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Vaisnavism and the Social and Mental Health Sciences

by David Wolf

Published in The Journal of Indian Psychology

2002- Volume 20 (1), pgs. 1-12

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Vaisnavism and the Social and Mental Health Sciences

by David Wolf

Abstract

This article provides a Vaisnava view of major paradigms of Western sociological

theory, including discussion of ontological, epistemological and methodological issues

in the social and mental health sciences. Practical applications of scientific methods to

Vaisnava theory and practices are discussed. These applications are based on

validation of guna theory, and a survey study of the gunas is described. Conclusions

of the paper include the unsuitability of Western frameworks for study of Vedic social

science, and the capacity for Vaisnava approaches to inform theoretical and practical

discussions in the sociological and psychological disciplines.

This article will present a Vaisnava perspective on social and mental health

science. First, theoretical issues will be discussed, focusing on ontological,

epistemological and methodological concerns. Then, major social science paradigms

will be briefly analyzed from a Vaisnava viewpoint, and examples of and possibilities

for practical application of Vaisnava social science will be explicated. The final part of

this paper will present conclusions regarding Vaisnavism and the social sciences.

Theoretical Issues

Ontologically, social science approaches exist on a continuum with realism and

nominalism at the extremes. Nominalists deny that social structures are real, and assert

that reality is a subjective phenomena, while realists insist that social structures exist

as empirical entities (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). For Vaisnavas, creation, consisting of

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material and spiritual aspects, is real. This realism is countered, however, by the

understanding that persons in material consciousness, who comprise almost everyone

in this world, falsely perceive reality according to the illusory conceptions that

constitute their false ego. The Vaisnava social scientist, therefore, acknowledges the

importance of subjectivity in studying and interacting with people, since subjective

understandings are the subtle force that drives human interaction. Another caveat to

regarding Vaisnavas as realists is the theological notion that reality is a manifestation

of the consciousness of God. In this sense, Vaisnavas may be considered as radical

subjectivists.

Epistemologically, social scientists can be placed on the continuum from anti-

positivism to positivism. Positivist epistemologies, which dominate the natural

sciences, search for regularities and causal relationships in the social world. Anti-

positivists prefer to view social science as a subjective undertaking, and concentrate

on comprehending the experience of the individual, rather than discovering objective

laws governing interaction (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). Anumana, the Vedic version of

inferential epistemology, closely approximates positivist methods. Though the Vedas

accept this approach to knowledge, they declare that it is inferior to the process of

sabda brahman, or receiving knowledge from a genuinely authoritative source.

Vaisnavas regard positivism as inherently defective because it is based on imperfect

senses. Since material minds and senses are intrinsically faulty, they are not suitable

instruments for obtaining perfect knowledge or achieving an objective stance.

Furthermore, collections of imperfect instruments are also unsatisfactory, and may in

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fact increase deviance from objectivity, often accompanied by the illusion of

impartiality.

A Vaisnava views knowledge as innate to the self. This knowledge is covered,

and Vaisnava social science seeks to extricate the self from this covering. Towards

this goal, positivist and anti-positivist approaches may be used, though utilization does

not negate inherent flaws of a method. Examples of such utilization will be given later

in this article.

Voluntarism versus determinism forms another debate amongst social science

theorists. Voluntarists accept the free will of the human being, whereas determinists

believe that a person’s actions are caused by environmental factors (Burrell &

Morgan, 1979). Vaisnavas view the self as possessing free will. However, the capacity

for self-determination is covered by the material energy. To the extent that the self is

covered by the modes of material nature, or gunas, free will cannot manifest.

Methodologically, social science research techniques include qualitative and

quantitative methods. Quantitative techniques tend to be compatible with realist,

positivist and determinist approaches (Heineman, 1981). From the Vaisnava vantage

point, quantitative techniques are increasingly useful as the object of study possesses

less consciousness. Thus, a positivist, quantitative research design would be more

effective studying rocks than animals, and least effective when studying human

beings, due to the relatively high degree of consciousness in humans. Consciousness

means free will. When free will enters the equation, predictive capacity of the scientist

decreases. Hence, social sciences are less exact than hard sciences such as chemistry

and physics. Still, material nature covers the free will of humans to a large extent, and

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therefore the Vaisnava social scientist can utilize quantitative methods for researching

social interaction and the activities of the mind and intelligence. By employing

quantitative approaches, the social scientist is implicitly expressing deterministic

assumptions about the person(s) being studied.

