THE PRINT MEDIA, CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF THE GUARDIAN

NEWSPAPERS

Felix CHIDOZIE, PhD1; Olumuyiwa AJAYI2; Ifeoluwa OLORUNNIPA3

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSCOVENANT UNIVERSITY, OTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA

felix.chidozie@covenantuniversity.edu.ng; muyiwa.ajayi@covenantuniversity.edu.ng

234-803-381-5520

Abstract

The objective of this paper is to establish the inextricable linkage between the media, civil society and democratic governance in Nigeria. Conversely, it seeks to reconcile the contradictions in democracy, weak civil society and docile media, which have become a perennial problem in Nigeria’s democratic experiment. It was necessitated by the increasing debate, indeed concern on the rapid decline in the activities of civil society groups in the country which has inevitably undermined democratic governance in the process. Narrowing its focus on the Guardian News papers, the study borrows from social responsibility media theory which argues that the media is responsible for fostering productive and creative “great communities” by prioritizing cultural pluralism in any society. Thus, the focus of the theory is on building conscious society groups through vibrant civil society advocacy anchored on responsible media. The study relied on the use of primary and secondary sources of data. Findings suggest that the totalistic and predatory nature of the post-colonial Nigerian state have contributed more than any other factor to impede the growth of civil society groups in the country. More so, the lack of freedom experienced by the media in Nigeria, demonstrated recently by the massive wave of attack on some media houses, are all fall out of the fragility of the post-colonial Nigerian state. The study concludes that until the hidden clauses in the freedom of information bill are lifted by necessary legislative procedures in Nigeria; press freedom may remain a tantalizing mirage. It recommends that a vibrant civil society which is an indispensable element of democracy must be promoted and nurtured in Nigeria.

Keywords: Civil Society, Democratic Governance, Guardian Newspapers, Print Media

Introduction

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Scholarly debates on the concept of civil society and democracy, demonstrate that there are

controversies as to whether these two concepts can be applied in the analysis of Africa,

Nigeria being the point of departure. This is a result of the predatory and corrupt nature of the

post-colonial Nigerian state. However, a broader and objective view of the concepts of civil

society and democracy in Nigeria prove that, despite the illegitimate subversion of these

concepts, evidences exist in the country to demand serious investigation of their relationships.

According to Bratton (1989), civil society is the domain of citizens; a mediating domain

between private markets and a big government. Prior to the end of colonialism in Nigeria,

civil society had been in existence. The indigenous press such as the West African Pilot is a

good example. Not only were civil societies in existence, they were also very active.

However, it should be noted that civil societies can only exist comfortably with a democratic

government. When there is no form of hegemony over a state, then civil society can operate

peacefully and in freedom. Also, the multi party system that Nigeria operates enables its civil

society to be relatively autonomous. Thus, civil society and democracy are mutually

exclusive.

Democracy, according to Oluwole (2003) is a system of government usually involving

freedom of the individual in various aspects of political life, equality among citizens, justice

in the relations between the people and the government. From 1999 to date, Nigeria has been

operating a democratic system of government (representative democracy) and various forms

of civil societal groups have emerged since then. Civil society is the most crucial and

important component of a state’s political structure. Civil society is primarily an arena of

social interaction and socialization. Civil society is the engine of democracy, a basic pillar of

democracy.

Civil societies serve as an intermediary between Nigerian government and Nigerians.

Through the civil society in Nigeria, Nigerians express their views on the governance in the

country and consequently, without a civil society in Nigeria, the governance in the country

cannot be fully trusted. Indeed, Nigeria really cannot have any democracy without a vibrant

civil society (Kukah, 1999). Thus, the existence of civil society in Nigeria serves as a means

of checking and balancing the excesses of the Nigerian government.

According to Hobbe’s theory of social contract (1651), there existed a state of nature in

which life was nasty, brutish and short. He argued that the fear of returning to the state of

nature would make the individuals cleave to the state. However, the civil society is the

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mediating force between the community and the state, forcing the state to respond to its own

end of the social contract. Unfortunately, in the Nigerian context, the state has not been able

to live up to its own role as a guarantor. Therefore, given the weakness of the state, civil

society is necessary if this balance is to be restored.

