Tibetan Spiritscape

8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape

1/22

Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:

A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special

reference to the Yubeng Valley

John Studley

Abstract

For hundreds of years numinous spiritscapes, presided over by place gods or gzhi bdag, have

been a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature

conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursively

recalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by

modernity, tourism and formal education.

Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival

of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit was

conducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-

cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.

The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,

and was informed by the authors research in the region.

Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdagspiritscape spread

over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.

Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of

retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name unique

flora and fauna.

Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in sacred sites than in pilot plots and

these findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi

bdagspiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greater

biodiversity prior to 1950.

The preservation of gzhi bdagspiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous cultureand its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdagspiritscapes are posed by

the formal education and tourism.

Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land

mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequently

they are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.

This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides some

recommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of

the Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.

Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain

Introduction

The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview

predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes1. This paradigm is characterized by strong

psycho-spiritual values2, eco-spiritual auditing

3, topocosmic reciprocity

4and explicit nature

1Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water

(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numinaSee Byrne 19992Studley 2005

3Hollan 1996, Reichel 1992

4Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004


2/22

conservation within the domains of numina5. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more

vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths6.

1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes

The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in

territorial cults

7

and cadastral spirits

8

. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by TibetanBuddhist (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by holy mountains

9and the

mandalization of landscape10

. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a

discrete phenomenon in their own right.

Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring

of mundane numina(known collectively as yul lha11

and locally as gzhi bdag12

) under the aegis of

what are commonly described as mountain cults13

, territorial cultsor the cult of height14

.

Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by agzhi bdag15

who are usually

maleand are associated with specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic

and shamanistic traditionconcerned with the immediate world,involving various rituals that take

place in the home and mountain locales. The gzhi bdag16

and other 'gods of the past', theoretically

'tamed' by Buddhism17

are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and

in sensed presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the

worship of ancient gods. They are not onlyconscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdagwhen

they go hunting, but engage in folk-religious rituals and place demands on them for protection and

health, and success, in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.

Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is

expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing

5Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 20106Wild et al 2008

7Huber 2004, 2006

8Mus 1975

9gnas ri

10McKay 1998

11Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,

depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of jig rten pai lha,

or mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: kl u(nagaspirits dwelling in the water), gnyan(kind of

spirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan(kind on spirit), sa bdagand gzhi bdag(protective spirits of the

ground), gdon(kind of demon), dre(kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srung ma(protectors) and dgra lha(war

gods) See Punzi 201312

Often yul lhaand gzhi bdagare used together i.e. yul l ha gzhi bdagin a general sense for any places gods, includinggods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)13

Blondeau & Steinkellner 199814

Karmay 199815

Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/1316

aplace god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity thatpresides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature17

When they theoretically became Dharma protectors (or srung ma)


3/22

process of folk practice recovery18

, a contemporary means of expressing Tibetanness19

and a

means of ritual protest20

.

1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation

Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the

domain or liminal zone21

of the gzhi bdagwhich is encompassed by the territory they preside

over22

.

1.3 Monocultural myopia

The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity

hotspots appear to have been discursively excluded23

from official narratives. Elite interests

reduce these beliefs to tamed or superstitious myths24and have attempted to assimilate them

under the rubric of modernity, tourism or orthodoxy, or have ignored them as a result of

secondary ethnocentrism or monocultural myopia25

.

Within the last ten years there has been a discursive recalibration26of the cultural and spiritual

values of biodiversity27

and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature

and culture28

. This new discursive terrain29

, however, has not often included the spiritual

ecologies of animism30

which is the most common belief system of the worlds indigenous

people31

.

It has been estimated32

that more than 25%33

of Cultural Tibet is comprised of Sacred Lands

often dedicated to gzhi bdag.

The purpose of this study is to redress the monocultural myopia34

by attempting: -

18Huber 2002

19Kolas 2004

20Schwartz 1994

21See Robertson 2006liminal zones often refer to sacred places from which profane or mundane life is excluded

(Durkheim 1995)22

Studley 201023

Weinblum and Iglesias 201324

Xie Jisheng 200125

Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 326

Ferrera 2007, Page 1327

Posey 199928

Wild et al 200829Rabgey 2008, Page 33330

Sponsel 201231

Clarke and Beyer 200832

Buckley 2007, Shen et al 201233

567,000km2

34Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3


4/22

1) To ground truth the realities and extents of selected Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands, under

the aegis of a territorial divinity known as a gzhi bdagpredicated on a bio-cultural audit.

2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the Tibetan Numinous Sacred

Land phenomenon to local and global audiences.

3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for ca 510,300 km2of

Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands

2 The Study Area

The Yubeng Valley

The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha35

, lies at the heart of the Kawakarpo mountain range in

Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner korapilgrim route36

. It encompasses nine

groups of peaks which are the abodes of gzhi bdag37

, including three forested peaks which are

also sealed38

. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and pilgrimage centre. Its

Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng39

or Lower Yubeng40

and speak a dialect of

Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the properties within the Three Parallel Rivers World

Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites41

.

