United Nations S/PV.4153

Security CouncilFifty-fifth year

4153rd meetingFriday, 9 June 2000, 10.30 a.m.New York

Provisional

This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation ofspeeches delivered in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Recordsof the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. Theyshould be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of thedelegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room C-178.

00-47304 (E)`````````

President: Mr. Levitte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (France)

Members: Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. ListreBangladesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. AhmedCanada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. DuvalChina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. Shen GuofangJamaica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miss DurrantMalaysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. HasmyMali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. KasseNamibia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. AndjabaNetherlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. van WalsumRussian Federation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. LavrovTunisia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. Ben MustaphaUkraine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. Yel’chenkoUnited Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . . . . . Mr. EldonUnited States of America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. Holbrooke

Agenda

Security Council resolutions 1160 (1998), 1199 (1998), 1203 (1998), 1239 (1999)and 1244 (1999)

Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim AdministrationMission in Kosovo (S/2000/538)

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The meeting was called to order at 11.10 a.m.

Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

Security Council resolutions 1160 (1998), 1199(1998), 1203 (1998), 1239 (1999) and 1244 (1999)

Report of the Secretary-General on the UnitedNations Interim Administration Mission inKosovo (S/2000/538)

The President (spoke in French): I should like toinform the Council that I have received letters from therepresentatives of Albania, Portugal and Spain, inwhich they request to be invited to participate in thediscussion of the item on the Council’s agenda. Inconformity with the usual practice, I propose, with theconsent of the Council, to invite those representativesto participate in the discussion, without the right tovote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of theCharter and rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rulesof procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Nesho(Albania), Mr. Monteiro (Portugal) and Mr. Ory(Spain) took the seats reserved for them at theside of the Council Chamber.

The President (spoke in French): In accordancewith the understanding reached in the Council’s priorconsultations and in the absence of objection, I shalltake it that the Security Council decides to extend aninvitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules ofprocedure to Mr. Bernard Kouchner, SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General for Kosovoand head of the United Nations Interim AdministrationMission in Kosovo, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

I welcome Mr. Kouchner and invite him to take aseat at the Council table.

I wish also to welcome to the Chamber for thisimportant meeting a man who is universally respected,Bishop Artemije, President of the Serb NationalCouncil. Also present is a delegation of Serbs fromKosovo, headed by Ms. Rada Trajkovic. I received thatdelegation yesterday in my capacity as President of theCouncil and I welcome them on behalf of the Council.

The Security Council will now begin itsconsideration of the item on its agenda. The Council ismeeting in accordance with the understanding reachedin its prior consultations.

Members of the Council have before them thereport of the Secretary-General on the United NationsInterim Administration Mission in Kosovo(S/2000/538). I am grateful to the Secretary-Generalfor being here with us this morning.

I should like to draw the attention of members ofthe Council to the following other documents:S/2000/491, 497, 508, 525, 526, 527 and 553, lettersvariously dated 26 and 30 May and 1, 2 and 8 June2000 from Yugoslavia; and S/2000/552, letter dated 8June 2000 from the former Yugoslav Republic ofMacedonia.

Members have also received photocopies of aletter dated 7 June 2000 from Yugoslavia, which willbe issued as document S/2000/547.

At this meeting the Security Council will hear abriefing by Mr. Bernard Kouchner, SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General for Kosovoand head of the United Nations Interim AdministrationMission in Kosovo, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Igive Mr. Kouchner the floor.

Mr. Kouchner (spoke in French): Can a fullassessment be made after one year? I think not. At bestthis can be only an interim report. Has it been one yearalready? Or has it been merely one year? Is one yeartoo much, or is it not enough? One year ago, the UnitedNations family was approaching what André Malrauxcalled the complicated Balkans with one very simpleidea in mind: peace. Members will recall that at thattime, after the bombings by the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization (NATO), after 10 years of a policy ofsegregation and after ethnic cleansing, when the UnitedNations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovoarrived, there was nothing: Kosovo was a desert. Onehundred twenty thousand houses had been destroyed,and I would not even venture to guess exactly howmany people had died — certainly thousands, incommon graves. The International Criminal Tribunalfor the former Yugoslavia has stated that there are morethan 550 such graves, of which I remind the Councilthat we have excavated no more than 150.

We must not allow the truth to be hidden. Theinternational community needs much time, patience

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and determination in the face of provocation if it is tohope to be able to bring about the peaceful coexistencein which we continue to believe. Indeed, we believe itin ever more after a year of hard work by theoutstanding team I have the honour to lead. We are notin Kosovo for 12 months or 24 months; we areundoubtedly there for a significant number of years.

Quite a bit of progress has been made in the past12 months, and I should like to summarize it thismorning. To be sure, a great deal remains to be done,but we have accomplished something. But we have noillusions: we will need years to build a society basedon tolerance and democracy. Neither tolerance nordemocracy can be built overnight, especially in thatpart of Europe, and particularly in Kosovo.

I had anticipated that as we approached 15June — a date by which some had felt that the KosovoForce (KFOR) troops and the United Nations Missionwould be withdrawing — there would be manyincidents, many crimes and many killings. That has infact happened, and I deplore it. We must do better onthe security front.

When we arrived, it was a desert. After manyyears of a communist society, then a decade of anunequal society and many years of patentadministrative and economic negligence, we had tobuild a government authority from nothing. Our jobwas a complex one. We had to implement resolution1244 (1999), which the Council had adoptedunanimously. We had to provide an interimadministration and establish provisional institutions fordemocratic and autonomous governance.

There have been four major phases. First, therewas the emergency phase during which we had to dealwith the refugees. Then came demilitarization, whichwhile imperfect met with some degree of success forthe first time in history. Next was the establishment ofa political administration. And now comes the fourthphase, the elections, for which we are preparing atpresent.

In the first phase, 900,000 refugees returned toKosovo with assistance from the United Nations familyand from non-governmental organizations, and with thehelp of the Office of the United Nations HighCommissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Among othertasks, about which a report will be issued thisafternoon, UNHCR had to deal with this surge ofrefugees. With the help of all the forces on the ground,

and thanks to the donor community, most significantlythe European Union, the UNHCR along with othersmade it possible for the 900,000 refugees to survive thewinter.

It was minus 30 degrees in Kosovo in winter andthere was no heat or electricity. But there was no majorhumanitarian crisis in that respect. The winter wassurvived. We rebuilt an administration involving thelocal population as soon as we could. This was thechoice we shared in and which was supported by allmembers of the Security Council. This proved possible,thanks to resolution 1244 (1999), through theestablishment of a joint interim administrativestructure. We began reconstruction and established amacroeconomic structure which never existed before: acentral fiscal authority, a banking system and apayments authority. In the second phase wedemilitarized the Kosovo Liberation Army. As always,there was a lot of criticism. When one does anything,there is criticism. In Kosovo there are no illegaluniforms or weapons. I am not so naive as to say thatthere are no weapons in Kosovo or the Balkans.Certainly not. I do not say that. However, that was truelong before the United Nations intervention. Lastly, wehave successfully begun civil registration forforthcoming elections in October.

I would not like to create the impression that weare boasting of our successes and that this is a triumphfor the United Nations. However, before moving on tothe negative aspects of the situation, I would like tomention the personal, physical and psychologicalinvolvement of all the volunteers and United Nationspersonnel working in Kosovo. They work in anenvironment that is not very attractive or welcomingand where, because of personnel shortages, which Istressed yesterday to the Friends of the Secretary-General, we have often had to work twice as hard asnormal because we lack half the specialized personnelwe need. Once again, distinguished representatives, Iwould urge you all to make efforts to ensure that wecan get more of the personnel we need.

There are many negative aspects in this matterand there still are the many challenges relating to thedeparture of the Serbs, the Roma, the non-Albanianpopulation, and particularly the precariousness of thesecurity situation for the non-Albanian population.There are still too many murders, even if one considersthe great progress made in the area of security madeover the last year. We have reduced the crime rate by a

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factor of ten, but there is still too much murder,violence and arson, and too many exactions,particularly against the Kosovar Serbs. There are alsoshortcomings in the judicial system. But we are goingto overcome them by importing international judgeswho we need.

Lastly, one crucial point I wish to stress is theuncertainty about the interim status of Kosovo. Theambiguities in resolution 1244 (1999) must be dealtwith. I recall with great interest and feeling thediscussion with Members here in the Security Councilduring my last stay in New York, at the Council’sinvitation. We clarified future plans and during theelection campaign I think we will be able to provideexplanations that everyone awaits as to what is meantin resolution 1244 (1999) by the words “substantialautonomy”.