There are different forms of groups that are autonomous from the Nigerian state inherent in

the country. These are the civil societies in Nigeria. Civil societies in Nigeria range from

media houses to newspaper companies, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the

Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). However, the element of the civil society that is of concern

in this study is the media, under which newspaper houses, specifically the Guardian

Newspapers would be the major point of focus. This is because the press has arguably

propagated the ideals of democracy more than any other segment of the society. The press

acts as the people’s mouthpiece (Zimako, 2009).

The Guardian Newspaper is one of the oldest newspapers in Nigeria. It was established in

1983 by the entrepreneur Alex Ibru and Stanley Macebuh, a top journalist with the Daily

Times newspapers. The Guardian was a pioneer in introducing high-quality journalism to

Nigeria with thoughtful editorial content. The paper was first published on 22 February 1983

as a weekly, appearing only on Sundays. It started daily publication on 4 July 1983.Because

of the democratic system of government that Nigeria operates, The Guardian newspaper ever

since its establishment has been able to and still gives various opportunities to Nigerians who

wish to express their views over different policies of government through their writings

(Babalola, 2002).

It is against this background that the study is divided into five sections. The first section is the

ongoing introduction; the second section clarified key concepts. The third section is an

overview of the evolution of civil society groups in Nigeria. The fourth section presents data

analysis and discussion of findings from the data gathered through questionnaires. The final

section concludes the work and proffers relevant recommendations.

Conceptual Discourse

The concepts that underline this discourse that beg for conceptualization are civil society and

democratic governance.

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Civil Society

A basic understanding of the term civil society is that it is that aspect of the society that is

distinct from the government of a given society and evolves from the membership of that

society. Civil society of a country enjoys the right to exist and to be free from the control of

the government. Civil society is referred to as the intermediate group in the state and it

mediates between the state and the governed (Cohen and Arato, 1992). Civil society relates to

the conditions of the formation and practice of a political community based not on tradition

but on the free association of individuals. It suggests a potential for self organization by the

citizens, independent of the state and political representations.

John Hall (1995) defines civil society as a space in which social groups can exist and move, a

space that would ensure softer, tolerable conditions of existence. From the above definition,

we can deduce that civil society comprises of different groups that exist for different reasons.

However, we should note that civil societal groups do seek to achieve their objectives

through non-violent methods because this would negate an earlier allusion that civil society

ought to ensure tolerable conditions for living. Indeed, the risk of violence is the price for

attaining such lofty goal.

Seligman (1992) views the concept of civil society as an ethical ideal of the social order that

harmonizes the conflicting demands of individual interests and social good. He argues that

civil society is that arena where free, self determining individuality sets forth its claims for

satisfaction of its wants and personal autonomy. Larry Diamond, on the other hand, defines

civil society as:

the realm of organized social life that is voluntary, self generating, self supporting, autonomous from the state, and bound by the legal order or set of shared rules. It involves citizens acting collectively in a public sphere to express their interests, passions, and ideas, exchange ideas, exchange information, achieve mutual goals, make demands on the state, and hold state officials accountable. It is an intermediary entity, standing between the private sphere and the state (Diamond, 1995:33).

A discourse on civil society cannot be complete without relating to the philosophical ideas

from John Locke, Adam Ferguson and Friedrich Hegel. In comparison with his theory of

social contract, John Locke (1963) is of the notion that a civil society as we know it is the

opposite of the state of nature. Thus; civil society is the product of an agreement or

convention by the citizens of a state. Civil society to him is a term used to describe humans

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after leaving the state of nature and being civilized. He conceived civil society as the

legitimacy of groups which flowed from the autonomous and un-coerced commitments of

individuals.

The notion that civil society is a distinctively moral space of human interrelations that ought

to be protected from the state was developed and reinforced by the Scottish Enlightenment

philosopher, Adam Ferguson. Adam Ferguson (1767) opines that civil society is a polity

itself; it is however, a republican polity whose character is derived from the citizen and not

the government. That is, this group is free from governmental control since it is not formed or

initiated by the government.

