ETERNAL COMPANIONS: AMERINDIAN DOGS FROM TIERRA FIRME TO THE ANTILLES Peter G.Roe

ABSTRACT

Using the treatment and symbolization of dogs in the South Amerindian lowlands, from the montaña to the Guianas, their Antillean role in "mythic substitution" is outlined. Locally available or transported fauna came to stand for the more impressive Amazonian, animal symbols. Where the dog is post-Columbian in the lowlands it is referred to using the same term for "jaguar". Low­land shamans describe their jaguar familiars as metaphorical "dogs", while hunters employ real dogs to pursue jaguars, not for their meat, but for their pelt, teeth or claws, emulating the jaguar sartorially. Behavior towards dogs polarizes into two modes: smaller, ill-fed pariah dogs, fit only to raise intruder alarms, and more robust hunting dogs, well-treated, widely traded and buried with their owners as nether world guides. When the first Saladoids penetrated the Antilles they brought both types into an impoverished island fauna, the hunting dog conceptually becoming a domestic "jaguar" while the smaller dog was redefined as edible by Taino times. Zooarchaeological finds and the stylistic and X-ray analysis of a hollow Hispañolan Cedrosan Saladoid effigy bottle indicate that intentional dog burial was coupled with mortuary offerings of ceramic figurines to provide the hunter with an "eternal companion" and psychopomp.

RESUMEN

Gracias al estudio del tratamiento y la simbolización de los perros en la America del Sur, desde la montaña hasta las Guyanas, hemos identificado el rol de éstos como sustitución mítica en las Antillas. Ya sea que se encontrara allí o que fuera traída, esta fauna vino a representar a los más impresionantes símbolos amazonianos de animales. En las tierras en donde el animal es de origen pre-colombino, se le conoce con el mismo término que al jaguar. Los shamanes describen sus imitaciones del jaguar como metáforas de "perros", mientras que los cazadores empleaban perros verdaderos para perseguir a los jaguares, no por su carne y sí por su piel, dientes o garras, emulan­do así a un jaguar disfrazado. El comportamiento hacia estos perros se polariza de dos modos diferentes: perros parías mal alimentados que servían para avisar de la presencia de un intruso; y

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otros más robustos, mejor tratados y eran enterrados con sus amos como guías del mundo terre­nal. Cuando el primer Saladoide penetró en las Antillas trajo consigo ambos tipos y los mezcló con la empobrecida fauna insular; el perro de caza se convirtió en el jaguar doméstico, mientras que él más pequeño se comía en la época de los Tainos. Excavaciones zoo-arqueológicas, junto a la esti­lística y al análisis de rayos X de una efigie hueca encontrada en la Española del período Cedrosan Saladoide, demuestran que el entierro intencional de perros estaba ligado a las ofrendas mortua-rias de figuras cerámicas para proveer al cazador de un compañero eterno y de un guía hacia el más allá.

SYNTHÈSE

Grâce à l'utilisation et à la symbolisation des chiens dans les Basses terres du Sud amérindien, de la montagne aux Guyanes, leur rôle aux Antilles dans la substitution mythique est identifié. Qu'elle soit trouvée surplace ou emmenée d'ailleurs, cette faune est venue représenter l'un de plus impressionants symboles des animaux amazoniens. Là où le chien appartient à la période pré­colombienne, il est connu par le même terme que le "jaguar". Les shamans des basses terres décriv­ent leurs imitations du jaguar comme des chiens métaphoriques; tandis que les chasseurs em­ploient de vrais chiens pour les chasser, plutôt pour leur peau, dents et griffes que pour leur chair, imitant des jaguars déguisés. Le comportement vers ces chiens peut se comprendre de deux modes différents: le premier, un chien paria mal nourri qui servait seulement à alerter de la présence des étrangers; et le second, un animal plus robuste, mieux traité, largement échangé qui pouvait être enterré avec leur maître comme guide du monde terrestre. Lorsque les premiers Saladoides ar­rivèrent aux Antilles, ils apportèrent les deux sortes d'animaux qu'ils mélangèrent à une faune appauvrie, dont le chien de chase devint un "jaguar" domestique, tandis que le plus petit se mangeait dans la période des Tainos. Des excavations zoo-archéologiques liées à la stylistique et à l'analyse des rayons X d'une effigie creuse trouvée à Saint Domingue appartenante à la période Cedrosan Saladoide sont venues confirmer le fait que l'enterrement prémédité des chiens était lié aux of­frandes mortuaires des figures en céramique qui servaient de "compagnon dans l'éternité" aux chasseurs et de guides vers l'au-delà.