Regarding administration, it should be recalledthat the United Nations Interim Administration Missionin Kosovo (UNMIK) established administration overall five regions in Kosovo and 29 of the 30municipalities. We issue birth, marriage and deathcertificates. We issue building licenses and small-business permits. We carry out vehicle registration,25,000 to date, starting from scratch and from the factthat vehicle registration had been abandoned. However,it must also be recalled that there was no personalidentification for the people in Kosovo. We must notforget this, because when things are going a littlebetter, people tend to forget the past. We must notforget what brought us here to Kosovo. Not only havewe been issuing license plates and drivers’ licenses,there are also now three insurance companies working.This had not happened for years in Kosovo.

Health systems have been re-established.Between 80 per cent and 95 per cent of the fiveregional hospitals, 29 clinics and 300 dispensaries areoperating. Three-quarters of these medical buildingswere damaged. Reforms were introduced, such aslimited financial input to the hospitals. However, Iknow that access by minority communities is notsufficiently guaranteed in the hospitals and because ofthat we have established structures for the minoritycommunities. We have tried to help in the rural areasby opening small clinics. A judicial framework is beingdeveloped within private medicine to open privateclinics.

A total of 500,000 students are also attendingschool. This has not happened in 1O years. In Kosovothe children are seen leaving for school in the morningwith their schoolbags. It is a joy, whether they are Serb,Albanian, Bosnian or Turk. Ten years ago no childrenwent to school because they had to hide. About 470schools out of 1,000 have been rehabilitated. Collegesand universities are also operating. There are textbooksin Albanian, Serbian, Bosnian and Turkish that arefreely distributed.

Even if it is not working perfectly, the post officeis working at the international level. We have UNMIKstamps, a mobile telephone company covers most ofthe area and progress is being made with regard topermanent lines.

We, or rather I should say you, the MemberStates, employ 70,000 personnel who are paid a smallsalary using a central data base that has been set up. Inthe past they were offered only minimal compensation.A joint interim administrative system marks the firststep towards a more direct system of administration.We have 20 administrative departments, each run bytwo leaders: one international and one Kosovar,including the minorities. There is mixed participationat all levels, both local and UNMIK. We are alsoproviding training for a more effective civil sector.

We have a joint interim administrative counciland a provisional national council. The three parties atRambouillet and Kosovo, the Kosovar Albanians andthe Kosovar Serbs are represented in the joint interimadministrative council. All the main political parties,civil society, all religions and minorities arerepresented in the Kosovo transitional council.Administrative departments are administered bymembers of the majority and minority populations. TheKosovar Serbs have agreed to head the agriculturedepartment and the employment department.

Speaking of law and law and order, the judiciaryis still very weak. Local judges still show little abilityto be impartial, or at least they are not impartialenough. The direct threats against them and their poorsalaries do not improve matters. That is why we havecalled for international judges and prosecutors, ofwhich we currently have five. I hope we willeventually have 15. I would like to thank the countriesthat have made those international judges available tous. We need them, but we also need funds for necessaryequipment and to provide judicial and penal services.

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Security is our major problem. The policemission given to the United Nations InterimAdministration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) iswithout precedent. The responsibility of the police isnot only to preserve order; it is also to establish localpolice forces at the same time. Thanks to theOrganization for Security and Cooperation in Europe(OSCE) there is a police academy, which is exemplaryboth in the way it works and in its output. Theinternational police are not quite up to the authorizednumber. The Mission needs more well-trainedinternational policemen, as well as internationalexperts trained in forensic medicine, investigationprocedures and evidence collection.

Fifty-eight police stations have been set uparound Kosovo. I hope that the local police service —the Kosovo Police Service — will have trained 4,000local recruits by early 2001. The police academy is amulti-ethnic institution. I am very sorry that there arenot yet enough Serbs in it, but there are quite a few. Itrust the number of Serbian volunteers will increase. Ihave noted complaints from our Serbian friends, and Ithink that recruitment should be looked at more closely.

KFOR and the police are working togethersatisfactorily, particularly in Mitrovica. As I said,crime has dropped spectacularly. But there is still toomuch of it, particularly in the area of inter-ethnicviolence. It is estimated — and these numbers can befound in the report of the Secretary-General — that twothirds of the serious crime can be attributed to inter-ethnic incidents or to inter-ethnic hatred, as are 80 percent of the cases of arson.

For the time being, the situation in Mitrovica iscalm. This is due to the establishment of a ConfidenceArea there and to the employment offers that have beenmade by both sides, as well as to the deployment of anew administrator. The situation on the Serbian border,in the Presevo region, has also been stabilized, thanks— and I would like to highlight this to the Council —to the active involvement of Kosovo Albanian leaders.

Our basic objective is still the protection of thenon-Albanian population, particularly with regard tothe return of refugees. We must therefore step up ourefforts against organized crime and systematic violenceagainst minorities, as well as ethnically inspiredmurders. A campaign of tolerance using posters,television and radio will be launched in a few weeks.

I know it must be promised here that additionalsteps will be taken to protect minority communities,and I will do my utmost to ensure that they are taken. I,you, we will need 200 to 300 special anti-terroristforces to protect Serb enclaves. We will have toincrease the number of Kosovar policemen, to perhaps4,000 in 2001. We must improve police academyrecruitment of minorities. I must also commit myself tohaving at least one international judge and oneinternational prosecutor in each of the five districtcourts throughout Kosovo.

As we stated in 1999, we will need the expulsionlaw to be applied, particularly in troubled areas. I amhappy to say that, following certain commitments wemade with our Serb friends, this morning KosovoAlbanian leaders issued very strong statements againstviolence, specifically against ethnic violence. Allowme to mention a few sentences of what was written byMr. Ibrahim Rugova, Mr. Rexhep Qosja and Mr.Hashim Thaci. What they said today was simplyinconceivable three or four months ago. I know theyare only words, but that is how peace begins. Oneneeds to talk about peace before peace takes hold. It isindeed the case that there must first be a psychologicalstep before there can be a political one. If one does noteven talk, there is no hope of peace. So I am glad thatthe political leaders of Kosovo made this statement.

On the return of Serbs and refugees in general,there are two aspects to the situation. Albanianrefugees and those seeking asylum, who were taken inprimarily by European countries, are returning in largenumbers. I cannot reject them, nor do I have theintention of doing so. The countries that so generouslyopened their doors should be able to offer return tothose they hosted. There is no international law thatprevents them from doing so. But I must stress that it isgoing to be a heavy burden. If the 180,000 or soAlbanians who took refuge in European countries andthe Serbs return — and I want Serbs to return — it willmean 20 per cent of the Kosovo population returningtogether. I hope it will not be too bad and that thedifficulties involved will be dealt with plainly. But itwill certainly be a very difficult situation in a countrywhere 50 per cent of the people are unemployed. Iwould ask that this be taken not of. Perhaps at somepoint one may have to ask — and right now I do notwish for this — for a moratorium so that all therefugees do not return at once. They must return in ahumane, coordinated and orderly way. And, of course,

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they must have all the necessary services they willneed. I hope there will not be increased inter-ethnictension at the time of their return.

Then there is the question of the return of Serbs.Not only are we in favour of their return, but, togetherwith Bishop Artemije, Commander Ortuño of KFOR,Mr. Dennis McNamara of the Office of the UnitedNations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)and various members of the OSCE, we haveestablished a joint committee on return. All the plansmust go through that committee, and not only forbureaucratic reasons, for I must confess thatbureaucracy is not my forte. But if all the plans arelegitimate, then the matter has to be regarded calmly sothat we can ensure a safe return for the Serbs. I amquite proud to say that the first families have alreadyreturned. Forty families will be back home either laterthis week or next week into regions where, along withour KFOR friends, we have provided minimumsecurity conditions. But we have to build; we mustprovide work; we must ensure a proper environment.We will provide these things. Our idea is that the returnof the Serbs should, by and large, begin beforevacations start in July.

I would like to say just a few more words aboutsecurity for minorities. Once again, the situation hasimproved, but not enough. We are making specialefforts to ensure security in enclaves. We proposedarrangements so that farmers could work in their fields.We proposed foot patrols, and we carry out frequentvehicle checks. We search dwellings for weapons.Curfews have been declared in sensitive areas such asMitrovica, Bicina and other places. UNMIK policehave established small police posts in Serb enclaves inGracanica, Obilic, Orahovac and other enclaves.

KFOR provides around-the-clock protection tochurches. Unfortunately, some churches remain thetargets of bombings. I know that over 50 of thesereligious establishments and churches have beendestroyed. I would recall — not as a tit-for-tat, butthings should always be placed in context — that 100mosques were destroyed. We get no pleasure out of thedestruction of either. Naturally, we are trying toimprove the situation.