In this context, a republican polity refers to a specific form of politically organized unit

formed by a body of persons. By this Ferguson implies that the civil society entails groups or

forms of organizations. However, the body of persons who must form this polity refers to the

free people in the society. The slaves cannot form a civil societal group, they may however be

part of the civil society but they cannot form a group on their own.

Furthermore, Hegel (1945) defines civil society as distinct from the family and the state.

Hence, it was different from the private and the biological realm on one side and the public

and political realm on the other. He contends that family and the state form the two

hierarchical poles between which the civil society is located. That is, the civil society is a

space for interaction apart from the family or state. It is however, the way through which the

state interacts with the family and the way the family interacts with the state. Civil societies

are used to designate associations bigger than the family but smaller than the state. Hegel was

the first to distinguish between the civil society and the state. In effect, he rendered civil

society independent of the state. The state is not the civil society and the civil society is not

the state but the civil society is birthed in the state.

However there is an argument about the inclusion of the family as a member of the civil

society. Some contemporary political theorists view the family as an integral part of the civil

society. Jean Cohen (1998), places the family within the civil society and this is in contrast to

Hegel’s position. Cohen argues that the family should be included in civil society as its first

association because the family is the foundation for the existence of humans in a society.

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In spite of the myriads of arguments proffered by scholars, a point of meeting is that civil

society is autonomous of the government and organized or created by individuals of the

society.

Democratic Governance

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in its 1997 policy defined governance

as the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s

affairs at all levels. It comprises of the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which

citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations

and mediate their differences. Thus, democratic governance portrays all these attributes but

only through representatives of the people.

Democratic governance refers to a democratic mode of exercising powers and performing

functions by the established institutions to achieve developmental goals. It can be understood

in terms of its constitutive elements. Democratic governance operates with democratic

institutions like political parties, the judiciary and legislature, the media, etc. The National

League of Cities in Leftwich (1993) defines democratic governance as the art of governing a

community in participatory, deliberative and collaborative ways. Governance entails serious

commitment, accountability and responsibility on the part of the government officials.

Democratic governance according to Roberts and Edwards as cited in Ogundiya (2010:32)

entails;

popular participation, absolute respect for the rule of law, a general guarantee of fundamental freedoms which lubricate popular participation, periodic, competitive, free and fair elections with the role of every citizen counting equally, respect for majority rule as well as the readiness of minority to acquiesce in the decision of the majority, accountability, guarantee of separation of powers in practice, transparency and responsiveness in governance and opportunity for change of government or any leadership found wanting.

Democratic governance has taken roots in Nigeria since 1999, when the military junta

relinquished power to the civilians. The country has witnessed the rule of three Presidents

since then. A good governance system is defined by its relationship to some key

prerequisites, including accountability, transparency, participation, and predictability.

However; it has been a work in progress as the country is still bedevilled with so many social

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malaises which necessarily must be tackled for the attainment of any meaningful growth or

development in Nigeria.

Owolabi (2003) posits that Nigeria can only have democracy when the fundamentals and

variables of what make up democratic rule are available; regrettably however, they are absent

in the country. Thus, the problems facing Nigeria’s democracy are myriad, chief among them

being the faulty electoral process, inept leadership and corruption. According to Walter

Carrington, a former United States Ambassador to Nigeria, cited in Kukah (1999), Abraham

Lincoln’s definition of democracy in the Nigerian context was apt. His submission was that

the aspect of ‘government for the people’ was lacking in Nigeria. He concluded that;

When Nigeria got independence, ‘government of the people’ was established. When elections were held, you had ’government by the people’. What is lacking now is ‘government for the people’. Until people are involved and active in governance, you are not going to solve the problem (Carrington, 2008).

A true and viable future in democratic governance however remains unachievable by the

Nigerian government because the Nigerian government lacks the basic elements that enable a

nation to be fully democratic. According to Oddih (2007), Nigeria is yet to arrive at a

democracy. He argued that judging by the substantive indicators of democracy; Nigeria has

not yet arrived at democracy. He stressed that a responsible and accountable leadership that

would characterize good governance in Nigeria is patently absent. He concluded that

democratic governance continues to face a number of challenges and these seem to question

the existence of democracy in the first place.