KEYWORDS: Dog, Saladoid Ceramics, Iconography, Hispaniola

INTRODUCTION

Dogs, as the principal domesticate brought by lowland South Amerindians in their expan­sion into the Antilles, were very important in the Caribbean for reasons ranging from subsis­tence to artifactual raw material and symbolism (Morbán 1982). Intentional dog burials are associated with the earliest pottery-producing horticultural migrants from South America in the 5th century B.C., the La Hueca (Huecan Saladoid;Narganes 1985) and Hacienda Grande (Cedrosan Saladoid;Walker 1985) phases of the Insular Saladoid series. They continue to be a feature of the mortuary record into Ostionan Ostionid and Chican Ostionan times (Anonymous 1972). The dog plays a notable role in the ceramic art of these phases, from large, hollow effigy vessels placed with the dead as funerary offerings to small modeled dog adornos (lugs) on vessel handles and rims (Roe 1989b:Figures 20b, 31). Moreover, the use of dog teeth in corpore­al art (as pierced, and sometimes incised, necklace elements) endures into the Taino era at Columbian contact in the 15th and early 16th centuries A.D. (Montas, Borrell, and Moya 1985). These ritual functions suggest that the dog was an instance of local "mythic substitution" for the continental jaguar, a "domesticated jaguar" (Rodriguez 1992).

Much of modern and ancient lowland South Amerindian mythic symbolism, out of which the Antillean symbolism developed, involves animal and other "natural symbols" used to con­struct a cosmology modeled on biological metaphors for the human condition (Roe 1982). There, complex, theoretical musings were clothed in the pelts and feathers of animal symbols whose ethology and morphology were analogized to the human primate via "natural model­ing".

The lowlands of South America, especially the floodplain of the Amazon, is blessed with a very impressive modern "megafauna", apt candidates for a truly natural philosophy. In these tropical rainforest regions men symbolically align themselves with carnivores like the jaguar, and raptors like the harpy eagle (Roe 1990, 1993c). This alignment is based on a shared meta-phoric linkage as warrior-hunters. In these systems, to eat the flesh of predators is tabooed culinary cannibalism, but to partake ritually of their blood, heart or brains becomes a form of "animistic eucharist". These "apical predators" symbolize all the superimposed zones of jungle Indians tierred cosmos: the harpy eagle standing for the masculine identified aerial world, the jaguar for the terrestrial world of human settlement, and the anaconda-black cayman (often melded together as a composite "dragon", Roe 1989a) symbolizing the feminine-associated underworld.

MIGRATION AND ANTILLEAN ANIMAL SYMBOLISM

But what happened to this Amazonian-Orinocan-Essequiboan cosmological system when the early migrants of lowland ceramic-making, horticultural peoples were forced out of the

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lower Orinoco into the Lesser and Greater Antilles in the 5th century B.C? These islands, like all insular realms, possess a very impoverished terrestrial fauna. By the time they arrived in the Greater Antilles, to continental-sized islands with complex geology like Puerto Rico or His-pañola, these migrants encountered an indigenous fauna whose largest raptor was the hawk-sized guaraguao, the largest snake a small tree boa, and the weightiest mammal the diminutive hutía rodent! How could these peoples have continued to retain their ancestral South American megafaunal "metaphoric bestiary" with such pitiful local exemplars? How could such small creatures have born the enormous "semantic weight" of their awesome tierra firme paragons?

The early Saladoid response, predictably, was to ignore the issue by continuing to make ceramic effigies of mainland fauna like the tapir, the capybara, the leaf-nosed bat and the capu­chin monkey (Roe 1989b:Figures 22-4). Such an instance of "culture lag" clearly could not be long-maintained, especially as their descendants settled-in to these new environments and learned to extract all the protein their meager niches could provide. Given the impoverished terrestrial fauna, local adaptation meant redirecting more attention to where the protein really is on an island, not on the land, but in the surrounding waters. This shift in Ostionoid times (600-1100 A.D.) was the basis for the venerable [land] Crab/Shell[fish] Cultures distinction of the first modern archaeologists like Rainey (1940). While we now know this distinction was overdrawn, as even early Saladoid populations engaged in the extraction of some marine resources (de-France 1989), there can be no doubt that later cultures intensified this watery orientation.

The first evidence of the success of this maritime strategy is the apparent demographic explosion of the Cuevan Saladoid and "Ostionoid" cultures. Their small, but numerous, shell-middens clustered both along the coast and spread into the nearby interior (Oliver 1992:9;Ro-driguez 1993:Figures 4a,b,5d,e). During this period the material culture "changed gears" and there was a displacement of the realm of art from jewel-like ceramics to large and crude petro-glyphs and monumental ball-parks as the society apparently evolved from the prototypical Sal­adoid tribal organization to that of a "complex-tribe" or an "incipient chiefdom" (Roe 1989b). Significantly, the identifiable zoomorphic symbolism of the earlier material culture waned and was replaced by a heightened anthropomorphism, perhaps mirroring an increasingly "human-centric" social landscape dominated by powerful men and the lineages (ramages and later ranks) they represented (Roe 1993a,b).

