought refuge in Canada attacked some villages in Massachusetts and brought Wanalancet and those Pennacooks still with

him north to Canada (Gookin 1972a:520-521; Calloway 1988:276). This

may well have been the young Wattanummon's introduction to the village that refugee Sokokis had established at Odanak. The move, however, did

not represent an abandonment of the lands along the Merrimac. Within a few years many of the Pennacooks had returned, and by the 1680s Wat­

tanummon was again living near Newbury, Massachusetts (Abbot 1829:44).

Not everyone returned. In these years, the Algonquian Diaspora reach­

ed its greatest extent, with native refugees spreading across the Northeast from New York to Acadia. Considerations of immediate protection, re­lationships grounded in previous alliances, the pull of personal ties and

kinship, and shifting relations with the English and the French influenced

the choices shaping this diaspora. Some of Wanalancet's people stayed at Odanak under the protection of the French. Others went to Schaghticoke,

a village of southern New England refugees established within the jurisdic­

tion of New York colony and under the protection of the Mohawks (Day

216 HAEFELI et S W E E N E Y

1981:16-21). More refugees could be found further east in Maine, where

they joined tribes evolving on the Acadian frontier (Prins 1988:4). Thus the

world in which Wattanummon grew to adulthood was delineated by new

refugee settlements and characterized by constant movement among them.

Contacts and interchanges undertaken during the relative peace of the early

1680s would continue to bind together villages at Cowass, Schaghticoke,

Odanak, Pennacook and Amesoquanty (also Amesokanti) during the sub­

sequent twenty-five years of almost continuous warfare (Day 1981:21-25;

Calloway 1988:276-277, 281; Prins 1988:5-6). King William's War (1689-1697), the first Anglo-French colonial war,

began with two incidents arising directly out of this diaspora. In the

summer of 1688 a group of Algonquians from southern New England led by several Pennacooks raided western Massachusetts (O'Callaghan 1855-

:(3):62; Felt 1836-:(30):310-311; Haefeli and Sweeney 1995). To the east,

Algonquians who been captured by Waldron in 1676 and had subsequently escaped from servitude joined with some Pennacooks and Pigwackets and

attacked Dover, New Hampshire in June 1689. They captured Waldron and

tortured him to death, taking specific revenge for his earlier treachery and

his abusive trade practices (Belknap 1972:(l):245-253; Drake 1973:17-20; Calloway 1988:282-283; Haefeli and Sweeney 1995). Raids by the Indians

and French and counterattacks by the English continued the war.

Wanalancet and Wattanummon are nowhere to be found during the

first years of fighting. They only appear in 1692, several years into the war.

Speaking with colonial officials in Dunstable, Massachusetts, Wanalancet and Wattanummon, referred to as one of Wanalancet's "chief captains,"

proclaimed their continuing friendship with the colonists and promised to secure "any of the Enemy Indians that would come among them" (Penna-cook/Sokoki Inter-Tribal Nation 1977:61). In recognition of Wanalancet's friendship, the English let the aging man, now in his 80s, stay and live out

the remainder of his life in Dunstable (Calloway 1988:285-286). Wattanummon's whereabouts for the four years after this meeting are

uncertain. After he and Wanalancet treated with the English, the inten­

sity of the fighting gradually diminished so that by 1695 a de facto truce

prevailed. The truce was soon broken, however, by a Massachusetts offi­cer, Pascoe Chubb of Andover. W h e n in the spring of 1696 some Eastern

Abenaki sagamores arrived at Pemaquid, Maine, to negotiate an exchange of prisoners, Chubb, the commander at Pemaquid, and his soldiers fell upon the natives, killing two sagamores and taking others prisoner (Legislature of Quebec 1883-:(2):222; Fuess 1959:75). This action brought many of the Algonquians back into the war. Joining with the French, they took Pe­maquid. Though the natives were eager to get at the English, the French intervened and let all the English prisoners return home (Legislature of

WATTANUMMON'S W O R L D 217

Quebec 1883-:(2):251; Drake 1973:107-108, 111-112; Fuess 1959:76- Mor­rison 1984:140-141).