Vaisnavism and Social Science Paradigms

Burrell and Morgan (1979) delineate four paradigms of social science theory,

arrayed on the axes of subjective-objective (abscissa) and regulation-radical change

(ordinate). Regulation-radical change refers to the extent to which a theory advocates

social change as opposed to maintenance of the status quo.

In the lower-right quadrant are functionalist theories, which are regulatory

rather than change-oriented, and which are realist and determinist. These theories

utilize positivist epistemologies and include social systems theory and objectivism.

Sociological theorists such as Durkheim and Pareto, and psychological theorists such

as Freud and Skinner, fit in this paradigm. Ultimately, this paradigm is reductionistic

and deterministic, and therefore is opposed to Vaisnava ontology, especially the

principle of self-determination. Functionalist theory is strained to provide a basis for

ethical and moral principles, such as empathy, respect and compassion. That is, if a

person is merely a collection of atoms, what does it matter how others are treated? For

the helping professions amongst the social sciences, such as psychology and social

work, this poses a dilemma, especially because many social work and psychological

theories are rooted in functionalism. As described above, a Vaisnava view of material

nature is in accord with the functionalist paradigm, though the philosophies vastly

diverge as the soul sheds the coverings of the gunas. Additionally, the Vaisnava social

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scientist accepts the objectivity of the functionalist, though maintains that

epistemologies based on the mundane mind and senses are inadequate for accessing

objective reality.

In the lower-left quadrant is the interpretivist paradigm. These theories are

subjectivist, and do not focus on social change. The regulatory function of

interpretivist theories is implicit. That is, by virtue of concentrating on the individual

as the primary unit of study, these approaches tacitly assert that the individual, rather

than social structure, is what needs to change. At the extreme of subjectivist paradigms

are solipsistic theories. Closer to the center are phenomenological theories and

psychological approaches such as Rogerian client-centered therapy and narrative

family therapy.

Without abandoning the concept of objective reality, a Vaisnava social

scientist acknowledges the importance of subjective experience in influencing a

person’s life and social interaction. A Vaisnava counselor, for example, strives for

empathy, though the motivation for empathic communication is different from that of

the interpretivist. For a Vaisnava mental health practitioner, endeavors towards

empathy are not based on the idea that a person’s belief system is true by virtue of the

fact that it exists in subjective consciousness. Rather, empathy naturally flows from

the spiritual self and is employed by the Vaisnava counselor to establish a relationship

that helps a person become emancipated from the modes of nature, thereby regaining

true freedom and original consciousness.

Ultimately, relativist positions struggle to provide a foundation for action.

Since action is based on priorities derived from personal values, then declaration that

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value systems and hierarchical organizations of opinions and ethical choices are

inherently meaningless leaves one with no firm basis for scientific work. Also,

distressing affective states, such as emptiness and insecurity, frequently result from

such a world view, and this should be of great concern to mental health professionals.

A few years ago a student orator at a Harvard graduation declared “Among my

classmates, however, I believe that there is one idea, one sentiment, which we have all

acquired at some point in our Harvard careers: and that, ladies and gentlemen, is, in a

word, confusion...They tell us that it is heresy to suggest the superiority of some value,

fantasy to believe in moral argument, slavery to submit to a judgment sounder than

your own. The freedom of our day is the freedom to devote ourselves to any values we

please, on the mere condition that we do not believe them to be true” (Bellah, Madsen,

Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1991, pp. 43-44). This nicely illustrates the conundrum of

the subjectivists. Though universal acceptance is promoted, this equality is often based

on regarding all external manifestations of culture and belief as inherently

meaningless. Thus, it may be grounded on patronizing condescension more than

genuine respect. If one maintains genuine belief in a concrete value or religious

system, then subjectivists may covertly and paradoxically consider the person to be

mistaken.