By late Chican Ostionoid times (the protohistoric material culture of the Taino Indians encountered by Columbus in 1492-3) the animal symbolism in the ceramics had degenerated into generic "beasties" variously called "bat" or "monkey" head adornos. Indeed, both bats and frogs assumed greater importance than they attained in the lowlands of South America, where they usually appear as lesser or subsidiary symbols, ogreous cannibals or dangerous seduc-tresses (Roe 1992a). Both Morbán (1988:50) and Vega (1976:201) have argued that Bats were important enough to be considered the prototypes (along with Owls like the Múcaro Real) for the nocturnal Guayaba-eating Taino Spirits of the Dead, the seductive Opia! I have stressed that the Frog may have symbolized the Frog Woman in Taino mythology and iconography (Roe 1993a). The small size and rather disagreeable appearance of the two nocturnal life forms would not seem to lend themselves readily to roles as dominant symbols worthy of human emulation. However, the prominence given to these species, from ceramic lugs to petroglyphs (Roe 1993a,b) belies that impression and argues for weighty and preponderantly positive symbolism (as An­cestors and First Women respectively). Is this not a major alteration in the belief systems of such mainland-derived populations as they penetrated the alien, if beautiful, world of the Car­ibbean? It may, indeed, be so but it does not necessarily follow that just because there were regional alterations to the ancestral Amazonian-Orinocan-Essequiboan system of animal met­aphors, one can no longer use the lowland myths as glosses to understand the Antillean verbal and artifactual "texts" (Alegría 1978).

The Antillean indians were free to modify their lowland heritage, a vertiable "mental me-nagery", by incorporating new fauna indigenous to their watery realm, like the large carey sea turtle (Roe 1989b:292-3, n.3;Versteeg and Schinkle 1992) and the shark (Robinson 1985:13), or

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by giving new meanings to fauna that would have been down-played as minor natural symbols in South America but which, perforce, had to be symbolically "promoted" in the Antilles, due to their being the only life forms present. Such promoted natural symbols were the frog and the bat. Alterations like these are not antithetical to the original lowland system, but rather serve to extend it into yet another environment. After all, judging from the Taino texts preserved, albeit conflated and badly garbled, by Fray Ramón Pané (1974 [1498?]) at the very end of the 15th century, Taino beliefs faithfully reproduced many lowland South Amerindian mythemes, epi­sodes and characters, even after the passage of some 20 centuries!

Religious symbols in iconography are not the only examples of this process of accomoda­tion. Several examples from the "culinary code" of the intricate food taboo systems of South Amerindians suffice to show the modifications that occurred in the lowland pattern of prohibi­tions once they had been transposed to, and altered within, the Caribbean. Culinary preferenc­es are relevant since what are being consumed/prohibited are animals, all of which possess symbolic meaning —as did the act of consumption itself (DeBoer 1987).

Throughout the lowlands a pervasive custom exists of rescuing the young of wild animals and birds, foundlings whose parents have been killed for game, and raising them as household pets. These captive species are never eaten since their new residence confirms them as a part of culture (the environs of the village vis-à-vis the wilderness of the forest, their natural home). Women rear them as children, even to the extent of suckling them. Therefore, to kill and eat them would be tantamount to gustatory cannibalism! »

Another symbolic vector impinging on this food taboo system is the culinary behavior of the life form itself. If the victim is a carnivore, like a feline, boa or raptor, then to eat it for its flesh would also be the crassest kind of culinary cannibalism. This is because everywhere in the lowlands human hunters conceive of themselves as carnivores (bulk carbohydrate ingestion from women's contribution to the diet to the contrary notwithstanding, cf., Pollock 1985).

One such village pet is the domestic dog. For reasons of both nuture (its residence in the village) and diet (its carnivorous nature), the dog was never be eaten in the lowlands. One might as well eat one's child! Yet, it has been argued for exceptionally favorable regions, like the Xingu culture area (Gregor 1977:16), that where fish and game are particularly abundant, this very surfeit of protein provides Indians with the luxury of ritually tabooing even common game like deer and peccary. If abundance lends itself to the luxury of prohibition, then its converse, scar­city, should cause people to dispense with even cherished taboos. Where the fauna is impover­ished, such as the islands of the Antilles, normally tabooed animals such as dogs and bats were classified as edible (Oviedo 1959[1535]:108). Other areas of great human demographic pres­sure, such as the Valley of Mexico, where scarce animal protein also co-occurred with the edible dog, reinforce the hypothesis that this relaxation in the lowland food-taboo system was the inevitable result of migration into the Antilles.

Even within the Caribbean such consumption may not have been general; perhaps it was limited to those in the upper ranks of society, such as the Nitaino. We know that choice food animals, such as iguana, were offered to high-ranking guests precisely because they were desir­able, and not the fare of the common man. Perhaps this was also the case for dog meat. Nor may it have been considered edible right from the original entry of Saladoid populations into the Antilles. Since neither Wing (personal communication 1993) nor I have ever found dog remains scattered in the midden in such a way as to indicate their status as food remains (bones charred, broken for marrow, bearing cut marks, etc.), yet the chronicler information states that the dog was eaten. Perhaps the smaller variety of the dog achieved "edible" status only by the end of the sequence, that is, by Chican Ostionoid times. Such a late culinary transformation of the dog's function would cohere with both the zooarchaeological remains and the ethnohistor-ical evidence. This testable hypothesis argues that: (1.) it would have taken that long for the descendants of the early Saladoid migrants to have changed a very conservative part of their culture, their food taboo system, (2.) the late occurence of this event would have reflected in­creased demographic pressure on protein resources sufficient to make such a conceptual alter-

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ation dietarily attractive, and, (3.) the terminal placement of this transformation would have presented socio-political opportunities to provide new prestige sources of protein for honored guests while at the same time making invidious distinctions between people within the context of increasing social stratification and its attendant culinary sumptuary restrictions.