In the aftermath of this incident, Wattanummon reappears. Familiar

with Andover because of his friendship with Colonel Dudley Bradstreet who lived there, Wattamummon guided a war party to Chubb's home. The

attackers killed Chubb, his wife and three other colonists. Wattanummon, however, is not remembered for this act, but as the faithful friend who saved

Bradstreet and his family (Abbot 1829:43-45; Fuess 1959:75-77). Local tradition claims that Wattanummon "undertook to conduct the Indians to

[Bradstreet's] house upon these conditions, that they should neither kill nor captivate any of this family" (Abbot 1829:44). The house was plundered but the family survived.

Even though King William's War officially ended the year after the An­

dover raid, the English became more apprehensive than ever of the actions

of their native neighbors. When, in 1700, word reached Massachusetts of negotiations between Mohawks and the natives of the diaspora then taking

place in Pennacook country, and of French support for the talks, New Eng-

landers immediately became suspicious. Their agitation increased when forty Nipmuc families from northeastern Connecticut resettled at Penna­

cook, joining the borderland refugees. These talks were probably part of preliminary discussions leading to the Grand Settlement of 1701 that

would establish peace between the Five Nations Iroquois and the French and their Algonquian allies; nevertheless, the English feared the worst and

saw themselves as the target of a general conspiracy among the region's

natives (Calloway 1990:98-101). At this point, Wattanummon and Cadnanokas, both recognized as Pen­

nacook sagamores, informed the English that they had no involvement in

the gathering, that they were and always had been friends of the English and that they desired to remain so (Felt 1836-:(30):459, 476a-477, 480-483). As part of this friendship the sagamores requested freedom to travel,

trade, and lodge among the colonists, agreeing to obey the laws of Mas­sachusetts in their business with the colonists. Massachusetts authorities received their petition, but ignored the requests to reform trade practices.

This effort to maintain a diplomatic middle ground between New England and New France was lost in the intensifying imperial competition in the

Northeast. Imperial tensions infused the July 1703 conference held at Casco,

Maine. This gathering proved to be the last major conference betwen Mas­

sachusetts authorities and the Algonquians before the outbreak in New England of Queen Anne's War (1702-1713). Wattanummon attended as a

sachem of the Pigwackets, a village near and closely allied to Pennacook.

Samual Penhallow, who attended the conference and later wrote about the

218 HAEFELI et S W E E N E Y

event, accused Wattanummon of delaying the negotiations in order to allow

an approaching French and Indian expeditionary force to "seize the [Mas­

sachusetts] Governour, Council and Gentlemen and then ... Sacrifice the

inhabitants at pleasure" (Penhallow 1969:17-18) If such had been the plan

it would have repaid the trucebreaking of Waldron and Chubb in kind,

but the English left well before the French arrived and nothing came of

Wattanummon's alleged treachery. It is doubtful that such was ever the intention of the Algonquians

gathered at Casco. Wattanummon and others had worked hard to remain

friends with the English. Many of them were still suffering from the effects

of King William's War and they had no desire to initiate another round

of fighting. Repeatedly, their spokesmen informed the English that they wanted to remain "Neuters" in any future war between the French and the

English (Morrison 1984:152, 157-158). Unfortunately, the negotiations held in Pennacook county in 1700 had

brought many of the Abenakis into an alliance with the French Mohawks,

the Kahnawakes. When a French and Mohawk expeditionary force arrived

in Maine soon after the 1703 Casco Conference, it compelled a number of local Algonquians to join them in an attack on the English, beginning

Queen Anne's War in the Northeast (Williams 1853:28-29). In the fall of 1703, the English responded to these raids by sending two retaliatory

expeditions to Pigwacket. Members of the second English expedition killed

six natives and captured a similar number (Penhallow 1969:22; Haefeli and Sweeney 1995).

This second attack appears to have pushed Wattanummon into the

war. Those who had been killed were his people, perhaps some were near relatives. T w o months after this raid, Wattanummon, together with some

200 French Mohawks, Hurons, and diaspora Algonquians from Odanak,

Pigwacket, Pennacook, and Cowass, and 50 French attacked Deerfield, Mas­sachusetts (Haefeli and Sweeney 1995). During the attack, Wattanummon

took captive Stephen Williams, a son of the town's minister, the Reverend John Williams.