We are building roads with a British project,since we want to improve traffic and to guaranteefreedom of movement for the Serbs. We have workedin joint projects to repair several roads in Zubin Potok,

Zvecan and elsewhere. We provide bus service andprotection. New bus lines have been established totransport Serbs within Kosovo and to and from Serbia.Another and safer means of transport that we assistwith is trains. There are 12 train stations operationalnow.

We provide safe transport to those from minoritygroups and communities working in our administrativestructures. We guarantee their safe movement withparticular attention because, of course, we wantnothing bad to happen to them.

Telephone lines have been restored.

Once again, I hope that the return of Serbs will becarried out successfully and that 50 families will soonbe back home.

The co-existence programme that I proposed tominority groups on the Security Council’s behalf hasallowed the establishment of local community officesin all administrations. We have already opened 13 localcommunity offices out of the 20 envisaged. There areSerb personnel at all of these offices.

I mentioned that access to health care, which wasinadequate to communities, has now been improved bythe creation of structures, which I hope will provetemporary, at the very heart of communities. Howcould we do otherwise? Medical and surgical care hadto be guaranteed.

We have also worked on schools within thecommunities. Serb schools and a bussing service havebeen established throughout Kosovo.

Micro-enterprises have been proposed for thecommunities. Projects will be developed in Mitrovica,Kosovo Polje, Dobrotin and Gracanica. For example,there will be projects to rehabilitate windmills and toassist small businesses, such as dairy and agriculturalenterprises. One industrial project at Leposavic isclosely tied to the dairy business.

We guarantee the free distribution of independentSerb newspapers to the communities. Internet centreshave been created. Of course, everything I have saidabout minorities, which happen to be the focus of ourattention, applies equally to the majority. Clearly, whenI refer to the distribution of newspapers, we mustwelcome the free enterprise associated with thepublication of Albanian newspapers throughoutKosovo. There are six or seven daily newspapers. The

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press is flourishing. Naturally, it gets some help frombusinesses dealing with United Nations or otheragencies. We should also praise the efficacy of thetelevision channel we set up, which broadcasts inAlbanian and minority languages alike.

We have also rebuilt housing. 20,000 units for allcommunities are scheduled for this year. TheDepartment of Agriculture, which, as I mentioned, isheaded by the Serb community, provides food not onlywithin Kosovo, but perhaps for export as well. Some10,000 families are targeted within the country. TheWorld Bank has a rural revival project, funded by 10per cent of all the resources it distributes, to includeagronomists and other workers.

I am sorry to have gone on at such length, but Idid want to tell the Council about everything we havedone in the past year.

Let me talk now about contacts with theauthorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As Isaid at my last briefing, we have regular contacts,several times a week, with the Belgraderepresentatives. I meet in particular with AmbassadorVukicevic. We are willing to broaden these contactswith specialists who cooperate with authorities of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia in many spheres. Wehave exchanged letters, most recently on 30 May, withauthorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia witha view to establishing a joint consultative committee toaddress practical issues of mutual interest, such aspostal services and telecommunications, pensions,social security, health care, property titles, circulation,employment of Serbs and so on.

We have lost some time. It will be recalled thatthere was a Belgrade proposal for a draft agreement ona joint coordinating committee, but it went far beyondthe initial agreement that I had been discussing withAmbassador Vukicevic. The agreement would involvespecialists from New York and would reopen fordiscussion all aspects of Security Council resolution1244 (1999). Of course, there was no question ofaccepting it. Since the United Nations rejected it, weresumed our exchange of letters so as to create agenuine joint consultative committee.

With respect to the co-existence programme, Ihave talked a good deal about the Serbs. I have beenhappy to offer them a number of measures to improvetheir daily lives, but there are other communities aswell. There must be an impact on the economic

development of each of these communities and a co-existence programme involving them too.

I welcome the visit two days ago by all therepresentatives of the Interim Administrative Council— Mr. Rugova, Mr. Qosja and Mr. Thaci — to theRoma community. They proposed not only theestablishment of a programme to resettle the Roma, butthat an economic development programme be acceptedby all. I must repeat that this would have been simplyinconceivable only a few months ago. I hope that theinter-ethnic problems, which are currently at a peakbecause of extremist attacks from both sides, will soonbe nothing more than a bad memory.

I would not wish to end without referring to theissue of missing persons and detainees. As everyoneknows, this is a constant concern. The Kosovocommunity will never reconcile with its past until thematter of missing persons and detainees is addressedand settled one way or another. Otherwise, that societycannot achieve reconciliation or, if it can, years andyears will be required.

On 6 June, the International Committee of theRed Cross (ICRC) issued a list of 3,300 persons of allcommunities who went missing from January to 15May 1998. The Albanian associations and the Councilfor the Defense of Human Rights and Freedomsnumber those missing at over 9,000, so there is a largediscrepancy between these figures. When I say 9,000missing, that figure includes Serbs and Albanians.There are 950 Kosovo Albanians still detained inSerbia, according to the ICRC and the Office of theUnited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

At Niš, there was a case involving accused fromthe town of Djakovica. I recall with deep emotion thatthe Security Council mission was present in Djakovicaas the case was about to open. I am ashamed to say thatthe judgement came down to a terrible concept that Ithought had disappeared — that of collective guilt,which I find intolerable. Sixteen centuries of prisonsentences were handed down. People were beingdetained in the street at that time. I have suggestedfrom the start that we ask the Secretary-General tosupport me on this matter, and I have sent him a letterto that effect, so that all the people detained in Serbia,those arrested in and moved from Kosovo, could besent to us and justice could be done on their behalfproperly, in Kosovo. All of the detainees will be

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brought to trial. I trust that pressure will be brought tobear on the Belgrade authorities.

An investigation must be carried out into themissing persons, whether Albanian, Serb, Roma orother. We have set up a committee to identify thevictims. It has been a terrible experience to see it atwork. It was concerned with the remains of missingpersons. It had to reopen graves. According to theInternational Tribunal, there are 559 mass graves, and150 have been opened. We are in the process ofopening 400. Until this pain has been dealt with andthe wounds healed over, until the Albanian familiesknow whether those who disappeared are alive or dead,whether they have lost brothers, cousins, sisters,fathers, it will not be possible to create conditions forgreater tolerance.

On 6 March last, when I spoke to the Council, Ireferred to the appointment of a special envoy formissing persons, and I believe — the Secretary-Generalhas assured me — that someone will be taking up thispost soon.

Lastly, let me speak about elections. Elections arethe great promise this year. Registration has movedalong well. There were no electoral rolls. Municipalelections, which were agreed to at our last meeting,will be held in October. We have not actually set thespecific day. We will decide once registration iscompleted.

The total number of people registered had risen toover 454,852 on 3 June. That is not too bad.Registration is set to be closed on 15 July and I hopethat we will have good conditions, including for theappeals and those 10 per cent — in reality, they havebeen reduced to 2 per cent — that have to be reviewedbecause their papers are not in order. We must convincethe Kosovo Serbs and those Serb refugees in Serbia toget involved and to register. It is in their interests toregister and to be represented in all the democraticorgans in Kosovo. It is in the interests of the Serbs andthe other minorities to work together with theinternational authorities.

So far, we have received negative responses fromBelgrade and Mr. Milosevic’s regime, and we regretthat. The municipal elections will be held this year,whatever response we get. These will be the firstdemocratic elections ever organized in Kosovo. Ofcourse, establishing free and objective media hashelped us move ahead. Last week, we closed one of the

newspapers because it had published what wedescribed as a fatwa, condemning and naming oneindividual who was working with the United NationsInterim Administration Mission in Kosovo, who hasrecently been accused of crimes. The publication gavethe individual’s name — Petar Topoljski — and whathis movements were. He was kidnapped andassassinated.

This is the climate in Kosovo. I condemn it and,of course, the Council condemns it, too. We will nottolerate it. We have tried to help in the establishment ofa free press. The human rights organizations haveprotested this. I say absolutely — I am intransigent onthis — that we want a free press, but that we do notwant a press that condemns individuals to death. Wewill not tolerate it, or allow such death sentences to beissued in what is supposed to be a free media.

On reconstruction, I do not want to drown theCouncil in details. But, as I have said, 20,000 housingunits are scheduled to be built this year. Some 17,000have already been reconstructed, and 25,000 have beenrehabilitated.

The macroeconomic system is in place.Investment — insufficient though it is — has beenarriving. We have established a central fiscal authorityand have a consolidated budget now. Of course, by thebeginning of September, it will be insufficient. I hopethat the European Union will once again be generousso that we can make it to the end of the year. We haveestablished a payment and banking system. Twelvebanks will be working by the end of the year. Some 70per cent of the old private enterprises have startedfunctioning again, producing 40 per cent more thanthey were producing five years ago. The firstcommercial bank was opened in January. Five othersare working, and 16 commercial bank branches will beworking throughout the region. We are doing this, butit is difficult.