In a democracy, the leaders must be accountable to the people who elected them into office

(Agundu 2007). The Nigerian experience, since 1999, still leaves much to be desired. The

actions and pronouncements of the government have been far from seeking the consent of the

people in taking decisions that affects them. The arrogant display of power and authority by

elected leaders and their appointed allies is alarming. There have been cases of elected

representatives who operate constituency offices that are not functional, yet they claim huge

amounts of public funds as constituency allowances (Alumona 2010). Indeed, official

corruption is an issue that continues to pollute the democratic project in Nigeria (Nwoye,

2001).

Furthermore, ethnicity and tribalism are major issues facing democratic governance in the

country. With well over 274 ethnic groups, each suspecting the other, multi ethnic Nigeria is

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sitting on a keg of gunpowder littering the political landscape with potential arsenals for

implosion (Anifowose, 1982; Kukah, 1993). Such a highly volatile situation has not been

conducive for the evolution of strong and stable democratic governance. When we add the

fact that, the rule of law and its due process which form the cornerstone of a democratic

system has been highly compromised since the inception of democratic governance in 1999,

thus sabotaging Nigeria’s democratic experiment, the equation becomes complete (Ikotun

2010).

Brief History of Civil Society in Nigeria

In broad terms, civil society refers to those social groups outside the realm of the states but

operating within the civic and private spheres. A civil society is made up of associations;

voluntary and autonomous, professional or non-professional which have arisen out of the self

organizational efforts of various forces (Olukoshi, 1997).

Civil society exists outside the state and ideally relies on the initiative and commitment of its

members. Civil society is the whole gamut of formal and informal associational life, so far as

the associations are relatively autonomous of the state are public as well as civil (Osaghae

1997).

Nigeria has a long and strong tradition of civil society, which represents the diverse and

pluralistic nature of Nigerian society. Nigeria’s history of struggle and resistance was

primarily led by civil society groups. Their formation and activities date back to the colonial

period when different groups, sometimes locally and territorially based, and at other times

transcending clan and tribal boundaries became part of the nationalist protest against the

repressive colonial state. In the immediate post independence period, civil society groups

provide humanitarian assistance at the grassroots level.

According to Kukah (1999), civil society has long existed in Nigeria but became dormant and

stifled, reverting to hidden and less obvious forms of resistance and struggles during the early

post-colonial phase. Prior to colonialism, social movements arising from society and engaged

in the reconstruction of the state and society existed all over Nigeria. The Jihadist Movements

in Northern Nigeria are a good example. Indeed, it was the jihadists who established the

Sokoto Caliphate in Northern Nigeria.

There was the onerous attempt by Nigerians to obstruct colonial domination and it was

further boosted by the formation of socio-cultural formation such as Egbe Omo Oduduwa, the

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Jamiyar Mutanin Arewa etc, as an inbuilt mechanism to checkmate the excesses of external

misrule in Nigeria. It is however interesting to note that, most of these cultural groupings and

hegemonic configurations were later transformed into political institutions. For example,

while the Pan-Yoruba cultural organization, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, metamorphosed into

the Action Group, the Jamiyar Mutanin Arewa transformed into the erstwhile Northern

People’s Congress (Alkali, 2004).

At the dawn of colonial conquest, resistance was organized and coordinated by states existing

in the social formations that constituted Nigeria. After colonial conquest, the resistance was

sustained by civil organizations of both a modern and traditional nature. The Aba and

Abeokuta women’s movements, the Enugu coal miners as well as the indigenous press such

as the West African Pilot, students and other nationalist groups continued resistance against

the colonial project in Nigeria. In the traditional sphere, civil associations were also active

and vibrant. Such institutions included farmers associations in the South-West, traders

associations in the north of Nigeria and village and community associations throughout the

country (Coleman, 1958; Williams, 1980).

During the first civilian administration in 1960-1966, labour organizations, student

associations and the media provided a strong leadership and organized protests against

unpopular policies (Young, 1997). The decade of the 1970s was a period of oil boom and

development fervour in Nigeria. During that period, there was the formation of cooperative

movements and trade unions. It was also during the period that self help and cooperative

movements were established to ensure that some of the oil revenues trickled down to the

grassroots. In this period, trade unions and student associations actively agitated for the

interests of their members and their self declared allies.