Therefore, what was the biological basis of the anomaly of the ethnohistoric Taino "edible dog"? The "way out" of this conundrum is two-fold. The first part of the solution is that there may have been two kinds of dogs in the Caribbean. Perhaps only one was the edible form, while the other was a breed given more respect and ultimately intentionally buried, its body parts utilized "culturally", being made into corporeal adornments, just as is done with the jaguars body parts is in the lowlands of South America? Indeed, Caribbean paleo-osteologists (Lawrence 1973;Morbán 1977:3) have argued that there were two breeds of dogs in the Antilles: a larger and a smaller form. The larger form could have been bred as a hunter of hutía, and hence viewed as a fierce carnivore analogous to the once-remembered jaguar, while the smaller form could have been destined for the pot as merely a source for protein. Alternatively, these two forms might have already been morphologically distinct when the Saladoid populations took them along on their canoe voyages into the Antilles. The current behavioral distinction between two dog types in the lowlands today: village curs as despised pariah dogs, versus favored hunt­ing dogs, argues for the latter interpretation.

Since the ancient horticultural migrants into the Caribbean came from those same Gui-anas, we have archaeological proof (in addition to etymological proofs) that the dog was Pre-Columbian in its distribution there (Plate A). Indeed, a number of factors indicate that the ancient dogs were themselves archaic in both physiology and ethology. These indications in­clude the physical characteristics of the Antillean dogs, both according to cronista descriptions and the apparently surviving archaic characteristics in modern Greater Antillean satos, com­mon mixed breed animals. Another independent line of canine evidence arguing for the archaic nature of the original Saladoid migrant s dogs are the osteological remains from archaeology. The breed had pointed, erect ears and a pointed snout. These are primitive dog characteristics (as distinct from the present neotonous domed-skull, short-snouted, floppy-eared varieties). They were called aon by the Taino (ligarte 1978:12) and were described as perros mudos, "mute or silent dogs", by the Spanish due to their tendency not to bark. Instead, they apparently chortled, howled or whined, another primitive "wolf-like" characteristic present in other archa­ic strains like the Basenji. Barkless characteristics would have been useful, perhaps even select­ed for, in the pursuit of the abundant rice rats and hutía rodents (as, indeed, the barkless Basen­ji is used to hunt similar reed rats in Africa, cf., AKC 1977:127), all furtive terrestrial life forms. Present-day satos are often known for their brindled coat, which is another primitive pelage pattern, so this might also have been a distinguishing characteristic of the aboriginal dogs.

Intentional dog burials in Pre-Columbian settings provide this osteological evidence. The first fact of comparative importance is just the mere existence of intentional dog burials as a mortuary phenomenon. That dogs were buried rather than having their remains scattered at random throughout the midden, is a clear indicator of symbolic importance. It is my hypothe­sis that since the king of the predators, the jaguar, was lacking in the Caribbean, as, indeed, were any of the native American wild cats and dogs, the domestic dog was made to carry the symbolic burden of the big cat as the quintessential masculine-associated symbol of predatory carnivorous (hence "capable hunter, brave warrior") symbolism.' This may be a partial expla-

1. There is another very striking case of "mythic substitution" involving the dog that parallels this putative South Amerindian one (e.g., turning the domestic dog into a symbolic jaguar in the process of human movement out into the Caribbean). The parallel is the expansion of Buddhism out of India into China during the Han Dynasty (200 B.C.-200 A.D.). The lion with its flowing mane was already an iconographie religious symbol of Buddhism. It was believed to have been subdued by Buddha to the extent that it followed him around like a dog. This role of the lion as a faithful dog-like companion was probably derived from the lion's distribution into western India near the birthplace of Bud­dhism out of its ancient range in the Middle East and the keeping of tamed lions by royalty. However, the lion was missing in China and the maneless tiger could not fulfill its role. This led to a curious instance of "mythic substitu-

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nation for the Antillean dog burials as well as for the later use of perforated dog canines for necklaces (perhaps in emulation of the ubiquitous South Amerindian perforated jaguar canine necklaces, Roe 1991).

IN LOWLAND SOUTH AMERICA THE CANINE PARAGON IS A FELINE

The symbolism of the jaguar in South America tends to cluster dualistically (Figure 1) along the diammetrically-opposite poles of pelange coloration: the yellow spotted versus the black jaguars. The yellow jaguar, in most but not all areas the common form, is the male exemplar (Figure la). Waiwai men wear his pelt as a belt (kamara picho) half-way up their bodies. Since their bodies are themselves "cosmological bodies", somatic maps of the vertical tiers and plane-view concentric rings of the cosmos, this medial (belt) and upper (necklace) usage of the jaguar represents a microcosmic recapitulation of the macrocosmos common in lowland sartorial art. The jaguar is, after all, a life form unique in its multi-dimensional ethology (it hunts like a leopard from the lower branches of trees, prowls on the forest floor, and is the only big cat adept in water). Men wear its perforated teeth and its pelt both to emulate the fearsome powers of the beast and to partake of its hunting skills in a contagious magical sense; Waiwai hunters so endowed are regarded as great hunters and thereby also advertise their bellicosity to other men and their desirability, as providers and protectors, to women in a classic "assertive style" man­ner. In the same way they wear the light/bright plummage of the Celestial Birds, especially raptors like the harpy eagle, on their head and upper arms (Roe 1990).

