transitional settlement: displaced populations

transitional settlement: displaced populations slide 1transitional settlement: displaced populations

Case study: Sudanese refugees,

Kenya, 1995trainer name

2004


case study

1. background

2. description of the Kakuma camp

3. situation profile

4. profile of potential sites

5. forced migrant profile

6. local population profile

7. environmental profile

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1. background







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transitional settlement: displaced populations slide 4

background

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war in the Sudan

civil war had been ongoing in the Sudan since 1983 between:

the Muslim Khartoum government in the north

and

the non-Muslim Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in the south


background

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loss of SPLA territory

in the early 1990’s, the SPLA had lost a great deal of their previously occupied territory

shari’a law was re-imposed and enforced in the south (UNHCR, 1997)

shari’a law:

traditional islamic law

also rendered in english as ‘sharia’ or ‘shariah’


background

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establishment of Kakuma camp

tens of thousands of refugees fled from the Sudan into north-western Kenya in 1992

in July 1992, a camp for 20,000 refugees was established by UNHCR near the town of Kakuma

by 1995, when the study was carried out, the camp population had grown to 60,000, including small populations of Somali and Ethiopian refugees

it was widely believed that rebels affiliated with the SPLA travelled to and stayed in the camp for short periods


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resentment from local population

the local Nilotic Turkana pastoralists resented the amount of aid received by the refugees

the fragile local environment meant that there was often insufficient food to support the Turkana

there was considerable conflict between locals and refugees over environmental resources, although many Turkana derived their livelihood from selling charcoal to refugees

Nilotic:

a group of languages belonging to East Africa

pastoralism:

a form of social organisation based on animal husbandry and herding


background

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resentment from local population

in response to a series of famines IDP camps and feeding centres had previously been established for the Turkana in the 1960s with some maintained until the 1980s

food shortages became such a feature of life that a common greeting amongst the Turkana is ‘I’m all right, just a bit hungry’ (Nimpuno 1995)


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1. background







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description of the Kakuma camp

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the site was on a spit of land defined by the convergence of two rivers, the Lodoret and the Tarach

the site was approximately 100 km from the Sudanese border and 50 km from the Ugandan border

the site was on a semi-arid plain at the foot of the Murua Ngithiggerr hills, 1700 m above sea level

the area receives around 340 mm of rain a year



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the Government of Kenya (GoK) used the site to consolidate refugee populations within the country

different sectors of the site accommodated communities of Sudanese, Somali, Ethiopian, Ugandan, Rwandese and Burundian refugees

different factions within the Sudanese communities, reflecting factions within the SPLA, caused Sudanese sectors to reform periodically



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agency infrastructure was centred near the main road and Kakuma village itself, within and around the compound of an old road construction company

water supply was from boreholes, while latrines were built for sanitation provision


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1. background







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situation profile

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security situation in the region and in the migrant and host populations

movement in the northern Turkana region was dangerous due to:

• militant Turkana tribesmen• SPLA forces secretly operating in the area

the Turkana resented the amount of aid received by the refugees and their use of local natural resources

travel by aid agencies was always by armed escort


situation profile

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points of entry or sources of influxes

Sudanese refugees entered from the border with the Sudan, via Uganda, and via a transit centre near the border at Lokichogio

Somali and Ethiopian refugees were transferred from other border transit camps to the east


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host government policy and attitude towards influxes

as in the case of the Dadaab Refugee Complex for Somalis, refugees were used by the Government of Kenya (GoK) as political pawns

access by migrants to employment

GoK prevented access to employment by refugees


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contingency plans already in place for migrant influxes

it was quickly determined that the border transit camp at Lokichogio was too close to the border to act as a refugee camp

there were plans to expand the Kakuma camp to the north in the event of future significant influxes


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regional development plans in operation or planned

no GoK projects were in evidence

missionary groups and NGOs did operate small programmes, for example there was support for the hospital

relief agencies, coordinated by UNHCR ran ‘parallel projects’ to the refugee programme in an effort to reduce tensions between the refugees and local people


situation profile

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external and local agencies operating regionally

over 80 agencies were based in Lokichogio in support of Operation Sudan Lifeline

organisations operating in the Kakuma camp included:

• UNHCR• WFP• Lutheran World Federation (LWF)• International Rescue Committee (IRC)• Don Bosco• Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ)• Raedda Barnen• Jesuit Relief Service (JRS)• National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK)


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1. background







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profile of potential sites

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access and supply routes, security concerns and seasonal variations

all-weather access was provided by a sealed road from Lodwar to Lokichogio, which ran past the camp

bridges over the two rivers near the Kakuma camp were vulnerable to a large flood

there was a gravelled air strip in Kakuma



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proximity to local settlements, local agriculture, and other refugee camps

Kakuma village was next to the camp, and expanded after the camp was built

agency infrastructure was based around a series of buildings built by a road engineering company

there was little local agriculture as the traditional activity in Turkana was pastoralism

the transit camp at Lokichogio was the closest other refugee population

pastoralism:

a form of social organisation based on animal husbandry and herding



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land use by locals for agriculture, grazing, fuelwood collection, hunting

land was used to support the pastoralist herding of cattle, goats, camels and donkeys

grazing and wood harvesting was already close to or beyond their sustainable limits, not counting the impact of the refugees

the Turkana population was sedentarising

sedentarising:

i.e. becoming settled permanently



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standing water and other opportunities for vector proliferation

there were no large areas where water could collect in the rainy season

latrines were relatively well maintained



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area suitable for occupation

the land area suitable for refugee occupation was bounded by the two rivers and the road

extension sites had been identified to the north, although some of the areas tended to flood and may have had problems with access during the rains