The decade of the 1980s witnessed fundamental changes in the nature and development of

civil society in Nigeria. More civil organizations were registered during the 1980s than in any

other period in the post independence history of Nigeria. The United Nations International

Children’s’ Emergency Fund (UNICEF) study on NGOs in Nigeria observes that the largest

percentage of NGOs was registered in this period. This decade was also a decade of

increasing intervention by the state in both traditional and modern spheres of civil society.

Between the 1980s and the 1990s, civil society played three important roles. First, it played a

leading role in mobilizing the poor and their organizations against unpopular economic

policies within the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) framework. Second, a plethora

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of civic groups and associations including grassroots, community based associations, and

faith based associations emerged providing assistance to their members and the poor, in the

absence of reliable government. Thirdly, the civil society associations played a very crucial

role in the expansion of the political space (CIVICUS report 2007).

The state dominated by a military President, General Ibrahim Babangida sought to build

legitimacy by supporting and even creating selected civil associations. The Babangida

government of 1985-1993 supported associations of traditional rulers and some women

associations while it opposed and even banned associations of workers, students, journalists

and other professionals. Also, the cancellation of the June 12 1993 election further fuelled the

activities of civil groups and society (Saliu, 2006a).

Similar to the Babangida regime was the Abacha regime which came into power in

November 1993. This regime however, actively sought to create its own constituency in the

society by encouraging only the groups that supported it. It also sought support from existing

groups by handsomely rewarding those that did not support it. The regime also saw to the

execution of the leaders of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), a

radical civil group in the Niger-Delta region. This however only moved more communities in

the region into joining the struggle for minority rights, environmental protection and

development (Saliu, 2006a).

The Abacha dictatorship left civil society battle hardened and mobilized, vibrant and

confident. At the same time, civil society was scarred during the military dictatorship due to

the arrest of its leaders and the banning and repression of some of its members. It was also

challenged by limited resources and capacity, and creeping division in vision and strategy

(Osaghae, 2002). The existing relationship between the state and the civil society of Nigeria

remained that of confrontation rather than accommodation, of competition rather than

partnership.

Since the inception of civilian government in 1999, the civil society sector has been going

through a transitional phase, and now enjoys new freedoms and tests new spaces for civic

engagement. Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the state has become relatively open

to criticism and allows inputs from the public space. By implication, therefore, the various

interests are largely articulated in the scheme of the nation’s policy making processes for an

enhanced socio-economic and political development in Nigeria (Omodia and Erunke 2007).

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With the enthronement of democratic governance in Nigeria, the civil society has been

persistent in its agitation for good governance, working against the repeat of her ugly

experiences during the long years of military dictatorship. Thus Akindele (2003) stated that;

…today, civil society faces greater challenges and more onerous responsibility in helping to consolidate democracy and make it sustainable as well as irreversible than it did in the struggle to enthrone it.

In essence, civil society still faces a greater challenge in ensuring the continuity of democracy

in Nigeria having fought to enthrone it. Consequently, civil society in Nigeria has ensured the

institution of structures to guide against the subversion of the will of the people by the

government (Omodia and Erunke 2007).

Data Presentation and Analysis

This section dwells on the presentation and analysis of the data obtained in the course of this

study. Data were collated and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences

(SPSS version 17.0) software. Statistical analyses include frequency distribution tables,

simple percentages and Regression. A total number of 100 questionnaires were self

administered to respondents and 70 were recovered and duly analyzed. Short descriptive

analyses of the tables are also presented for the purpose of clarity.

Table 4.1: Distribution of Respondents by Sex

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid

male 37 52.9 52.9 52.9

female 33 47.1 47.1 100.0 Total

70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: As indicated in Table 4.1, 52.9% of respondents are male while 47.1% are

female. This analysis shows that there are more male respondents than female. This is due to

the fact that the male gender is more interested in political issues than the female gender.