In an account written many years after the event, Stephen Williams de­scribed how Wattanummon took him up the Connecticut River to Cowass,

where Wattanummon's family awaited them. They spent the winter hunt­ing in the interior of what is today Vermont. In the spring, Wattanummon

took his family down to Cowass, which Williams called a "rendezvous" of the people he was with (Williams 1853:147). Cowass has been considered the home village of a distinct Western Abenaki people, or alternatively an Algonquian refugee village (Day 1981:49-52; Calloway 1990:12, 14, 84). The little evidence that appears in Wattanummon's story suggests that it was an integral part of the Pennacook homeland. By 1700, there were no

W A T T A N U M M O N ' S W O R L D 219

fundamental distinctions among the peoples who lived at Cowass, Penna­

cook or Pigwacket for all of these places were Western Abenaki villages that had been transformed into places of refuge by the wars of the late

1600s.

In the spring of 1704, however, war moved uncomfortably close to the

refuge at Cowass. O n their way down to the village, Wattanummon's party

met people fleeing from Cowass. They told of how a wigwam just south of

Cowass had been attacked by an English raiding party. The family living

in it had been wiped out. The people who had been at Cowass planting

corn fled, and no one returned for the rest of the war. Wattanummon and

the new refugees from Cowass remained where they were for severed weeks and then moved on to Odanak (Williams 1853:147-149).

When Wattanummon arrived in Odanak a number of comrades-in-arms were there to greet him. In addition, several people with ties to Cowass

and Pennacook were there including his kinsman Sagamore George, who was identified as being from Pennacook (Williams 1853:35, 149). Neverthe­

less, Wattanummon felt himself a stranger at Odanak. Stephen Williams

claimed that his master "could not comply with their rites and customs, whereupon he went to Albany," presumably the refugee village at Schaghti­coke (Williams 1853:149). In spite of all that was familiar about Odanak, one fundamental change had occurred since Wattanummon was last there:

the Jesuit mission of St. Francis had been installed in the village in 1701 (Day 1981:31-33). Some people from Pennacook and Pigwacket had been

exposed to and accepted Catholic teachings, but others, Wattanummon among them, were evidently unreceptive (Morrison 1984:148; Calloway

1988:273, 1990:48, 109). Schaghticoke, on the other hand, was not a mis­

sion village. Wattanummon left Stephen Williams with Sagamore George

at Odanak and disappeared from the historical record for eight years. He may very well have spent the first five of those eight years at

Schaghticoke in relative safety. New York and the Five Nations Iroquois

remained neutral during the first years of Queen Anne's War, and French authorities consciously avoided doing anything that would initiate hostili­ties on this front (Zoltvany 1974:76-77). The French governor even turned

a blind eye to the illicit trade between Albany and Montreal (Zoltvany

1974:75-77). U p until 1709 French Mohawks from Canada and Algonqui­ans from throughout the borderlands attended conferences at Albany to reaffirm their peace, and to continue the trade, with New York (Legisla­

ture of Quebec 1883-:(2):245-246; Calloway 1990:106). This truce deteriorated in 1709, and the situation along the New York

frontier began to change. French officials grew suspicious of the Albany

gatherings and the autonomy this gave their native allies, while outraged

New Englanders pressured New York authorities to support the English

220 HAEFELI et S W E E N E Y

war effort by breaking off all relations with the French and their native al­

lies. The Schaghticokes requested a stockade for protection, and the French

government tried to stop its native allies from trading at Albany (Legis­

lature of Quebec 1883-:(2):483-484, 493; Calloway 1990:107). Soon the

Schaghticokes and the Five Nations Mohawks joined a proposed English

expedition against Canada (Richter 1992:226). The Hudson and Cham­

plain valleys were the projected invasion route. N o w the only place that

appeared to be outside of a war zone lay deep in the interior of northern

New England. It is here in the borderland between New England and New France

that Wattanummon reemerges in the writings of his ex-captive, Stephen

Williams. In April of 1712, Williams's brother Lieutenant Samuel Williams joined a party of militiamen "Designing for Cowass on purpose to Destroy a

family or two of Indians that they heard was there" (Sheldon 1889:23-24).

Finding no one at Cowass, they headed east crossing over to the upper

reaches of the Merrimac River. Following some tracks, they found and

ambushed a little village of twelve men and their families, killing nine. The

rest escaped. One of those killed was Wattanummon (Sheldon 1889:23-25).