If one masculine paragon in the empirical world is the hunter-warrior, then the other, in the domain of the supernatural, is the shaman. Thus, if the dog is the human hunter-jaguar's helper in the chase, then the jaguar the shaman transforms into in his visions will become his pet "dog", his helping spirit familiar. Hence, the yellow jaguar's pelt acquires a therapeutic use in shamanistic curing (Kozák et al. 1979).

The black jaguar, in contrast, is aligned at the other end of big cat symbolism as a nocturnal, underworld form related to ophidian dragons, aquatic seducers and the moon (Roe 1992b). Instead of the admired curing shaman (the yellow jaguar manifestation), the black jaguar is the feared sorcerer, the modern were-witch doctor, the shape-changing kanaima of the Guianas (Anthon 1957). Soo too is the dog's symbolism polarized dualistically in the lowlands (Figure lb).

It is interesting, therefore, to observe the behavioral symmetries in the culture-logic of low­land South Amerindians. If the jaguar is a kind of a dog (albeit metaphorically), and the jaguar is a symbolically-bifurcated jaguar, so too will hunters tend to treat their domestic dogs in two contrasting ways: as prized, big, well-fed hunting dogs (the enemies and analogs of jaguars), lavishly cared-for, trained and highly-valued, and as village "pariah dogs". The former are well exemplified by the Waiwai. They carefully weave square, plaited palm frond baskets as shefari wachan, beds for nursing bitches, and tie their hunting dogs up with special wooden spacer-and-twine leashes (shefari merên) on carefully elevated, thatched "dog platforms". These spin­dly structures are a ubiquitous feature of every plaza around (and inside) the communal hut and its separate cooksheds (Plate B). Such constructions serve to keep the hunting dogs elevat­ed above the dust and the fleas, and also to make them happy and energetic upon being loosed for the hunt. The hunting dog is anointed with the same red urucu (Bixa orellana) as the human hunter (the latter in the form of face paint). Both of their facial markings emulate the spots of

tion" even more extreme than the ideological substitution in the Caribbean because it took place on the level of actual breeding. Over the centuries a small dog with long hair and a trailing "mane", the famous Pekingese of the Imperial Court, was bred to approximate the image of the King of Felines (Dori 1986:37). Large and ferocious sculptural versions of this dog even flank the entrances to Buddhist shrines as Temple Guardians! In each case, one conceptual­ly, the other literally, the small and humble domestic dog was made to approximate its respective giant feline analog.

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the jaguar, sympathetic magical aids for the hunt. Other Carib groups employ the same stinging "ant shield" ordeal to the hunting dog as to the young man in initiation, again to "energize" him for the hunt and for war. Stinging red peppers are rubbed in the dog's nose and eyes to aid his already keen sense of smell and sight. No hunter is without such an invaluable companion in the forest. Hunting dogs are also a common element in the overland trade networks that tie together the multiple ethnic groups of the Guianas.

In contrast, the small, incredibly scrawny and hungry village "curs" keep alive mostly by scavaging offal and eating human feces. They are the helpless butts of human aggression (I have seen Shipibo men throw fishing spears at them for fun!). This neglect and/or cruelty keeps such pariah dogs both hungry and savage, traits that stand them in good stead to fulfill their only function, to raise a ruckus when strangers approach the village.

Of these two forms/functions of the dog, the jaguar affiliation of the larger hunting dog is most relevant here because it seems to offer the clearest parallel to the Caribbean. These hunt­ing dogs are symbolically invested with such value in the South Amerindian lowlands that when they are killed by jaguars their owners actually seek revenge on the killer, to the extent of taking the jaguars head and using it as a mocked trophy like a similarly humiliated human trophy head (Roe 1991). In turn, when its owner dies, the hunting dog may be killed and buried/ cremated with his owner.

We also know that in those regions where the dog is a Post-Columbian introduction, many Indian groups analogize them to the jaguar, often to the extent of referring to them by the same term as "jaguar". This is because of the formal analogical similarities between canine and fe­line, in both ethology and morphology. After all, are not both life forms carnivores, and do they not both have snouts, tearing canine teeth, four legs and a long tail? If this analogy occurs today in the lowlands, why couldn't it have happened in the past as the Saladoid migrants went out into the Antilles? My hypothesis is that these lowland migrants took the bifold symbolism of the big cats (esteemed yellow jaguar/despised black jaguar), and the bifold treatment of their sim­ilarly-appearing and behaving domestic dogs (hunting dog versus village cur), and mapped the former onto the latter. That is, the original Saladoid migrants or their descendants analogized the positive "yellow jaguar" symbolism onto the larger prized hunting dogs and the negative "black jaguar" symbolism onto the smaller village curs. But instead of ill-feeding the latter, they fattened them with corn, killed and ate them to compensate for the paucity of terrestrial protein in their new insular environment. Thus, the village cur became the "edible dog". In contrast, their larger hunting dogs were not eaten but served as male exemplars. They were intentionally buried and their canines pierced and carved as men's necklace elements just as jaguar and puma teeth functioned in the lowlands of their ancestors.