Table 4.2: Distribution of Respondents by Age

Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative

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Percent PercentValid 18-30 40 57.1 57.1 57.1 31-40 17 24.3 24.3 81.4 41-50 11 15.7 15.7 97.1 51 and above 2 2.9 2.9 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: The above table shows that ages between 18-30 years constitute 57% of the

respondents while those between 31 and 40 years constitute 24% and those that are 41 to 50

constitute 16% of the sample population. Ages 51 and above constitute 3% while Ages below

18 are excluded from the study since people in this category are viewed by the constitution of

Nigeria as not able to take independent decision. It is clear from the table above that majority

of the respondents are above 31 years of age. This maturity in age affords the researcher the

opportunity to gather very useful information since individuals between this age are

experienced and are expected to have a substantial knowledge about the field of study.

Table 4.3: Distribution of Respondents by Educational Qualifications

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid BSc 49 70.0 70.0 70.0 MSc 3 4.3 4.3 74.3 PhD 6 8.6 8.6 82.9 others 12 17.1 17.1 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Drawing from Table 4.3 above, it is clear that 70% of respondents have B.

Sc degree while 4% have M.Sc degree. 6% however have Ph.D degree. 17% of the

respondents did not have educational qualification specified above. The fact that over 71% of

the respondents have tertiary education shows a high level of literacy among the respondents

indicating that they have adequate knowledge of the topic of research.

Table 4.4: Civil Society Groups are totally free from Government intervention

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid Strongly Agree 14 20.0 20.0 20.0 Agree 16 22.9 22.9 42.9 Undecided 2 2.9 2.9 45.7 Disagree 26 37.1 37.1 82.9

12

Strongly Disagree 12 17.1 17.1 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents in the Guardian Newspaper were asked whether or not the

agency is fully independent of governmental control. 20% strongly agreed and 23 simply

agreed. 3 were undecided. 37% however disagreed while 12% strongly disagreed. From this

analysis it is observed that while a total of 43% agreed that the agency is fully independent of

governmental control, a total of 54% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded

therefore, that majority of the respondents disagreed that the agency is fully independent of

governmental control.

Table 4.5: The Agency is a Platform for Public Opinion and Advocacy

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid Strongly Agree 29 41.4 41.4 41.4 Agree 34 48.6 48.6 90.0 Undecided 3 4.3 4.3 94.3 Disagree 3 4.3 4.3 98.6 Strongly Disagree 1 1.4 1.4 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: From the Table 4.5 above, the frequency distribution of the respondents in

the Guardian Newspaper on whether or not the agency provides opportunities for members of

the public to express their views. 41% strongly agreed and 49% simply agreed. 4% were

undecided. 4% however disagreed while 1% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is

observed that while a total of 90% agreed that the agency provides opportunities for members

of the public to express their views, a total of 5% of the respondents disagreed. It can be

concluded that majority of the respondents agreed that Guardian Newspaper provides

opportunities for members of the public to express their views.

Table 4.6: The Government Sanctions the Agency after Publication of Certain Stories.

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid

Strongly Agree 9 12.9 12.9 12.9

Agree 29 41.4 41.4 54.3 Undecided 12 17.1 17.1 71.4

13

Disagree 12 17.1 17.1 88.6 Strongly Disagree 8 11.4 11.4 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not government sanctions the agency

after publication of certain stories. 13% strongly agreed and 41 simply agreed. 17% were

undecided. 17% however disagreed while 11% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is

observed that while a total of 54% agreed that government sanctions the agency after

publication of certain stories, a total of 18% of the respondents disagreed. It can be

concluded, that majority of the respondents agreed that government sanctions the agency

after publication of certain stories.

Table 4.7: The Agency as a Civil Society Group Sues the Government if it Meddles in its Affairs

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid

Strongly Agree 7 10.0 10.0 10.0

Agree 27 38.6 38.6 48.6 Undecided 9 12.9 12.9 61.4 Disagree 19 27.1 27.1 88.6 Strongly Disagree 8 11.4 11.4 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the agency as a civil society group

sues the government if it meddles in its affairs. From the 70 respondents observed, 10%

strongly agreed and 39 simply agreed. 13% were undecided. 27% however disagreed while

11% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of 49% agreed

that the agency as a civil society group sues the government if it meddles in its affairs, a total

of 38% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents

agreed that the agency as a civil society group sues the government if it meddles in its affairs.