Like interpretivist social scientists, a Vaisnava focuses on individual

consciousness, stressing sensitivity and compassion. However, a Vaisnava does this

within a realist, rather than a nominalist, framework. Objectivist underpinnings of

Vedic philosophy lead to an educational approach for the Vaisnava counselor, which

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is opposed to the interpretivist orientation, though the Vaisnava and interpretivist

share a conception of innate knowledge within all persons.

Radical-humanism, defined by concern for social change from a subjectivist

reference point, occupies the upper-left quadrant. Theories in this quadrant assert that

people are prevented from contacting their original consciousness because of

repressive social arrangements that cause individuals to feel alienated and removed

from personal experience. Though this paradigm, represented by philosophers such as

Sartre and the young Marx, seeks to change society, it focuses on individual

consciousness. Like the interpretivist paradigm, radical-humanist theories approach

social science from a nominalist, anti-positivist and voluntaristic perspective. Analyses

of the subjective aspects of interpretivism apply to radical-humanism. Radical-

humanism, however, has the added difficulty of philosophically justifying

commitment to social change. To elaborate, radical-humanism denies objective

foundations, making it difficult to establish a consistent basis for social advocacy.

There is a Vaisnava social agenda, involving the development of the

spiritually-based varnasrama system. This system facilitates the progression of

individual consciousness to higher modes of nature and eventually to the suddha-

sattva position, transcendental to the gunas. Still, it may be argued that the prime focus

of Vaisnava social scientists is individual consciousness. According to Vaisnava

philosophy, advancement of consciousness is not ultimately dependent on external

social structures. Furthermore, even if Vedic social organization is established, its

efficacy will be determined by the purity of individuals within that organization. This

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is not to minimize the importance of varnasrama, but rather to emphasize that it is

designed to facilitate spiritual advancement, and not as a goal in itself.

Theorists in the upper-right quadrant, or the radical-structuralist paradigm,

advocate social change from an objectivist perspective. The basic approach to science

of these theories is similar to functionalist theories, in that it is positivist, realist and

determinist. However, the goal for radical-structuralists is social change, whereas

functionalist theories tend towards maintenance of the status quo. Like radical-

humanists, radical-structuralists critique society, though radical-structuralists focus on

social structures, that are considered to factually exist, whereas radical-humanists

concentrate on individual consciousness that has been disaffected by social

arrangements. The mature Marx is the primary intellectual influence for this paradigm,

and current theories within the radical-structuralist paradigm include conflict theory

and feminism.

For a Vaisnava social theorist, material life means struggle. Obviously, social

structures and injustices impinge on the individual. As indicated in the analysis of

radical-humanism, the fairness and integrity of a social system is predominantly

dependent on the consciousness of the persons participating in the system. Therefore,

a Vaisnava regards social change as useless without a change in consciousness, since

consciousness will ultimately translate into behavior. From the perspective of

Vaisnava social philosophy, equality is only possible on the spiritual platform.

Material bodies, gross and subtle, are full of inequalities, but spiritually everyone is

equal, though unique. Mere alteration of social hierarchy, culminating in a shift of

political power from one materially designated group to another, without dispelling

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the illusion of false identification with the material body, will simply continue the

travail of material life.

Applications

An argument could be made that the entire Vaisnava process of bhakti-yoga

adheres to the criteria of empirical science. Vedic philosophy is the hypothesis, the

practices of bhakti are the experiment, and the results can be experienced by the

practitioner. Any number of spiritual scientists can perform this experiment to

determine whether the results conform to Vedic theory.

This discussion will focus on initial phases of Vaisnava practice. Specifically,

examples will be given that describe potential application of Vaisnava social science

in the material world, as opposed to the spiritual realm. Material reality is governed by

the three gunas, or modes of material nature- sattva, rajas and tamas. These constructs

are conducive to scientific study because they are elaborately defined in the Vedas.

Therefore, they can be fairly easily operationalized for experimentation. Once they are

operationalized, replicable methods can be devised for observing and measuring the

gunas. Since all Vedic material science is based on the modes of nature, validation of

this concept can open storehouses of knowledge for the benefit of the world. In

addition to validating the guna constructs, specific Vaisnava practices can be studied

with regards to guna theory. Such experiments would not only test the value of

particular practices, but would further confirm or negate the concept of the three

modes of nature.