"MYTHIC SUBSTITUTION" AND THE DOG

There is already a parallel for this pattern of animal symbolism in the Antilles. Allaire (1981:9) first described it in reference to the humble anolis lizard and its significance for the Island Caribs of the Lesser Antilles as a local transformation of the tierra firme anaconda-dragon. I call this cognitive readjustment "mythic substitution". It is one of the ways a symbolic system can be adapted to changing ecological conditions produced by its bearers migrating to a new area where the old animal symbols which were once used as metaphors for different aspects of the human condition are no longer present. Subsidiary symbols which are locally available come to stand for their old analogous animal symbols.

Thus my hypothesis for the extraordinary importance of the dog in ancient Caribbean ico­nography is that it represents a specific case of mythic substitution where the domestic hunting dog came to stand, in part, for the missing wild jaguar. Since the jaguar was absent from the Antilles, the positive side of the dog's symbolism came to be emphasized. It was a minor figure in lowland mythology, with a preponderantly "feminine" weighting (Drummond 1977) (Figure

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lb), probably due to its domesticated nature, its association with the village and the habits of women; the latter care for all pets, canines included, as they do children. Hence, in the islands the semantic "weighting" of the dog became reversed. Where it was secondary to the jaguar it now became, in the jaguar's absence, his surrogate, and in the process the positive pole of the dog's lowland symbolism was strengthened asymmetrically. Via the mechanism of "mythic sub­stitution" the hunting dog came to stand with the jaguar in the Antilles as male exemplar par excellence.

There is a conceptual bridge between the intentional burials of dogs, already mentioned, and the canines role in Antillean religion. Oliver (1992) has argued that the dog acted as a kind of guide to the world of the dead, as it does in both Central and South America (Benson 1991). Hence, the dogs interred in the Caribbean may have been buried not only to provide compan­ionship, a hunting partner or even a meal, but also for their keen senses of hearing and smell. These faculties allowed the dog to function as pyschopomp, to guide the lost human soul to the land of the dead by crossing a body of water in the west, just as modern guide dogs lead the blind across dangerous streets.

A LIFE-SIZED SALADOID CANINE EFFIGY BOTTLE FROM HISPAÑOLA

Rodriguez (1992) has already summarized the unusual prominence of the dog as a ceramic rim lug adorno in both Huecan and Cedrosan Saladoid pottery in Puerto Rico. We can now add to those artifact categories large, life-size hollow ceramic dog effigies from the Cedrosan Sala­doid series (Plates C-D). The specimen in question apparently pertained to the limited Saladoid penetration of the eastern peninsula of Hispañola. This unique artifact is relevant to the matter of intentional dog internment because it is largely intact (save for two missing appliqued ears, Plates E-F), thus indicating that it too was a mortuary offering. Perhaps it represents a step seen elsewhere, from coastal Peru to China, where ceramic representations were substituted for the real being in tombs.

While the Saladoid horticulturalists were able to spread along the northern shore of Puerto Rico all the way to its northwestern tip, ultimately dominating all of coastal Puerto Rico, they had much greater difficulty in crossing the Mona passage into what is now the eastern part of the Dominican Republic, much less taking control of the larger island. Indeed, until the present we only have a few sites in the La Romana area that have yielded classic Cedrosan Saladoid ceramics (Morbán et al. 1972). It appears that since Hispañola is a much bigger and internally more diverse island than Puerto Rico the resident Archaic Indians were successful in keeping their horticultural enemies at bay. Nevertheless, we know that a Saladoid "frontier" occupation did tenuously occupy the eastern tip of Hispañola (Rouse 1986, 1992). This is relevant to con­structing an argument for the probable provenience of the extraordinary ceramic artifact now on display in the museum of the Fundación García Arévalo, Inc. in Santo Domingo. It is a large, hollow ceramic figurine, nearly life-size, of a dog (Figures 2,4). The artifact has an orifice at the back of the head (Figures 5A-C, Plates G-H), thus turning the whole figurine into an effigy bottle. The dimensions of the piece are 34.5 cm in length (from rump to nose), 30.5 cm tall (from the top of the head, specifically the rim lip orifice, to the bottom of the feet), and 16.3 cm wide (at maximum chest height). Each foot is approximately 4 cm wide and averages 6 cm tall. The head measures 16 cm long, 8.5 cm tall and 8.6 cm wide, the pointed snout projecting some 7 cm from the robust chest. The stubby, upward and inward-curved tail measures 4.5 cm at its base, reaching 5 cm in height and 6 cm in length. The effigy bottle's orifice is placed high and back on the top of the head, near what would have been the dog's occipit, and is 2.4 cm in diameter. The orifice's restricted rim is a simple, direct rim ending in a flat lip with vessel body thickness being 8 mm wide, as measured 2 cm below the lip (Figure 5B). Overall construction technique is of a very high order, with careful smoothing of the exterior surfaces and prominent traces of the original pre-fire white kaolin slip visible over all the body, save where it has abrad-