Table 4.8: Civil Society Groups Promote Democratic Governance in Nigeria

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid Strongly Agree 32 45.7 45.7 45.7

14

Agree 24 34.3 34.3 80.0 Undecided 6 8.6 8.6 88.6 Disagree 6 8.6 8.6 97.1 Strongly Disagree 2 2.9 2.9 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the civil society groups promote

democratic governance in Nigeria. From the 70 respondents observed as shown in Table 4.8

above, 46% strongly agreed and 34 simply agreed. 9% were undecided. 9% however

disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of

80% agreed that the civil society groups promote democratic governance in Nigeria, a total of

11% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents

agreed that the civil society groups promote democratic governance in Nigeria.

Table 4.9: Guardian as a Civil Society Group Serves as a Check against the Excesses of Nigerian Government

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid

Strongly Agree 23 32.9 32.9 32.9

Agree 33 47.1 47.1 80.0 Undecided 7 10.0 10.0 90.0 Disagree 6 8.6 8.6 98.6 Strongly Disagree 1 1.4 1.4 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: From the Table 4.9 above, the frequency distribution of the respondents on

whether or not the Guardian Newspaper as a civil society serves as a check against the

excesses of Nigerian government, 33% strongly agreed and 47% simply agreed. 10% of the

respondents were undecided. However 9% disagreed while 1% strongly disagreed. From this

analysis it is observed that while a total of 77% agreed that the agency as a civil society

serves as a check against the excesses of Nigerian government, a total of 10% of the

respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents agreed that the

agency serves as a check against the excesses of Nigerian government.

Table 4.10: Democratic Practice in Nigeria since 1999 has Done More Good than Harm to the Civil Society

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Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid

Strongly Agree 9 12.9 12.9 12.9

Agree 23 32.9 32.9 45.7 Undecided 8 11.4 11.4 57.1 Disagree 28 40.0 40.0 97.1 Strongly Disagree 2 2.9 2.9 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not democratic practice in Nigeria since

1999 has done more good than harm to the civil society. From the Table 4.10 above, it is seen

that 13% strongly agreed and 33 simply agreed. 11% were undecided. 40% however

disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of

46% agreed that democratic practice in Nigeria since 1999 has done more good than harm to

the civil society, a total of 43% of the respondents disagreed. This reveals a close margin

between those that agreed and those that disagreed. With just a 3% difference between the

two groups, one can conclude that the agreement among the respondents that democratic

practice in Nigeria since 1999 has done more good than harm to the civil society is not very

strongly upheld.

Table 4.11: The Effectiveness of Civil Society in Nigeria is Hindered by Internal Divisions among the Groups

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid Strongly Agree 18 25.7 25.7 25.7 Agree 39 55.7 55.7 81.4 Undecided 6 8.6 8.6 90.0 Disagree 5 7.1 7.1 97.1 Strongly Disagree 2 2.9 2.9 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the effectiveness of civil society in

Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions among groups. From the Table

4.11 above, it is seen that 26% strongly agreed and 56 simply agreed. 9% were undecided.

7% however disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that

while a total of 82% of the respondents agreed that the effectiveness of civil society in

Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions among groups, a total of 10% of

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the respondents disagreed. This reveals that majority of the respondents agreed that the

effectiveness of civil society in Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions

among groups.

Table 4.12: Civil Society Groups in Nigeria Have Become Negligent with the Emergence of the Fourth Republic.

Frequency PercentValid

PercentCumulative

PercentValid Strongly Agree 6 8.6 8.6 8.6 Agree 26 37.1 37.1 45.7 Undecided 17 24.3 24.3 70.0 Disagree 18 25.7 25.7 95.7 Strongly Disagree 3 4.3 4.3 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Source: Fieldwork (2013)

Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the civil society groups in Nigeria

have become negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic. From the Table 4.12

above, it is seen that 9% strongly agreed and 37 simply agreed. 24% were undecided. 26%

however disagreed while 4% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a

total of 46% of the respondents agreed that civil society groups in Nigeria have become

negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic, a total of 30% of the respondents

disagreed. This reveals that majority of the respondents agreed that civil society groups in

Nigeria have become negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic.