Essentially, modal influences form the material personality of an individual.

Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and Misra (1996), expressing skepticism about the capability

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of Western psychological constructs to explicate and understand Vedic psychology,

have suggested exploration of Vedic psychology on its own terms, with emphasis on

the spiritual ontology of personhood. In Vaisnava ontology, this personhood is a

spiritual entity that is irreducible, and that is the basis of personal relationships. Only

when the spiritual spark is free from the covering of the gunas can the original

spiritual personality manifest.

Though there are many Western personality theories and inventories, none

adequately estimates the Vedic paradigm. Amongst Western measures, the Myers-

Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), based on C. G. Jung’s theory of psychological types,

may come closest to the Vedic conception. This is not surprising, since Jung was

influenced by Eastern thought. The MBTI was formulated with an orientation towards

vocational preference (McCaulley, 1990), and there are some conceptual similarities

between the MBTI dimensions and the varnas. For example, the MBTI IE (Introvert-

Extrovert) scale roughly corresponds to the brahmana-sudra continuum, with

brahmanas more conceptually oriented and sudras more physically oriented, with

ksatriyas and vaisyas in the middle. Other MBTI scales, however, do not correspond

with the varnas, and even those that show some parallels fail to extract the nuances of

Vedic descriptions. Thus, the assertion of Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and Misra (1996) is

supported, and a personality theory based on the gunas is necessary to comprehend

Vaisnava psychology.

There have been a few attempts to construct a personality inventory based on

the three modes of nature (Pathak, Bhatt, & Sharma, 1992; Rao& Harigopal, 1979;

Wolf, 1998, 1999), and Das and Das (1987) have studied managerial approaches in

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relation to the gunas. Wolf has conducted the most extensive attempt to formulate a

scale to assess guna predominance. He devised a 90-item survey, with each question

designed to elicit strong agreement from a person predominated by one of the gunas.

Guna definitions were primarily obtained from the Bhagavad-gita, Chapters 14, 17 and

18, and confirmed by Vedic scholars. For example, “I am satisfied with my life,” was

a sattva item, and “I enjoy spending time in bars,” was a tamas item. A seven-point

Likert-type scale was used as the response format. In addition, two existing scales, the

Verbal Aggressiveness Scale (VAS) (Infante and Wigley, 1986) and the Satisfaction

With Life Scale (SWLS) (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985), were included at

the end of the Vedic Personality Inventory (VPI) as measures of construct validity.

Construct validity measures the degree to which scores on an instrument correlate with

scores on instruments measuring similar constructs. Specifically, rajas was

hypothesized to positively correlate with VAS, and sattva was hypothesized to

positively correlate with SWLS, while tamas was predicted to negatively correlate

with SWLS. Additionally, single-item indicators, such as hours of sleep per day, were

included for measurement of construct validity. Six-hundred-nineteen persons

participated in the survey.

Through statistical analysis, described in Wolf (1998, 1999), the 90-item VPI

was reduced to an 80-item scale, which was further studied and then reduced to the

final 56-item version. In this research, each guna is a subscale of the VPI. Reliability,

or consistency, of a subscale measures the extent to which responses to one question

on a subscale correspond to responses to the other questions on the subscale. In

essence, this is an assessment of how well the subscale fits together as a unit.

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Reliability coefficients for the guna subscales ranged from .93 to .94, which indicates

strong reliability (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). Statistical analysis of measures for

construct validity also provided encouraging preliminary evidence for the existence of

the gunas. In addition, factorial validity was examined. Factorial validity assesses the

extent to which an item corresponds to its intended subscale, in relation to its

correspondence with other subscales. The loading of every item in the 56-item VPI is

stronger for the intended subscale than for any other subscale. Sattva items generally

correlated negatively with rajas and tamas subscales, and rajas items tended to

negatively correlate with sattva and positively with tamas. As predicted by Vedic

theory, all tamas items negatively correlated with the sattva subscale

The VPI was used in experiments on the effects of chanting the Hare Krsna

Maha Mantra, which is described in many of the Vedas, including the Kali-santarana

Upanisada, the Narada Pancaratna, and the Agni Purana (Prabhupada, 1972), as an

important mantra for improving mental health. A single-system pilot study was

conducted on five subjects, with dependent variables including spirituality, life

satisfaction, verbal aggressiveness, stress, depression, well-being, sattva, rajas, and

tamas. Five subjects were measured during a one-week baseline and a four-week

intervention chanting phase. Results were in the direction predicted by Vedic theory

(Wolf, 2001), and warranted a more rigorous group study on the intervention.