The property situation is very difficult, despitethe example of the Sarr cement works. There is Stateproperty, public property and cooperative property.Under resolution 1244 (1999), the property situation isnot clear.

On taxes, we hope that the customs duty systemwill improve and that international salaries will bereflected in the internal revenue system.

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Lastly, I welcome cooperation between theUnited Nations, KFOR and UNMIK. I have inflictedthis account on the Council. I am sorry that I had to doso, but I felt that it was necessary, because, in a way,this is an anniversary. Sometimes we light a candle fora first birthday, but I am not sure that we can do thattoday, because so much remains to be done. In Kosovo,I think that life is getting back to normal, even thoughthere is no full security yet. We will do our utmost toprovide security.

If the first free elections are held in October, thenI think that we will have moved beyond one essentialmilestone. As for the future of Kosovo, I know no morethan the members of the Council, except that it will besettled within the context of resolution 1244 (1999). Inthat regard, in the election campaign, I am proposing apact with the Kosovars in relation to the protection ofminorities and the status of substantial autonomy. Wehave to renew some ambiguities, not about the futureof Kosovo — that is not my job — but the aboutpresent. We must stop Kosovo from being so isolatedand inward-looking. It has to be able to look outwards.We have to do away with violence and inter-ethnichatred. Here, I would like to underline the importanceof the Stability Pact. I believe that the European Unionis now offering a more political dimension.

That is it. I would have liked to wish a happybirthday to you all and to all the communities inKosovo. But a few days ago, they tried to assassinatethe future of Kosovo when a four-year-old child waskilled in Cernica. What was that little Serb boy guiltyof? He represented a future generation of Serbs capableof living in harmony with the new generation inKosova today. Thinking of that small boy who waskilled, I think, too, of all the victims — the thousandsof victims of the past 10 years. There is no justificationfor what has happened to them. There is no excuse. Butnow it is up to us — it is up to the Council — we mustall remember why we are in Kosovo. We can beoptimistic. In a difficult town called Orahovac the localSerb community was courageous enough to issue acommuniqué regretting past crimes and deploringcrimes committed by the Serb community against theAlbanian community. There was a response from theAlbanian community there, recognizing the Kosovarsas full members of the Serbian community.

There are, therefore, no grounds for despair. InKosovo today, more than before, one must cling to theoptimism that prevails in international organizations.

Each and every one must shoulder his or her ownresponsibilities so that everybody knows what moralsand ideals they defend. I maintain that UNMIK andKFOR defend peace and democracy — and all theminorities. Soon we will have justice and peace for allthe children of Kosovo.

The President (spoke in French): I warmly thankDr. Bernard Kouchner for his comprehensive briefing,which was delivered with the talent, brilliance andlofty insight with which we are all familiar.

In my capacity as President of the Council, let mesay that yesterday I received a delegation of Serbs fromKosovo, headed by Madame Rada Trajkovic, and I amto report to you on that meeting. Madame Trajkovicand her delegation shared with me the difficulties thatSerbs in Kosovo were encountering. She described actsof violence that the community had experienced in thecourse of recent months. In the view of the delegation,those acts had been systematic in nature. The decisiontaken by some Serbs in Kosovo to participate in thejoint administration structures had entailed personalrisks to them. They needed to be protected in order toparticipate in meetings. The courageous decision thatthey had taken was fraught with considerablesacrifices.

According to the delegation, those sacrifices hadnot been rewarded by improvement in the fate of theSerb community. Because of that situation, the Serbswho had participated in joint administration structuresfound themselves in a sensitive situation vis-à-vis theirown communities. Their participation in the jointadministration structures had become difficult tojustify.

The delegation wished the internationalcommunity to indicate clearly that it would no longertolerate such acts of violence and that the perpetratorsof such acts should be brought to justice. According tothe delegation, specific measures were necessary.Specific requests were put forward at yesterday’smeeting. Additional forces should be deployed toensure the security of Serb enclaves. The Serbcommunity should be able to have its own informationmedia. The border with Albania should be bettercontrolled. And, finally, the voter registration shouldbe carried out on a stricter basis.

I did respond to Madame Trajkovic’s delegationthat these points would be brought before the SecurityCouncil members. I have just done so, and I now call

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upon the Permanent Representative of the UnitedStates.

Mr. Holbrooke (United States of America): Iwant to begin by expressing my high admiration forBernard Kouchner and for the extraordinary service hehas performed in Kosovo for the United Nations andfor the world over the last year. I hope you manage tostay forever, Bernard, because nobody could do betterthan you. But I know you do not intend to stay forever,and I think that it is essential that you give us as muchtime as you can, as much time as your personalcircumstances permit and that you see us through thisextraordinarily important election. You have the fullsupport of the United States. Again, I commend theSecretary-General for his extremely wise decision ingiving this assignment to Dr. Kouchner.

I had prepared a long speech, but I am not goingto give it for two reasons. First of all, there are 12speakers after me. Secondly, I would only repeat whatyou have just heard. I agree with everything that Dr.Kouchner has said, and we support everything he istrying to do. I do, however, have a very seriousproblem with the presence in this room today only ofone side to the party. I must say that it is simply aterrible mistake to leave the impression that we areonly on one side. I do not dispute the fact that Serbshave been extremely badly treated and have beendriven out of the area. Repeatedly, my Government hascondemned these actions. NATO troops are takinggreat risks with their own lives to protect Serbs in suchareas as Mitrovica and elsewhere — and they willcontinue to do so. But this is a one-sided approach tothe problem.

Four thousand Albanians, as Bernard Kouchnermentioned, are missing, either dead or detained. This isa constant provocation, and the Serb authorities inBelgrade have simply failed to address it. If anyimpression is left in this room today that this Chamberaccepts only one version of an issue on which everysingle detail is disputed, we will undermine Dr.Kouchner’s mission. I do not believe that this is theway to approach our responsibility on the firstanniversary of this historic resolution. Since theAlbanians were invited but were unable to attend —and will attend in the future — I would ask you, Mr.President, to make clear to the world today that theywill get equal treatment when they come and that thepresence in this room of only one of the two mainethnic groups does not in any way, shape or form

presage a change in policy or an acceptance ofstatements that are highly contentious.

I have also met with the Serb delegation today, asI have on all of my trips to Kosovo, going back overmore than two years. That is an appropriate thing forall of us to do. But I stress again that we do not wish toleave a false impression. Only one of the two majorparties to the process is here in this room, and I feelthat this was unfortunate; it is nobody’s fault; it justhappened. I want the world to understand this point, sothat no one misunderstands who is and who is not inthis room. On every other point, I am in 100 per centagreement with my friend, Bernard Kouchner, and withwhat he is trying to do. I believe that the elections arehistorically important, and I am delighted to say, Mr.Secretary-General, that since we last met on thissubject the United States Congress has unblocked thefunds for Kosovo. Incidentally, last night the Senateunblocked the funds on East Timor, as well as SierraLeone. Thus, we are making substantial progress.There are still blocks in the House of Representatives,and the Congo is still blocked for reasons we havediscussed. This means that a very substantial amount offunds is now flowing from the United States to theDepartment of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO)across the board. I will submit to you, Mr. Secretary-General and President Levitte, exact figures later in theday for you to distribute to the Security Council.

Again, cher Bernard, welcome back to New York.Go back to Kosovo with our best wishes for yourcontinued success.

The President (spoke in French): I would like tomake it clear, in fact, that due to circumstances aboveand beyond the will of the Council, have not permittedit to welcome all of the communities. I understand thatit is the intention of our Special Representative toallow all of the communities, if they so wish, to bepresent at the time of our next meeting in thisChamber.

Mr. Eldon (United Kingdom): I’d like to thankthe Secretary-General for his report and for hispresence here and once again Mr. Kouchner for his full,comprehensive and exhaustive briefing today.

One year on, the United Nations InterimAdministration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and theinternational security force (KFOR) have a substantialrecord of achievement, which is all too easily obscuredby individual events. Mr. Kouchner and his staff

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deserve the thanks of the Council for their efforts andfor the progress they have made in extraordinarilydemanding conditions since last June. It would bewrong to minimize the present difficulties in Kosovo orthe future challenges. But it would be even more wrongto forget how bad the inheritance was, a province mostof whose population had been expelled or displaced byits own Government, the effects of a decade ofapartheid and 18 months of accelerating repression andimmense physical and social destruction. As Mr.Kouchner has said, UNMIK has laid the foundation fora new society in Kosovo. The international communityneeds to sustain its help, in particular in justice, lawand order.