164 PETER G.ROE

ed away around the orifice. If this piece is Cedrosan Saladoid (specifically Hacienda Grande style) in affiliation, its lack of white slip around the eyes would also reflect the paints original absence from the red-slipped surfaces within the two incised lozenges that surround, and an­chor, the ears, eyes and nose (including those appliqued features), and over the appliqued mouth. The 3-4 mm wide linear incision that outlines these features has a sharp, though shallow, "U" shaped profile. It is well-controlled and symmetrical, being done while the paste was still rela­tively moist. The "coffee-bean" eyes stare upward with the notched pupils. The only breakage the piece has suffered is the loss of both ears (Plate H). From their elongated profile it is clear the effigy sported erect, forward-facing ears. Figures 2, 4 show the ears reconstructed while Figure 5 depicts the present earless condition of the artifact.

The whole effigy is a work of considerable representational skill and sculptural subtlety, from the accurate rendering of the vertebral column and the slight bulge of the ribcage (Figure 5A) to the inclusion of a modeled anus at the base of the tail (Figure 4a)! The extraordinary preservation of the piece indicates it was intentionally buried with the dead just as its live cousins were. Its intact nature facilitated accurate scale drawings (Plate I), while at the same time rendering section drawings impossible. Therefore, I had the specimen X-rayed on a large thoracic machine in the same multiple views as the 1:1 drawings (Plate J). This technique proved productive in not only demonstrating the uniformity and fine-grained compactness of the paste (Plates K-L), and the coiling technique used to make the effigy (note the arching coil-junctures in the cranial vault of the frontal plaque in Plate M), but also in revealing that the tail was appliqued (Plate N, of the rear view plaque), not coil-built and modeled-in like the four legs and the head. The reinforced, hence expanded, junctures at the neck, and the decreasing wall thick­ness at the mouth and occipit (Plate K) indicate that the neck-to-mandible was modeled first, and partially dried, before the face-and-forehead were attached to finish the effigy. This stage building is also characteristic of the complex vertically carinated and multi-globular forms of Saladoid pottery, the most spectacular vessel shape of which is the anthropomorphic effigy jar (Roe 1989b:Figure 12a-d). The latter vessel category is also the one with the most similar appli­qued coffee-bean eyes and elongated appliqued mouth forms to this effigy. An effigy head viewed as two trapezoids in biconical profile (a result of their sectional coiling, modeling and joining, as described above) is a common feature of Hacienda Grande style Cedrosan Saladoid effigies of the type recovered from Puerto Rico (1989b:Figure 13a-c). The latter vessel category is also the one with the most similar appliqued coffee-bean eyes and elongated appliqued mouth forms to this effigy. Additionally, those effigy heads have orifices placed at the very rear, in the occip­ital region, in a manner identical to the Dominican specimen. They also have appliqued facial features surrounded, and defined, by well-executed incision, as does this piece, and were deco­rated with white-on-red pre-fire paint schemes with the contrasting paint highlighting the fea­tures. Mouth types in the Hacienda Grande style are always similarly elongated and appliqued along the lower/upper head sectional juncture carination. Lastly, in some zoomorphic repre­sentations the mouths are notched to indicate teeth in the same manner as the FGA dog.

For all these reasons, I believe this Hispañolan effigy vessel to be a Hacienda Grande (HG) phase Cedrosan Saladoid effigy vessel transported to that island in the first centuries A.D. from Puerto Rico. So far I have based this assignment on general similarities of paste, construction, surface treatment and decoration, as well as specific traits of facial architecture. However, it is the shared presence of large-scale, well-made hollow ceramic effigy figurine-bottles in Puerto Rico that clinches the exotic Cedrosan Saladoid stylistic identification of this spectacular Do­minican piece. This vessel confirms an "archaeological prediction" I had made while studying similar specimens in the Saladoid component of the ex-Castillo collection from Hacienda Grande, Puerto Rico. My 1:1 drawing of another hollow ceramic effigy bottle was made in 1986 as part of a study of those collections. It was published in 1989 (1989b:Figure 6). Originally, because of the broad flare of the body sherds below the back spout, I was uncertain whether the complete vessel had been an effigy bottle with a bottle body, or one with a free-standing effigy body. However, I reconstructed it (adding suitable designs from other similar HG WOR sherds from

ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 165

the same site in the same collection) as a complete, standing hollow effigy. We already knew that complete hollow human figurines were produced in this same ware (Pons de Alegría 1983), and I utilized an anthropomorphic foot from one such hollow figurine to finish the four feet of the tapir effigy. Now, two years later and on a different island I found an intact version (albeit of a dog rather than a tapir) that confirmed in nearly every detail my hypothetical reconstruction. The only error was in the feet. Originally, I had used anthropomorphic feet rather than zoomor-phic feet to complete the image, largely because I lacked examples of animal extremities. The revised reconstruction, I have redrawn it using the foot style of the Dominican piece (Figure 3).