Primary hypotheses of the group study were that the maha mantra group would

increase sattva, and decrease stress, depression, rajas and tamas, significantly more

than the control and alternate mantra groups. Subjects were tested at pretest, posttest,

and followup, with testing times separated by 4 weeks. Participants were randomly

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assigned to one of the three groups. MANOVA results supported hypotheses based on

Vaisnava theory from pretest to posttest at p<.05 for all dependent variables except

rajas. This suggests that the Hare Krsna Maha Mantra has potential in addressing

problems related to stress and depression. It is also recommended that the maha

mantra be considered as one possible component of a spiritual approach to social work

practice. Based on this research, several practitioners have already begun to utilize the

Maha Mantra in clinical work (Wolf, 2002), and to use the VPI in further research

projects (e.g., Caturvedi, 2000).

These are examples of how positivist, nomothetic research methods can be

used in Vaisnavism. There are many possible extensions of such research. For

instance, mental health practitioners could obtain guna profiles for clients, indicating

the degree of predominance for each mode. Then, an intervention could be evaluated

based on changes in the guna profile. To illustrate, the Vaisnava practice of japa

meditation is designed, through the medium of sound vibration, to help someone rise

from tamas and rajas to sattva and higher realms of consciousness. According to Vedic

theory, depression is a symptom of tamas. By practicing japa meditation, one should

rise to sattva, and the depression should be alleviated. This could be assessed with an

instrument such as the VPI. Similarly, excessive anxiety is likely caused by an over-

abundance of rajas. Sattvic practices, according to Vedic theory, should mitigate

stress, and this could also be measured with a guna scale. Many Vaisnava practices,

such as rising for brahma-muhurta and a prasadam diet, could be evaluated with

empirical methods of social science.

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Techniques for studying Vedic theory and Vaisnava practices could include

qualitative and quantitative approaches, active or passive methods, and a macro or

micro focus. Research based on the modes of nature, such as testing the efficacy of

mantra yoga, could utilize single-system designs or experimental group methods. For

areas that remain relatively undefined, qualitative approaches may be more

appropriate. For example, though varnasrama theory is extensively explained in the

Vedas, it is unclear how to implement varnasrama in the modern age. Active,

qualitative techniques, such as participant-observation and open-ended interviews, can

be used to obtain rich information about Vaisnava community life and formulate

models for implementation of a Vaisnava social system. Several qualitative studies of

Vaisnava communities in the West have been conducted (e.g., Zaidman-Dvir, 1994;

Rochford, 1985; Daner, 1976). Such studies could culminate in theories that could

then be tested with quantitative approaches. To illustrate, a quantitative approach to

Vaisnava social organization could involve a guna instrument specifically designed to

differentiate varnas. Another illustration of guna research applied to social issues

involves crime prevention. According to guna theory, criminal activity results from

rajas and tamas, the lower modes of nature. Cleanliness is characteristic of sattva.

Hence, it could be hypothesized that by markedly increasing efforts to clean an area,

crime will decrease in that location. This hypothesis is conducive to a group design

involving several urban areas, some implementing the cleanliness program and others

serving as a control group. Preliminary evidence for such a sattva-based crime-

prevention program already exists (Gladwell, 2000).

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One may argue that Vaisnava researchers are inherently biased. In response, it

should be noted that all scientists have biases. A good researcher acknowledges biases

and personal values. Bias is minimized by rigorous methodology, which includes a

design that can be replicated. Hence, a Vaisnava social scientist, like other social

scientists, should acknowledge researcher bias and attempt to minimize it by strong

methodology. From a Vaisnava viewpoint, acquiring real knowledge requires spiritual

vision and detachment from material desires. Bias and distortion result from material

attachment, and thus spiritual advancement reduces bias.