The United Kingdom is actively engaged in thisendeavour. We have just doubled our contribution tothe United Nations international police. Fifty-sixMinistry of Defense police officers arrived in Kosovothis week. We are working with UNMIK to establish acriminal intelligence unit. Today, UNMIK officials arein London interviewing United Kingdom candidates toserve as international prosecutors. We hope this willmeet at least some of the need for international legalpersonnel that Mr. Kouchner has identified. We are alsomaking our best effort to respond promptly toUNMIK’s demands for staffing and other resources.We encourage — and indeed it is vitally important —that other Member States should do the same. Wewelcome action taken by the United Nations todecentralize and accelerate recruitment. The rightprocedures, which cut through red tape and whichsafeguard transparency and accountability, are essentialif we are to respond to UNMIK’s needs fully andquickly.

In his report, the Secretary-General has recordedthe progress being made in developing institutions inKosovo. We commend UNMIK for this work. The JointInterim Administrative Structure has made someimportant progress. In particular, we welcome theestablishment of some 20 joint departments and somerecent statements from the IAC, the InterimAdministrative Council, which demonstrate significantinter-ethnic cooperation. We believe that the best wayfor the Kosovo Serbs, Roma and other communities topromote their legitimate stake in Kosovo’s future is toplay a full part in these joint institutions, in themunicipal elections this autumn and in UNMIK’sfurther work.

We regret the decision by the Serb NationalCouncil to suspend its participation in the JointAdministration. We understand and share the securityconcerns of the Kosovo Serb community, and I too sawthe delegation yesterday and was impressed by thepoints they made. But we strongly believe that the bestway forward is for the Serb community to continuetheir cooperation with UNMIK, KFOR and with theother communities in Kosovo. The United Kingdom iscontributing special assistance to improve life for Serbsin Kosovo, in particular through helping to fund anindependent radio station for that community. Mr.President, I hope this will go some way towardsproviding the information capacity for which the Serbdelegation asked you this morning.

We support UNMIK and the Organization forSecurity and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in theirefforts to organize free and fair elections this autumn.We call on all residents of Kosovo to register and votein order to guarantee Kosovo’s multi-ethnic future. Weregret that Belgrade is, so far, preventing registrationby Kosovo Serbs now in Serbia. That is not in theSerbs’ own interest. We call on the authorities inBelgrade in the strongest terms to immediately reversethis policy, to allow registration in Serbia and toencourage Kosovo Serbs to exercise their democraticrights.

We support strongly Mr. Kouchner’s intention, ashe told us in March, to develop provisional institutionsto provide for the substantial autonomy and self-government for Kosovo foreseen in Security Councilresolution 1244 (1999). This process, which will follownaturally from the local elections later this year, shouldhelp take forward democratization, promotemoderation and marginalize extremism.

I want to close by referring to extremism andviolence. Both are the strongest single threat to ourefforts in Kosovo. Whether inspired locally ormanipulated from outside the province, extremism andviolence represent a menace which we must allconfront. We welcome the statements issued by Mr.Rugova and Mr. Thaci today calling for all violence tocease. I cannot underline too strongly the necessity forviolence to cease. This point was made forcefully inKosovo by the recent Security Council mission to theterritory, and it bears repeating. The people of Kosovo,particularly the majority Albanian community, mustrealize that the support of the international communityis bound to be adversely affected if violence and

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intimidation are not curbed. That, Mr. President, is thekey message I would like to leave with you and themtoday.

Mr. Shen (China) (spoke in Chinese): First of all,I would like to thank the President for arrangingtoday’s public meeting to consider the question ofKosovo, of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Iwould also like to thank the Secretary-General for hisreport and I would like to thank Mr. Kouchner, theSpecial Representative of the Secretary-General, forhis detailed briefing. Mr. Kouchner, the United NationsInterim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)and the international security force (KFOR) have donea great amount of work under very difficultcircumstances. We would like to commend them fortheir efforts. The Chinese delegation supports theirefforts towards the comprehensive implementation ofresolution 1244 (1999).

A year ago, on 10 June, NATO stopped itsbombing against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.The Security Council adopted resolution 1244 (1999)here which authorized the dispatching of a civilian andmilitary presence to Kosovo. The Chinese abstained onthat resolution. The events of the past year have provedthat the reservations and worries of the Chinesedelegation were not unfounded.

The situation of Kosovo is critical today. KosovoSerbs have suspended their participation in the JointInterim Administrative Structure in a gesture ofprotest. During the one year anniversary today, we arenot in a mood to celebrate. We are of the view that it isa time for in-depth reflection. The Security Council hasthe political responsibility and moral obligation to facethis reality and it should seriously seek solutions to theserious problems faced by Kosovo. Otherwise, thecredibility of the United Nations will continue to beimpaired.

Firstly, the international presence in Kosovo mustfully respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity ofthe Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. UNMIK mustrespect the laws of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.It should seek the cooperation and participation of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia. Resolution 1244(1999) has clear provisions with regard to the status ofKosovo, and among the members of the SecurityCouncil, no country recognizes or supports theindependence of Kosovo. Therefore, the work ofUNMIK, the general direction of UNMIK, is very

clear. However, what worries us is that thiscommitment still remains an oral commitment; it hasnot been implemented in our actual work. At present,some of the administrative measures adopted inKosovo have impaired the sovereignty of the FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia, and this has created a falseimpression that Kosovo is moving towardindependence. I would like to emphasize here that anyattempt to lead Kosovo to independence is dangerousand illegal. It would deprive the Balkan region ofpermanent peace. The ultimate victims would be thepeoples of the countries of the Balkan region. UNMIKcannot afford to make the slightest mistake on this veryimportant policy issue.

Secondly, we are very concerned with thesecurity of the Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo.Yesterday a delegation of Kosovar Serbs gave us abriefing that left us in a state of shock, despair anddisappointment. Three days ago, on 6 June, there wasanother hand-grenade explosion in a supermarket inGracanica. We understand that UNMIK and KFORhave made tremendous efforts. However, despite theefforts by KFOR, with its 10,000 well-equippedsoldiers, and those of UNMIK, with its thousands ofsoldiers, incidents of persecution attacks against Serbshave continued to take place. Do we not think that thisfact deserves our in-depth reflection? This is somethingthat the Security Council cannot and should not shyaway from.

We firmly oppose any form of “ethnic cleansing”.The flagrant violations of basic human rights inKosovo, no matter where they take place or whichethnic group is targeted, cannot be accepted by theinternational community. All human rights violationsare crimes, and these crimes, be they major or minor,cannot be tolerated. In the same vein, it is irresponsibleto use past events as excuses to explain away today’scritical situation.

We are concerned as to how KFOR and UNMIKare going to turn the situation around. What also causesus particular concern is the fact that a large number ofnon-Kosovar Albanians have entered Kosovo, whichwill change its demographic composition. Sinceancient times, people of different ethnic groups havecoexisted in Kosovo, and its multinational charactermust be respected. Kosovo should be a place wherepeople of different nationalities can coexist peacefully.This should also be UNMIK’s goal.

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We find regrettable the uncontrolled entry oflarge numbers of people into Kosovo. Furthermore,many Serbs have been prohibited from returning totheir homeland. We hope that this situation can beredressed.

Finally, I should like to point out that we havealways advocated equality, unity, harmoniouscoexistence and common development for the peopleof countries with a multinational character. We areagainst any prejudice and oppression based on race. Weare opposed also to any effort to create ethnic divisionor sabotage national unity.

The Kosovo problem can be resolved only withinthe framework of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,through substantial autonomy and a good ethnic policythat guarantees the rights and interests of all ethnicgroups.

Achieving autonomy should be done by way ofnegotiations and solutions acceptable to both sides.Only in this way will it be possible to restore nationalharmony, which the Balkan region once enjoyed, andenable it to achieve genuine and lasting peace andprosperity.

Mr. Lavrov (Russian Federation) (spoke inRussian): We are grateful to the Secretary-General forhis report, and we would like to thank Mr. Kouchnerfor the briefing he gave us.

On 10 June, one year will have elapsed since theadoption of resolution 1244 (1999). That decision bythe Security Council, prepared with the very activeparticipation of Russia, allowed an end to theaggression against Yugoslavia and brought the processof the settlement of the Kosovo situation back to theUnited Nations.

The Security Council offered a specific way todeal with the crisis on the basis of the fundamentalprinciples of the sovereignty and territorial integrity ofthe Federal Republic of Yugoslavia while ensuring thelegitimate interests of all of the ethnic groupsconstituting the population of this region.