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topography, surface water drainage patterns

the area between the rivers was almost flat

surface water drained into these rivers during the rains

during the hot season, both river beds ran dry

serious erosion was happening along the river edges



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vegetation cover, influencing soil erosion, shading, and wind shielding

there were trees near the river and around the site

this was unusual for the area, which was semi-arid

Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) ran a programme to plant more trees



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soil conditions, such as suitability for latrines, drainage and agriculture

soil was a mix of sand and river silt

there was clay in the area

pit latrines drained well and needed no wall reinforcement

kitchen gardens were visible between a large number of the shelters


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1. background







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forced migrant profile

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reasons for flight

long-running civil war in Sudan between the mainly Muslim north and the Christian and Animist south

number in current influx and estimated size of imminent influx

there were around 60,000 refugees in the camp

continued fighting in the Sudan provided a continued threat of new influx, which might have been of any size



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physical condition and vulnerable groups

the refugees were in relatively good health

vulnerable groups included:

• young men• non-Sudanese refugees• some women

endemic diseases in home areas

malaria and cholera were prevalent



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ethnic or economic links with host population

in a published study (Fox, 1999) almost half the Turkana population surveyed had economic links with refugees

the same study stated that the Turkana and refugees used a barter system, with no common form of currency

Turkana trading charcoal to refugees in return for refugee food rations was a major commercial activity

the Sudanese Dinka and Kenyan Turkana both speak Nilotic languages

Nilotic:

a group of languages belonging to East Africa



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composition: ethnicity, origin, caste, gender, age and family size

the vast majority of the refugees were Sudanese

there was a higher than normal proportion of adolescent males and a lower than normal proportion of males in their late teens and twenties

this was because:

• the adolescent males were being targeted by Sudanese security forces back in the Sudan

• many in the older age groups were enlisted with the various rebel forces



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backgrounds and skill bases, whether urbanites, farmers or pastoralists

Sudanese refugees were either farmers or pastoralists

Ethiopians were mainly urban traders

Somalis were mainly pastoralists



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leadership, politicisation and cohesion of communities

ethnically-Sudanese communities in the camps were:

• highly politicised in support of rebel resistance to northern Sudanese forces

• factionalised into five major groups



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presence of intimidating or violent factions

there was strong factionalised leadership but it rarely became violent

informal ‘deals’ were made between UNHCR and the refugees to ensure that no military hardware was visible in the camp or the region, such as guns or armed vehicles



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livestock and its distribution amongst the migrants

livestock was not allowed, although some chickens were kept

connections with any land under cultivation in home areas

news from home areas would reach the refugee population via traffic between the camp and the Sudan but there were no physical connections



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traditional settlement patterns and shelter construction practices

in village areas, the Sudanese traditionally built houses of wattle and daub with distinctive thatched roofs

traditional patterns of water use, such as quantity used

water use was under 10 litres per person, per day where supply was scarce, not including livestock



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traditional patterns of water use, such as quantity used

water use was under 10 litres per person, per day where supply was scarce, not including livestock

traditional cooking practices, such as how much fuelwood is used

traditional patterns were not assessed

however, in the camps, the Sudanese refugees used:

• 0.8 kg of fuelwood per person, per day• 1.2 kg of charcoal per person, per day


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1. background







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local population profile

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endemic diseases:

• malaria• sleeping sickness• typhoid• typhus• cholera• AIDS

land use practices and land law

formal written title deeds were not common

land ownership was however, well defined, both formally and informally



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agricultural and livestock practices suitable in the area

there was little agriculture, although a considerable business in charcoal production for refugees

The Turkana were pastoralists, herding cattle, camels, goats and donkeys



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use and sources of environmental resources, such as water and wood

water use depended to some extent on the proximity to water

local water use near the camps was not significantly affected by the refugee presence

some draw on the water table was noticed, affecting pumping in shallow wells

a wind-driven pump had been built in Kakuma town

selling charcoal and firewood was a common activity even before the arrival of the refugee population



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economic profile

the economy of the region was very depressed

tourism was beginning in southern areas

the Turkana, with their subsistence pastoralist economy, were generally poorer than the refugees


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1. background







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environmental profile

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water sources, quantity, location and quality

a number of boreholes and submersible pumps, run from generators, supplied water via a treatment and storage system

the water table was too deep to hand pump for most of the year

pumping was limited as draw down had been noticed



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carrying capacity for extraction of fuelwood and construction materials

fuelwood harvesting and charcoal production had already had a significant impact locally

sustainable regional sources were being used for all distributed construction poles and firewood

distribution did not however, meet the total need



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vulnerable areas or areas with global ecological significance

the area immediately surrounding the camp was becoming vulnerable, due to fuelwood harvesting

the rivers were causing erosion on the banks next to the camp



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seasonal variations, impacting on water and environmental resources

heavy rains produced a flooding risk

the rainwater catchment area draining into the two rivers bordering the camp was very large, including areas in Uganda

the entire camp site between the rivers had flooded in the past

transitional settlement: displaced populations

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