Conclusion

Though Burrell’s and Morgan’s (1979) four paradigms are meant to be

comprehensive, mutually exclusive, and not susceptible to synthesis, analysis of the

Vaisnava standpoint on the social and mental health sciences with respect to the

paradigms reveals that the framework is not adequate for classification or

comprehension of Vaisnava social science. Though there are other systems for

categorization of social science theory, the schema of Burrell and Morgan is popular

amongst academicians, and, in support of the position of Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and

Misra (1996), the analyses of this paper indicate that the Vaisnava perspective is not

amenable to dichotomies characteristic of Western debate. Rather, the content and

process of Vaisnava social science deserve to be studied from a Vedic perspective.

Further, Vaisnava theory can augment and enrich discussion of social science

issues. In many areas, as described above, Vaisnava philosophy offers synthesis and

resolution of debates. For instance, in addressing the matter of voluntarism versus

determinism, the Vaisnava approach harmonizes polarities with the ontology of the

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gunas and the spiritual self. In social science research, sole adherence to positivist

methods and epistemologies are perhaps on the wane. Theorists are proposing

alternative systems, most of which include positivist techniques as well as other

approaches. For instance, Heneman’s (1981) heuristic model suggests a pragmatic,

problem-solving approach to research problems. Qualitative and quantitative

techniques are accorded equal status in this model, and are selected according to the

nature of the research question and available resources (Heineman, 1981). A Vaisnava

approach to research supports an eclectic perspective, but goes further in that it offers

a common foundation for qualitative and quantitative methods. With the goal of

extrication from the modes of nature as a benchmark, research methods can be chosen

and evaluated for effectiveness. These are some examples of how Vaisnava theory can

inform discussions in the social sciences.

Apart from theoretical and methodological considerations, Vedic systems and

techniques can be usefully applied in many areas. As these techniques are increasingly

verified by empirical research, the Western world, which is strongly impressed by

empirical methods, will be inclined to adopt these practices. Examples and ideas for

study of japa meditation were described earlier. Additionally, Ayurveda contains

many mental health interventions, for conditions such as neuroses, psychotic

disorders, addictions and memory loss, that can be similarly researched. Treatment of

mental imbalances is based on adjustment of vitiated sattva guna, and further study of

the gunas can therefore be valuable for mental health professionals. Sociologically, the

system of four varnas and four asramas can be studied and experimentally

implemented.

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Finally, the personal emphasis of Vaisnava philosophy can provide a guiding

ethic for social scientists. Attempting to remove the covering of the modes of nature,

the Vaisnava social scientist seeks to reinstate the original spiritual personality of each

individual. Without such restoration, relationships are mechanically conducted on the

basis of the gunas. Within the realm of material nature, the Vedas recommend

governing relationships according to scriptural regulation, as delineated in the

varnasrama system. This ethic is based on material propensity and duty. Genuine

compassion, however, is based on spiritual relationship, unfettered by the gunas. Jane

Addams, a founding mother of the social work profession, is cited by philosophers

(Beauchamp, 1982) as a person for whom compassion, a quality that clearly guided

her life, was not a matter of duty. Rather, it derived from spontaneous concern for

others. Thus, social philosophers recognize the value of ethics based on pure

relationship. According to Vaisnava philosophy, this can only be achieved when the

gunas are absent. Consequently, investigating and instituting methods for delivering

the self from the gunas is relevant for the social and mental health sciences.

To summarize, Western techniques for social and mental health science

research can be incorporated by the Vaisnava social scientist to study Vaisnava theory

and practices. Additionally, the Vaisnava perspective on sociological and

psychological issues can nourish and enhance many debates in the field. Vaisnava

social science is not satisfactorily accommodated by Western sociological paradigms

and should be examined on its own terms. With such study, many Vaisnava practices,

as well as Vedic formulations of social structure, may be found to be useful and

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practical. Moreover, an empathic and merciful ethic based on relationship can emerge

from appreciation and analysis of the Vaisnava spiritual ontology of personhood.

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