Looking over the encampment, the militiamen took for themselves a

"small quantity of plunder", including, as they judged, about two or three-years worth of furs (Sheldon 1889:24-25). The encampment was located in

an area known to be "choice beaver hunting grounds" (Day 1981:21). From

the stockpile it appears that Wattanummon and his companions could have been in the area since 1709, when the situation along the New York frontier

turned dangerous. Wattanummon seems to have done his best to stay out of the war after the Deerfield raid. Unfortunately, wherever he went, the war caught up with him. He was killed one year before Queen Anne's War

ended. Curiously, Wattanummon reappears 14 years later at the founding of

Concord, New Hampshire. In a story collected in the mid-19th century,

Wattanummon is portrayed as an elderly, "friendly Indian", living with

his family in a lonely wigwam, the last remnants of the native village of

Pennacook (Bouton 1856:40-41). Settlers arrive, scouting out a new town site, and begin cutting the fine grass surrounding Wattanummon's wigwam. W h e n Wattanummon tries to stop them, they give him a bottle of rum,

he gets drunk, and suddenly feeling "very generous and friendly" lets the English cut as much grass as they want. The colonists gladly interpret this as a "friendly exchange of property - rum for grass" and proceed with their settlement (Bouton 1856:41). Significantly, Wattanummon disappears as soon as the grass is cut, though his name did become attached to one of Concord's fields (Bouton 1856:125).

W A T T A N U M M O N ' S W O R L D 221

The historian who collected the story could only note that "What fi­

nally became of old Wattanummon is unknown" (Bouton 1856:41). While the besotted abdication of the old Indian chief may have provided Con­

cord's 19th-century historian with an entertaining and legitimizing found­

ing myth, there is little reason to believe that Wattanummon ever witnessed

Pennacook being replaced by Concord. David Stewart-Smith (personal

communication) has arrived at a similar conclusion, though he notes that

there must have been an Indian community nearby at the time of English

settlement. What is interesting about the anecdote is that the man who

began his life as a Pawtucket, later served as a Pigwacket sachem, tran­siently lived as a Cowassuck, and temporarily resided at Schaghticoke is here remembered as one of the last Pennacooks.

Wattanummon's story is unusual because of the mark he left in English

records, but it was not necessarily unique. Glimpses of several other lives

support the representativeness of Wattanummon's experience. In 1677, Ashpalon, a Norwottuk who may have been born a Pocumtuck, led a

raiding party to Deerfield, Massachusetts of so-called "Canada Indians,"

primarily Norwottucks and Pennacooks who had sought refuge near the French. Fifteen years later, Ashpalon returned to Deerfield under more

peaceful circumstances as a Schaghticoke leader (Sheldon 1895-:(1):181-

183, 231-232). Around the same time, John Humphries (also Humphry, Umphry), a Nipmuc or Wampanoag who had been captured as a child dur­

ing King Philip's War, arrived in Deerfield, claiming to be a Schaghticoke, but was identified by the cut of his hair as an "Eastern Indian." This former

"servant" of a Topsfield colonist had left southern New England and joined other refugees moving back and forth between Schaghticoke and southwest­ern Maine, alternately fighting the English along the coast and trading with them in the Connecticut Valley (Spady 1994:7). A Sokoki named Manaset

lived out his final years as a Penobscot sagamore, moving from a West­ern Abenaki nation along the Connecticut River in Massachusetts to an

Eastern Abenaki nation in central Maine (Bourque 1989:276-277). The world of Wattanummon, especially after the disruptions of King

Philip's War, must be understood on both a personal and a trans-tribal

level, a level more detailed and comprehensive than is frequently under­taken or usually possible. Since most of the refugee Algonquians lived

and moved between the French and the English, what little is known and recorded of their lives must be ferreted out of a collection of sources that

supersede the customary, parochial divisions of colonial North American

history. As our story reveals, war characterized this era, and ironically, many of the rare views obtainable of individual Algonquian lives come from

the very wars that often destroyed them. But by placing these wars in na­

tive contexts, historians can use the individual cameos of natives churned

222 HAEFELI et S W E E N E Y

up by the conflicts to reconstruct lives that provide revealing insights into

the complex and changing world of the Algonquian Diaspora.

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