4.13 Hypothesis Testing

The hypothetical statement of this research work is tested and the test results are presented in

this section. The acceptance or rejection of this hypothesis was tested with the Multiple

Regression statistical technique using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS)

Version 17.0. According to Pallant (2001:134), multiple regression can be used to explore the

relationship between one continuous dependent variable and a number of independent

predictors. The dependent variable in these hypotheses is Civil Society while the independent

variable is democratic governance. The hypothesis is stated both in the null and alternative

form as;

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H0: There is no significant relationship between the civil society and democratic governance

in Nigeria.

H1: There is a significant relationship between the civil society and democratic governance in

Nigeria.

The Test Result of Hypothesis

Variables Entered/Removed (b)

Model Variables EnteredVariables Removed Method

1 CSG is platform for advocacy, CSG promotes democracy, CSG as a means of expressing public opinion, CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies, CSG serves as checks on government(a)

. Enter

a. All requested variables entered.b. Dependent Variable: Civil Society

Model Summary

Model R R SquareAdjusted R

SquareStd. Error of the

Estimate1 .594(a) .353 .303 .70282

a. Predictors: (Constant), CSG is platform for advocacy,CSG promotes democracy, CSG as a means of expressing public opinion, CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies, CSG serves as checks on government.

ANOVA(b)

Model Sum of Squares Df

Mean Square F Sig.

1 Regression 17.258 5 3.452 6.988 .000(a) Residual 31.613 64 0.494

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Total 48.871 69a. Predictors: (Constant), CSG is platform for advocacy,

CSG promotes democracy, CSG as a means of expressing public opinion, CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies, CSG serves as checks on government.

b. Dependent Variable: Civil Society

Coefficients (a)

Model Unstandardized

CoefficientsStandardized Coefficients t Sig.

BStd.

Error Beta BStd.

Error1 (Constant) .433 .283 1.531 .131 CSG is platform for

advocacy .265 .114 .301 2.331 .023

CSG promotes democracy .148 .099 .188 1.491 .141

CSG as a means of expressing public opinion

.138 .105 .147 1.316 .193

CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies

.243 .093 .309 2.629 .011

CSG serves as checks on government -.099 .078 -.145 -1.276 .207

a. Dependent Variable: Civil Society

The ANOVA table above shows the result of the regression statistical test on the research

hypothesis. The table indicates F-cal value of 6.988 at the associated significant level of

0.000. This is less than the conventional significant level of 0.05. According to the statistical

rule when the level of significance is less than 0.05 the null hypothesis is rejected and hence

the alternative hypothesis accepted. On the contrary however, when the level of significance

is higher than 0.05, the null hypothesis accepted and the alternative hypothesis rejected.

4.14 Decision

Since the ANOVA result indicates a level of significance (0.000) that is less than the

conventional significant level, the null hypothesis that there is no significant relationship

between the civil society and democratic governance in Nigeria is rejected. The alternative

hypothesis which states that there is a significant relationship between the civil society and

democratic governance in Nigeria is accepted.

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Conclusion and Recommendations

The study has demonstrated that a democratic state cannot be stable without a vibrant civil

society. Empirical findings have shown that civil society acts as a check on the actions and

behaviours of public officials, monitors the process of governance, and thus, vital partner in

the quest for positive relationship between the democratic state and its citizens. Interestingly,

the role of the Guardian Newspapers as an agent of civil society was copiously documented

in driving the process of democratization. It continues to play an important role in ensuring

transparency and accountability of the government and advocating for the diverse interests of

a pluralized society. All these, no doubt enhances democratic governance.

The study recommends among others, that the Nigerian government must immediately open

up the democratic space by granting more access and freedom to the media and must as a

matter of policy priority refrain from meddling in the affairs of the media houses. Also, the

government should improve the national security environment in the country to enhance

productivity and creativity of the press. Furthermore, the media houses must be very

objective in their analysis and take immediate steps to remedy any damage done to national

security where the case is applicably. Similarly, the civil society groups must “re-group” and

repair the ugly public image of recurrent internal cleaves within their ranks so as to

continually enjoy the solidarity of the other members of the national community.

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