If we assess what has been accomplished in theyear that has passed since the adoption of resolution1244 (1999), we can say that the authorities of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia have implemented thedemands made by the Security Council with respect tohalting acts of violence in the region and fullywithdrawing the Yugoslav army and police from that

region. A security zone has been established along theadministrative border between Kosovo and the rest ofSerbia, and the Yugoslav army, together with theKosovo Force (KFOR), is ensuring that there is noresumption of military activity along that border.

As for other participants in the settlement processto which the Security Council gave specificresponsibilities, the situation is bad. This relates to theclear trend to separate Kosovo from the FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia, which is fraught with verydangerous possibility of destabilizing the entire Balkanregion. Unfortunately, some actions by the leadershipof the United Nations Interim Administration Missionin Kosovo (UNMIK) and KFOR provoke andencourage this dangerous trend. This relates primarilyto the absence of the necessary cooperation of all sideswith Belgrade and even the Security Council.

The demilitarization of the Kosovo LiberationArmy (KLA) has been very unsatisfactory, as in thecase of the demilitarization of other armed KosovarAlbanian groups. No one can explain to us why theKosovo Protection Corps is referred to as “troops” inthe Albanian language. That is its name. Why does thisCorps have what is basically a military structure,which, in a way, is simply a reflection of the old KLAstructure? Why do the weapons of this purely civilianCorps include firearms, and why does the leadership ofthe Corps itself determine who will be given theseweapons?

Basically, what has happened, we believe, is thelegalization of some of the units of the former KosovoLiberation Army. The leadership of UNMIK and KFORsay that when they take people into the Corps theyrecruit them very, very carefully, and that criminalscannot join the Corps. But I would draw attention tothe fact that one of the first persons to join the Corpswas Daut Haradinaj. Unofficially, we would like todistribute here a copy of his curriculum vitae. Weunderstand that it was prepared by KFOR. It states thatthis former fighter from the KLA is someone who cankill a person to whom he takes a dislike, and that he isknown as an organizer of armed provocation andmurder.

We believe that UNMIK and KFOR shouldimmediately draw up a list of all persons who areadmitted to join the Corps. Otherwise, if these kinds ofpeople are in charge of the Corps, it will not bepossible to curb attempts by the former KLA to

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establish virtual control throughout the region undercover of the supposedly civilian Corps.

So far, UNMIK and KFOR have shown a degreeof patience with such attempts, even though, again,very disturbing information is available to the UnitedNations presence in Kosovo. It is simply unacceptablethat attacks should continue against KFOR personnel,including the Russian contingent. Such attacks arebeing carried out, inter alia, by present and formermembers of the Kosovo Protection Corps. We knowthat the leadership has responded firmly to suchprovocations, but we expect the sternest possiblemeasures to be taken to curb the extremists and forcethem to respect the status of the international presence,pursuant to resolution 1244 (1999).

Just in the past few days, the Russian KFORcontingent camp near Malishevo has been the target ofnine night-time attacks; it has been fired on byweapons including machine guns and anti-tankweapons. In that light, how can we talk about thedemilitarization of the KLA? How can we talk aboutsuccess in disarming it?

It has been said that former KLA fighters,including those who have joined the Kosovo ProtectionCorps, are able to take action thanks to a very well-organized system by which they are provided withinformation; they are able to coordinate their terroristactions extremely well. Moreover, it is well knownthat, with increasing frequency, KFOR has beenfinding illegal stores of weapons and ammunition inKosovo. Some of those stores are of very recent date.

We are particularly disturbed about the situationin the Presevo valley, where there is ceaselessprovocation aimed at causing the tension to spill overinto southern Serbia, which would trigger anotherconflict. KFOR regularly sees activity by Albanianfighters in the security zone, and in the area ofDobrosin there have been a great number of shootings,mine explosions and movements of armed groups. Webelieve that KFOR should take strong measures toensure law and order along the administrative borderand strengthen its control over actions by illegal unitsin the territory of Kosovo.

Unfortunately, Kosovo Albanian extremistelements feel that they enjoy impunity in Kosovo. Theyhave also begun receiving support from internationalterrorism. This poses a challenge to the security ofmany countries, directly including two participants in

the process of seeking a settlement in Kosovo. Weheard today about how they are still trying to driveSerbs, Roma and other minorities out of Kosovo; thoseminorities continue to be attacked and they continue tobe victims of violence and terrorism. They do not enjoyfreedom of movement in the area.

Since the Security Council mission’s visit toKosovo, there has been an upsurge in anti-Serbterrorism, which seems to be a planned campaign ofprovocation. The Serbian population has protested atkillings of Serbs, including children, in just the last fewdays. The delegation of Kosovo Serbs in the Chambertoday has said explicitly that the situation of Serbs inthe area has become intolerable. We note statements bythe Kosovar Albanian leader and the appeal to end theviolence. But words must be followed by deeds. It istime to realize that one injustice cannot be remediedwith another injustice.

KFOR and UNMIK have a clear mandate fromthe Security Council, which gives them the power toeffect radical improvements in the situation. That musttake place. Russia is part of KFOR and part of theUnited Nations Mission; we are willing to join ourpartners in working in that direction.

I note that the statement adopted at the 24 Maymeeting of the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Councilstressed the determination and resolve of Russia and ofNATO to cooperate closely with a view to the fullimplementation of resolution 1244 (1999), and thatneither Russia nor NATO would tolerate anyprovocation or other attempts to undermine the peaceprocess in Kosovo.

It has been impossible to implement theprovisions of resolution 1244 (1999) regarding thereturn to the region of the 300,000 non-Albanians whofled to other parts of Yugoslavia and to neighbouringcountries to escape the arbitrary violence. Again, thereis no respect for the principle of the sovereignty andterritorial integrity of the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia. Many facts indicate that this principle isbeing violated; everyone knows of these violations, andwe have spoken of them often in the Security Council.

Disturbing new facts include UNMIK’s plan tobring about a full privatization of State propertybelonging to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, asindicated in the recent “white book”. On this there wasabsolutely no consultation with the Belgradeauthorities. We have already warned that unilateral

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experiments with property could have highly explosiveconsequences. The Security Council’s decision on thereturn to Kosovo of the agreed contingent of Serb andYugoslav troops and police has not been implemented,which makes it more difficult to implement theprovision of resolution 1244 (1999) on theestablishment of proper control over Kosovo units inthe border areas of Albania, Macedonia, the FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia and Kosovo.

Resolution 1244 clearly states that during thetransitional period UNMIK must implementadministrative management of the region in such amanner as to ensure that all the inhabitants enjoysubstantial autonomy in making up their part of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia. This is impossibleunless there is real interaction with the Yugoslavauthorities. Such interaction must occur on all issuesrelating to implementation of the resolution. There aredelays in implementing provisions of that resolutionthat relate to beginning a political process fordetermining the future status of Kosovo. This processis not possible unless there are talks involving theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia. However, so far weonly hear about the idea of some kind of contractbetween the United Nations Mission and the populationof Kosovo. We believe that any kind of contract likethat, without the involvement of Belgrade, would be aviolation of resolution 1244 (1999) and would not havelegal credibility.

We would not like to think that the acquiescenceof UNMIK with respect to the status of Kosovo wouldmean the desire to protract this transitional period andprejudge the future of the region. That is in fact whatcould happen if the parameters of the future status ofKosovo are not determined before the municipalelections. There has been no decision on theparticipation of Serbs in the elections and on theabsence of basic conditions for ensuring safe return.The results of the elections cannot be consideredlegitimate without the participation of the Serbs andthe other minorities.

The UNMIK leadership has personalresponsibility for election preparations, which shouldnot legalize the involvement of political extremists andisolationists in Kosovo who are hatching plans todeclare ethnically clean independence. We areconvinced that attempts to isolate them from Belgradeare extremely dangerous to the future of Kosovo,Yugoslavia and the entire Balkan area.

Unfortunately, the Security Council, because ofthe positions of individual members, today has onceagain not been able to hear the representative of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia at a meeting devoted tohis country. We noted the short discussion held in thisChamber about who should participate in Councilmeetings devoted to the question of Kosovo. Webelieve that in any case participants must includeofficial representatives of the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia.

We are hearing more talk lately about the missingor the detainees and that these are Kosovar Albanians.It is said that without clarification of what happened tothem, there can be no return of Serbs to Kosovo.