CONCLUSIONS

Such fortuitous finds as the García Arévalo effigy indicate the value of reconstructing to cultural wholes (the complete artifact) rather than being content with the cultural fragment, as is often the rule in archaeology. When combined with relevant ethnographic research, the "am­phibian" archaeology presented here suggests that one view of the discipline can define it as "the ethnology of dead informants via their material remains", rather than the "artifact phys­ics" of the past, as it has so often become. When applied to other types of material culture, from ecofacts, ceramics, and bone artifacts to petroglyphs and monumental architecture, such a research program makes possible a truly "cultural archaeology".

On whether the Saladoid dog reported on here represents a meal in the afterworld (the ebible dog end of the canine continuum), or the departed hunters faithful hunting dog, we do not know. The effigy, as the animal it represented, is mute.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to thank Sr. Manuel García-Arévalo, President of the Fundación García Arévalo, Inc. (FGA) of Santo Domingo for kindly making the Dominican Cedrosan Saladoid dog effigy in his museum available for study. This investigator also acknowledges the time, experi­ence and considerable materials donated by Dr. Miguel Armando de Peña Bello of the Centro de Radiología (CR) in Santo Domingo in the X-ray study of the canine effigy. The present study also incorporates the skill of Sr. Leonel Castillo, professional photographer for the FGA, for his splendid plates of the artifact and its X-ray plaques. Last, but by no means least, warm regards go to Dr. Fernando Morbán Laucer, Director of the Museo del Hombre Dominicano (MHD), Santo Domingo, for his many generous services and support during this project.

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PLATES

Plate A. Waiwai (Carib) villagers of Titkoñeri, headwaters, Jatapuzin River, Roraima, Brazil showing hunting dog. Photo taken by Dr. George Mentore on 1985 CIIPR Brazil Expedition.

Plate B. Waiwai dog platform with tied hunting dogs, Titkoñeri, headwaters, Jatapuzin River, Roraima, Brazil. Photo taken by Dr. George Mentore on 1985 CIIPR Brazil Expedition.

Plate C. A three-quarter view of the large, hollow dog effigy currently on exhibit in the museum of the Fundación García Arévalo (FGA), Santo Domingo (#1696 in their inventory). Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Plate D. A right profile shot of the FGA dog effigy. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo. Plate E. A front view of the FGA dog effigy; note the missing ears. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel

Castillo. Plate F. A rear view of the FGA dog effigy; note the modeled anus. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel

Castillo. Plate G. A top view of the FGA dog effigy; note the subtle bulge to indicate the rib cage as well

as the modeled backbone. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo. Plate H. A close-up of the orifice at the back of the head of the FGA dog effigy; note the attach-

ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 169

ment areas for the broken-off ears and the absence of the white slip on the area within the incised line enclosing the ear and eye. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Plate I. The FGA dog effigy in the process of being 1:1 scale-drawn by the author. Photo by the author.

Plate J. The FGA dog effigy being X-rayed at the Centro de Radiología, Santo Domingo, courtesy of Dr. Miguel Armando de Peña Bello. Photo by the author.

Plate K. The right-profile X-ray plate of the FGA dog effigy; note the fact that the tail is appli-qued, not molded as are the legs. Notice also the two-piece construction of the head. 7 MAS/ 45 KV. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Plate L. Top X-ray plate of the FGA dog effigy showing the naturalistic side modeling. 10 MAS/ 45KV. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Plate M. Frontal X-ray plate of the FGA dog effigy; note the evidence for coiling (concentric coil-juncture marks) in the occipit of the effigy. 10 MAS/50 KV. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Plate N. A rear X-ray plate of the FGA dog effigy; the coffee-bean appliqued eyes being clearly visible. 10 MAS/50 KV. Photo courtesy of Sr. Leonel Castillo.

Fig. 1. Semantic webs centering upon the dualistic "poles" of the dog's semantic range based on current ethno­graphic linkages in lowland South America, as well as symbolic data derivable from Greater Antillean "paleo-ethnography" and "cultural archaeology. " A) The masculine associations of the dog. B) The polar feminine associations of the dog.

170 PETER G. ROE

Fig. 2. A Profile 1:1 scaled drawing of the FGA dog effigy by the author; note the ear reconstruction.

Fig. 3. A slightly revised drawing by the author of the CUPR tapir effigy vessel from the type site of Hacienda Grande, Puerto Rico (ex-Castillo, now CIIPR collections), in Hacienda Grande Phase, Cedrosan Sal-adoid series white-on-red ware. Note the similar head orifice to the FGA dog effigy (adapted from Roe 1989b-334, Figure 6).

Fig. 4. Two 1:1 scaled end-views of the FGA dog effigy drawn by the author: A) A rear view: note the reconstructed ears and the modeled anus. B) A frontal view; again with reconstructed ears.

ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 171

Fig. 5. Three views of the FGA dog effigy drawn by the author: A) A dorsal view, drawn to 1:1 scale. B) A profile view of the head to show rim and lip details. C) A three-quarter view of the head.

t:

172 PETER G.ROE