This problem is indeed a very painful anddifficult one and the matter must be resolved. First ofall, however, we should not forget that hundreds ofSerbs are also missing in Kosovo and that their fatemust also be investigated. Secondly, we must recallthat Belgrade has not refused to cooperate on theproblem of the missing and the detainees. This problemwas dealt with by the representative of the InternationalRed Cross and the special rapporteur of the UnitedNations Commission on Human Rights, Mr. JiriDienstbier, on their trip to the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia. They had access to whomever they wishedto meet, and they discussed with representatives of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia about continuingcontacts. We think it is necessary to support the workwhich is already being done by the InternationalCommittee of the Red Cross and Mr. Dienstbier, andthe leadership of UNMIK itself could more activelyestablish contacts with Belgrade on this matter.

Against this backdrop, to us the idea ofestablishing yet another post of special representativeon missing persons looks a little artificial and couldonly lead to politicization of this purely humanitarianissue. We are already well familiar with attempts topoliticize humanitarian aspects of the crisis in Kosovo.I was thinking particularly about attempts such as thosebeing made through the International Tribunal for theFormer Yugoslavia. Let me just cite one example. Inthe last few days there has been a lot of discussionabout the Amnesty International report citing facts ofviolation by NATO of norms of internationalhumanitarian law during the bombing of Yugoslavia.Similar assessments were issued earlier by HumanRights Watch.

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We would recall that article 57 of the firstAdditional Protocol to the Geneva Conventionsemphasizes the need, in planning and implementingmilitary actions, to refrain from any attacks that mightbe expected to cause collateral loss of life among thecivilian population or the wounding of civilians, or thatmight by chance damage civilian infrastructure andfacilities.

Article 52 of the same Protocol establishes that inthe event of any doubt as to whether this facility that isnormally used for civilian purposes might be used formilitary purposes, it is necessary to assume that thefacilities are civilian ones. It is perfectly obvious thatthose provisions were flagrantly and grossly violatedduring the bombing of the Belgrade television centre,the bridges and the train on the bridge in Gordelitse,the bombing of buses, refugee columns, convoys andmany other facilities. These facts are very well known.

However, the Prosecutor for the InternationalCriminal Tribunal, Ms. Del Ponte, at the SecurityCouncil briefing on 2 June, said that she was not goingto continue investigating NATO activities inYugoslavia because she did not see the actions asviolations of international humanitarian law. But wehave a question regarding that. Does the Prosecutor forthe Tribunal know about the norms of internationalhumanitarian law in this connection? What about herwillingness to apply these norms in practice?

In conclusion, all these problems we have beentalking about are interrelated and unless they areresolved as a whole, it will be difficult to expect anychange in the current extremely disturbing situation.Unless they are quickly resolved, UNMIK and KFOR— which have of course done some work to normalizethe situation in Kosovo — will not be implementingthe tasks assigned to them by the Security Council. Weknow the very difficult circumstances in which thepersonnel of the international presence in Kosovo mustfunction. We are sincerely interested in providing themwith every possible kind of help and support. But thiscan be done only if the leadership of the UnitedNations Mission in Kosovo and KFOR indeed ensurethat all their actions are geared towards full andcomprehensive implementation of resolution 1244(1999). Russia will continue to make a constructivecontribution to finding a political settlement in Kosovoagainst this background: full and total implementationof the resolution.

There is no real alternative to increasing theseefforts in the international community, for we wouldnot be providing peace, stability and prosperity in theBalkans in the interests of all peoples who live there.

Mr. Listre (Argentina) (spoke in Spanish): Wewould like first of all to express our gratitude for thereport given to us by Mr. Bernard Kouchner and to saythat we highly value his presence at this meeting.

A year ago the Security Council adoptedresolution 1244 (1999), which marked the end of ahumanitarian tragedy whose main victims werethousands of innocent civilians — fundamentallyAlbanian Kosovars — who were subjected to a brutalprocess of ethnic cleansing and whose fundamentalhuman rights were subjected to systematic andpersistent violations over at least a decade. With thatresolution one of the most difficult undertakings everfaced by the Organization also began, one which maycontinue to be one of the most difficult efforts made bythe United Nations for many years to come. Of course,anniversaries are an opportunity to draw up balancesheets. Although Mr. Kouchner may not wish to do thattoday, it may be possible to do so provisionally: abalance sheet of goals achieved and goals still pending.

Our main concerns a year ago centred on thereturn of refugees and displaced persons, onpreparations for the approaching winter, on thedemilitarization of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)and on the building of a multi-ethnic Kosovo. As theSecretary-General indicated, in the first months of thedeployment of the United Nations InterimAdministration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) over700,000 refugees returned to their homes, and thebeginning of the rebuilding of housing, schools,hospitals and public buildings got underway, as did therestoration of basic services. We were able to confirmthat through the Security Council mission, in which Ihad the privilege to participate. Winter arrived, but thefeared humanitarian tragedy did not take place. TheKosovo Liberation Army was formally demilitarized,and with that began the long and thorny process oftransforming its members into useful members ofsociety.

We never believed that this would be an easyprocess. The objective of achieving a multi-ethnicKosovo, on the other hand, is a pending task. Everydayreality shows that society in Kosovo does not live in anintegrated way and that for now there is only a

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precarious existence that is obtained, or perhapsimposed, by the presence of UNMIK and the KosovoForce (KFOR).

When Argentina voted in favour of resolution1244 (1999) a year ago, it did not thereby endorserevenge, hatred, intolerance and crimes of all sorts. Itdid not give its consent for the Kosovo Albanians toattack the Kosovo Serbs or other minorities. Nor did itgive its consent to a mono-ethnic Kosovo or to thecampaigns against the Kosovo Serbs. This is why wefirmly urge the leaders and the population of Kosovo toput an end to these senseless acts and to begin to workhard towards building a society in which all can live insafety and security and within a state of law.

The international community can provide humanand financial resources. It can provide internationaljudges and prosecutors. It can contribute policeofficers. It can help to rebuild institutions. But itcannot assume a sincere commitment to live in peaceand harmony on the part of the people of Kosovo.

In this context of violence, which we regret, wecannot fail to condemn all the acts that are beingcommitted against the members of UNMIK and KFOR.

We believe that October’s municipal elections,despite the difficulties they present, are an excellentopportunity for everyone in Kosovo — the populationand political leaders — to understand that the future ofKosovo is a shared endeavour for which everyone isresponsible, not only UNMIK and KFOR. We hope thatall the communities will register on the electoral listsand that the political parties will include in theirplatforms strategies and commitments to combatviolence.

We believe that the municipality is the basis ofdemocracy. This is why we agree with the Secretary-General, who in his report indicates that thestrengthening of municipalities is an essential elementfor the establishment of an autonomous Government inKosovo. In this context, we view with interest theproposal made by the Secretary-General in his reportregarding agreement on a social contract that wouldinclude all the principles of Rambouillet and theprovisions of resolution 1244 (1999), ensure theprotection of all those residing in Kosovo, as well asdisplaced persons, and that would also offer confidencein the future. We have no doubt that such a processwould be complex and take a number of years torealize.

As we have indicated on other occasions,clarification of the question of missing persons and thesituation of those detained in prisons in Serbia areissues vital to beginning a process of reconciliation. Inthis respect, we continue to believe that it is necessaryto appoint a United Nations special envoy.

Lastly, I would like to express my Government’sappreciation to UNMIK and KFOR. In particular, wewish to express my country’s support for the workbeing accomplished in Kosovo by the SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General, Mr. BernardKouchner.

Mr. Hasmy (Malaysia): My delegation expressesits appreciation to you, Mr. President, for conveningthis Council meeting, which affords us another timelyopportunity to review the situation in Kosovo as wellas the important work being carried out by the UnitedNations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo(UNMIK) in the implementation of resolution 1244(1999).

This meeting is indeed significant as UNMIKenters its second year of operation. The presence in theCouncil today of Mr. Bernard Kouchner, SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General and head ofUNMIK, is therefore most appropriate. We welcomehim back to the Council and would like once again toreaffirm our full support for his leadership of UNMIK,as well as for his tireless efforts in the implementationof resolution 1244 (1999) on the ground. We aregrateful for his frank, forthright and passionatebriefing, which we have listened to most attentively.

We are also grateful to the Secretary-General forhis detailed, comprehensive and extremely usefulreport on the United Nations Interim AdministrationMission in Kosovo.

My delegation associates itself fully with theremarks made by Ambassador Holbrooke on the needfor the Council not to convey the impression that, at itsmeeting today, it is one-sided. I trust, Mr. President,that you will correct this misimpression.

After 12 months, UNMIK, in close cooperationwith the Kosovo Force (KFOR) and with the support ofthe international community, has made great progressin dealing with the disastrous consequences of therecent violence and repression in Kosovo. There hasclearly been a steady and progressive implementationof resolution 1244 (1999) and UNMIK continues to be

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on the right track in the process of building stability,peace, democracy and prosperity in Kosovo. Mydelegation strongly supports this process, under thestewardship of the Special Representative of theSecretary-General and under the overall supervision ofthis Council.

The four pillars of UNMIK have registeredsignificant progress in a number of important areas,ranging from the provision of immediate humanitarianassistance in the aftermath of the conflict to therebuilding and consolidation of sectoral facilities, suchas health, education, transport and other socialservices, as well as from the establishment of theprovisional institutions for democratic and autonomousself-governance to the initial stage of the longer-termdevelopment and reconstruction of Kosovo.

As the Secretary-General himself states in hisreport, “Kosovo today is definitely a better place thanthe international community found it 12 short monthsago” (S/2000/538, para. 3). Significantly, during thatshort period of time, the strenuous efforts of UNMIK toengage the local population in the establishment ofsubstantial autonomy and self-government in Kosovohave produced tangible results. The central andmunicipal provisional administrative structures havebeen established and further consolidated.

Notwithstanding some shortcomings, which aredue in large part to the complexity of the currentsituation on the ground, the establishment of importantadministrative structures, such as the KosovoTransitional Council, the Interim AdministrativeCouncil and 20 departments under the Joint InterimAdministrative Structure, as well as the Kosovo PoliceService, represent real and important achievements ofUNMIK in this regard. We have already emphasizedthe importance of the participation of representatives ofall Kosovo communities in these consultative andadministrative mechanisms.

My delegation notes that the civil registrationprocess and the preparation for the upcomingmunicipal elections are already under way. We stronglyurge the Serb community to participate in theregistration process and call upon the authorities of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia to fully cooperate withUNMIK on the registration of Kosovars internallydisplaced in Serbia. We look forward to the successfulconduct of the municipal elections, which will lay aviable foundation for the future of Kosovo. Such a

future must necessarily take into account manyimportant, complex and sensitive factors, including thepertinent issue of the aspirations of the majorityAlbanian community in Kosovo, as recognized in theRambouillet accords, as well as the legitimate rights ofthe other ethnic minorities.

Despite those achievements, there are still areaswhere greater efforts are required before peace andstability in Kosovo can be further consolidated. Thecontinued fragile security situation in Kosovo remainsa major challenge to UNMIK and KFOR, as well as tothe international community. The upsurge in acts ofviolence over the past week is a matter of deep concernto the international community. Appropriate measuresare therefore necessary to address effectively problemsrelating to inter-ethnic tensions and violence and topromote co-existence and tolerance in Kosovo. Wenote that UNMIK, in close cooperation with KFOR,has undertaken decisive measures to contain such inter-ethnic violence. However, success will depend in largemeasure on the availability of resources, particularlyrelating to police personnel.

It is imperative that all Kosovo leaders andordinary people, regardless of their ethnic background,constructively play their part in the fight againstextremism and promote tolerance and co-existence. Inthis regard, we welcome the statements that have beenmade by Mr. Ibrahim Rugova and Mr. Hashim Thaci,which clearly demonstrate their continued commitmentto peace and stability in Kosovo. Given the backgroundof violence and mass expulsion that their people havebeen subjected to, their courageous statements areparticularly commendable.

The resolution of inter-community tensions is, toa large extent, linked to the issue of missing personsand the continued detention of Kosovars in jails in theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia. This issue, which hasalso been highlighted by Mr. Kouchner, must beaddressed on an urgent basis.

We welcome the establishment of the VictimRecovery and Identification Commission and ongoingsupport for the crucial work being carried out by theInternational Criminal Tribunal for the FormerYugoslavia to deal with the issue of missing persons.At the same time, we have expressed our strongsupport for the appointment of a special envoy formissing persons, detainees and prisoners to look intothis matter. We look forward to the early appointment

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of the envoy. We believe that tangible progress on thismatter will have a significant impact on the efforts toforge inter-communal harmony and peaceful co-existence among the several ethnic groups in Kosovo.While all parties must cooperate in resolving this issue,the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia authorities have aparticular responsibility, given the fact that over 1,000Kosovar Albanians are known to be in Serbian jails,not to mention the many thousands unaccounted for.The issue of detainees and missing persons must not beexploited for political reasons.

Peace in Kosovo should be viewed as a long-termprocess, and not as a quick-exit strategy, by theinternational community. This is because of the greatcomplexity of the problems, which will take manyyears to resolve. While many achievements have beenmade in such a short period of time, which wewelcome, we are fully cognizant of the remainingchallenges that have to be faced to make such progressirreversible. Hence, the importance of sustainedinternational support and investment, both political andmaterial, which are imperative to the success of theinternational role in Kosovo.

Mr. Ahmed (Bangladesh): Let me first of allextend our heartiest welcome and warmest greetings toMr. Bernard Kouchner. It is good to see him with usagain.

Let me also begin by conveying the deep regret ofAmbassador Anwarul Karim Chowdhury, who headedthe Security Council mission to Kosovo last April, forhis inability to be present here today, as he is awayfrom New York. He was looking forward to meetingMr. Kouchner personally. Since he is unable to do so,Ambassador Chowdhury has asked that I conveythrough you, Mr. President, his thanks and appreciationto Mr. Kouchner for all the support that he sowholeheartedly extended to the Security Councilmission during its visit to Kosovo. The compactness ofthe programme, coupled with the richness of inputs,yielded very good results in terms of the objectives ofthe Council mission. This was reflected in the report ofthe Council mission, which was presented upon itsreturn from Kosovo. The report also contained anumber of concrete measures in terms of theimplementation of resolution 1244 (1999).

We are all aware how complex the situation inKosovo is. We know about the determination andpromptness with which the United Nations Interim

Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK) acted when theoccasion demanded. We commend UNMIK, under theleadership of Mr. Kouchner, for carrying out itsformidable job admirably. We are aware of theconstraint of resources at his disposal vis-à-vis thechallenges that he has been facing.

We are concerned that UNMIK has not yet beenable to have filled its desired staffing requirements forcivil administration and civilian police, as requested bythe Secretary-General. All of us agree that the securitysituation needs further improvement, but this cannottake place unless the machinery has been put in placein its approved strength. A number of other importantissues, such as the return of refugees and internallydisplaced persons, also hinge to a large extent on thefeeling of a secure environment for all.

An issue of great concern for us is that of missingpersons and detainees. We have seen the agony andtorment of the families of these people. Day after day,they wait in great anxiety and tension for informationon the fate of their near and dear ones. The continuingtension breeds mistrust. The security situation inKosovo cannot be expected to improve unless decisiveand definite steps are urgently taken to address thisproblem. My delegation has strongly supported theappointment of a special envoy for mission persons anddetainees. We believe that the magnitude andimportance of the problem merit this appointment. Wedo not believe that the appointment of a special envoywould politicize a humanitarian issue. Rather, it wouldbe a major step towards the settlement of a long-standing issue for which no effective measures orremedy have yet been found.

For normalcy to return to Kosovo, there should bea significant boost in economic activity. Although thepace is gradually picking up, it is still insufficient tocreate opportunities for enough jobs for people topursue with confidence. Spurring the economy is notonly necessary for reconstruction and development fora war-torn community; it is also needed to give peoplehope for looking to the future rather than indulging inpast misery and springing into desperate action andundertaking adventures.

In its interaction with the ethnic communities, therecent Council mission to Kosovo could sense a desireon the part of the people to live in peace together. Thedecision of the Serb National Council to work withUNMIK and KFOR was a welcome development. Our

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attention has been drawn to the recent letter of BishopArtemije to the President of Security Council and hisinsistence on a better security situation in Kosovo. Wehope that the international community will redouble itsefforts in ensuring the protection of everyone inKosovo.

In closing, we would like to record our highappreciation for the valuable work of Mr. BernardKouchner and his team in Kosovo, and for theteamwork and collaboration of the international civiland security presences in Kosovo. Bringing back peacein a region which has long been troubled, and wherethe memory of the violent past is still vivid, is a task ofimmense complexity. But the notable progress alreadyachieved shows that it is not impossible. We all need toextend our strong support to the process ofreconstruction and reconciliation already under way inKosovo.

Mr. Ben Mustapha (Tunisia) (spoke in French):I should like to congratulate you, Mr. President, forhaving convened this meeting to examine the report ofthe Secretary-General on the United Nations InterimAdministration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). I alsowish to thank Mr. Bernard Kouchner, the SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-General, for hispresence here among us and for the enlightening anduseful statement that he has just made.

During his most recent visit here in March, Mr.Kouchner focused his comments on strategicobjectives. He raised the question of time constraintsand the relevant elements to the success of the peaceprocess. Three months later, following a SecurityCouncil mission to Kosovo at Mr. Kouchner’sinvitation, we are in a position to evaluate the progressmade in different political, institutional, economic and