3 Survey Methods

The survey methods were predicated on:-

a literature review of sacred sites in NW Yunnan contact with sacred site researchers who have studiedNW Yunnan the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Kawakarpo a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County42

3.1 Site Selection

The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an

important Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdagand several of them are

35GIS estimate

36

http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/37Pronounced redain much of Deqin TAPthis should not be confused with rida.38

Known in Tibetan as or ri rgya39

3350m40

3250m41

which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex42

Also known as Shangri-la County
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/


5/22

also sealed43

. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County44

to assess the distribution

across the Prefecture.

Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)

43Known in Tibetan as ri rgya

44Also known as Shangri-la County


6/22

4 Resultsthe gzhi bdag survey

6 How many gzhi bdag

1 1 8.33%

2 5 41.67%

3 4 33.33%

5 1 8.33%

9 1 8.33%

Total 12

Mean 3.08

Standard Dev. 2.11

Variance 4.45

Response 12 100.00%

5 are there any gzhi bdag here

yes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

8 is there a known liminal boundary

yes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag

domains in the village (mu)?

(how long does it take to walk around)

15 mu = 1 ha

Data Set:

350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,

4500, 9000, 85320 ha

Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350

Maximum 85320

Range: 84970

Count: 11

Sum: 114733 7648.86

Mean: 10430 695.33

Median: 2500

Mode: 4500

Standard

Deviation:

24970

Variance: 623600000


7/22


8/22

12 what activities are not allowed in gzhi

bdag domain

no tree cutting 2 8.33%

no litter dropping 1 4.17%

improper dress 2 8.33%

no hunting 4 16.67%

no burning 1 4.17%

no access to snow peaks 1 4.17%

no access for women 3 12.50%

no firewood collection 4 16.67%

self regulation 5 20.83%

no urinating or defecating on glaciers 1 4.17%

Total 24

Mean 6.04

Standard Dev. 2.80

Variance 7.87

Response 9 75%

13 can you name the types of retribution

for upsetting a gzhi bdaghuman illness 4 23.53%

cancer 1 5.88%

human death 2 11.76%

animal illness 2 11.76%

animal death 2 11.76%

hail and storms 1 5.88%

avalanches 1 5.88%

glaciers recede 1 5.88%

madness or craziness 1 5.88%

dreams and nightmares 1 5.88%

bad things happen 1 5.88%

Total 17

Mean 4.94

Standard Dev. 3.60

Variance 12.93

Response 6 50%

14 What are the means of restitution

offer bsang 7 43.75%

chanting 1 6.25%

prayer flags 2 12.50%

pray for all villagers 1 6.25%

white scarf 1 6.25%

plant trees 3 18.75%

release animals 1 6.25%

Total 16

Mean 3.06

Standard Dev. 2.26

Variance 5.13

Response 9 75% Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com


9/22

15 who assists you when you make

restitution

a lama 3 60.00%

a cangba 1 20.00%

a lha pa 0 0.00%

a sngags pa 0 0.00%

a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%

an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%

nobody 0 0.00%

Total 5

Mean 2.00

Standard Dev. 1.73

Variance 3.00

Response 3 25.00%

16 who is responsible for cultural

reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)

Village elders 2 50.00%

Parents 2 50.00%

Lamas 0 0.00%

Cangba 0 0.00%

Total 4

Mean 1.50

Standard Dev. 0.58

Variance 0.33

Response 2 8.16%

17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag

domain?

Yes 10 83.33%

No 2 16.67%

Total 12

Mean 1.17

Standard Dev. 0.39

Variance 0.15

Response 12 100.00%



10/22

18 Can you name any unique

flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain

nabi 1 3.45%

pheasants 4 13.79%

small panda 3 10.34%

wolves 2 6.90%

bears 1 3.45%

leopards 3 10.34%

tigers 2 6.90%

musk deer 2 6.90%

many bamboo species 2 6.90%

rare plants 3 10.34%

rare animals 1 3.45%

monkeys 2 6.90%

108 plant/tree species 2 6.90%

other 1 3.45%

Total 29

Mean 7.00

Standard Dev. 4.00Variance 16.00

Other Option [Other]

serow

Response 8 66.66%

19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi

bdag sites

Tourism 1 5.56%

Forma l Educa tion (in boa rding schools) 1 5.56%

Economic development 1 5.56%

Logging 3 16.67%

Mining 0 0.00%

Globalisation 0 0.00%

External philosophic values 6 33.33%

External cultural values 6 33.33%

Total 18

Mean 6.00

Standard Dev. 2.33

Variance 5.41

Response 6 50%


Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information

5 Discussion

5.1 gzhi bdag Sites

gzhi bdagsites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world45

and may comprise46

25% of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau47

. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey

(section 4) 100% of respondents were familiar with gzhi bdag(Q5), they stated that there were an

45Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13

46with (gnasor monastery land

47Buckley 2007


11/22

average of 3.08 gzhi bdagsites in each villages (Q6) with an average estimated size48

of

10,430mu49

(Q7).

There are nine gzhi bdaglocales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups

(over 4400m), and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdagmountains comprise in total an

area of 5278 ha or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.

Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley

5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing

The use and protection of gzhi bdagsites is not merely a cultural or spiritual concern. It is a

human right that has been identified and protected by international law50

. On the basis of the

48

per village49700 ha50

Article 25 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenous peoples have the right

to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied

and used lands, territories,waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to future

generations in this regard.


12/22

gzhi bdagsurvey 100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary51of the gzhi bdagsites (Q8) and

were able to describe its geospatial extent and measures of ritual protection. Only 8.33% of

respondents, in Yubeng, were familiar with sealing (Q9) which ensures double protection of gzhi

bdagsites.

gzhi bdagsite sealing is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite

widespread52

. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdagand to

prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages53

out of fifty, in the

Kawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdaglands from domesticated

settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.

Three forested mountains54

in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving

the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama from Hong PoMonastery, Deqin55

.

5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium

The economies and well-being of most indigenous societies are maintained on the basis of

topocosmic reciprocity between the natural, social and spiritual domain. This is manifest through

behavioural expectations, customs, taboos, rites, and values and articulated in stories, histories

and lessons.

The respondents are no different and in order to secure the patronage

56

of the gzhi bdag,ratherthan retribution, efforts are made to protect their domain, honour and thank them and to make

restitution when necessary.

Taboos

Taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms, rather

than juridical laws determine human behaviour. In many traditional societies taboos frequently

guide human conduct toward the natural environment where they are defined as "resource and

51A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)

52See Huber 2004

53Lanier 2005

54tso da, ben de ruand bon bo ru

55Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdag

mountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, as

well as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to the

sun-dial, and then set up manistone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs,five kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recitethe Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide line

cannot be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will send

for the Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)56

success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny

and power for the people and their political and religious leadership


13/22

habitat taboos57

. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey 100% of respondents knew which activities

were allowed in a gzhi bdagdomain (Q11) but only 75% of respondents knew which activities

were not permitted (Q12).

Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag

gzhi bdagsites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore andthrough a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdagthere

are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts58

.

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdag

rituals including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang59

for all at a bsang thab60

(27.03%), community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain

la btsas61

(21.62%).

Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak min tso mo

and forested peak of ben de ru

Retribution

57Colding and Folke 2001

58known in Tibetan as (bsang yig)

59incense

60incense altar

61mountain altar


14/22

gzhi bdagare capricious and easily angered especially if they are not honoured and thanked and

humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered they

will take retribution on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of

retribution that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human

illness (23.53%), human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer

(5.88%), hail and storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%),

nightmares (5.88%), bad things happening (5.88%).

Making restitution with thegzhi bdag

When a gzhi bdagis offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on

topocosmic equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi

bdagand the transgressor and the community.

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures

required to make restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang62

(43.75%), planting trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the

village (6.25%), white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild63

(6.25%)

Mediation or Ritual Enquiry

Some form of mediation or ritual enquiry is often employed to establish which gzhi bdagis

offended, who the transgressor is, and what type of restitution is required. Traditionally deity

mediums or lha pawere consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural

Revolution transgressors/ enquirers have had to rely on a lama, a cangba64

, an amchi65

, or a mo

pa. In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdagcommunicates verbally, but the lama,amchior

mo pa66

often has to rely on divination67

through astrology or chance.

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely

lamas (60%), Canga (20%) and mo pa68

(20%).

62incense

63known as tshe tharin Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,

regaining bla(soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdig pa sel ba). It is a common practice among nomads

and the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)64

The author was unable to establish if cangbawere trance mediums or relied on dice divination.65

Tibetan Doctor or66

Divination master67

moin Tibetan68

Divination masters


15/22

The gzhi bdagdo sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens69

,theophanies70and even the abduction of relatives

71. Omens and divination are both important for maintaining

harmony with a gzhi bdagand the topocosm72

.

Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdagcult)

In most indigenous societies the keepers of culture

73

or culturalspecialists

74

are oftendescribed as shaman

75or priests. These cultural specialistsare often knowledgeable about

flora and fauna and they play an important role in environmental storytelling the transmission of

culture and indigenous knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos. Their role in cultural

reproduction is usually augmented by parents and village elders.

As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin (lamas, deity mediums

tantric lay practitioners76

, and diviners) appears to be limited to mediation77

, and with the

exception of one cultural specialist78

elders and parents appear79

to be shouldering most of the

responsibility for endogenousintergenerational enculturation80

.

5.4 Biodiversity

Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdaglocales, are

characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia81

of biodiversity.

In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the gzhi bdagsurvey

revealed that 83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the

gzhi bdagdomain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much

greater biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents (Q19) were able to name

unique flora & fauna.

69 (rten brel)in Tibetan and pronounced tendrel.

70

The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)71Norbu 199772

Samuel 199373

Zevik 200774

Yang Fuquan, 200275

Whatever the origin of the word shaman it seems clear that there is no single indigenous term that covers all the

various ritual activities (medium, divination, healing) and states of consciousness (trances) that Westerners have called

shamanism. A reasonable conclusion is that shamanism has been created and developed as a heuristic term in the

West, which helps researchers to identity phenomena that are linked by a complicated network of similarities and

common qualities. For broader and narrower definitions see Walter et al 2004.76

cangba andsngags pa77

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15)78

A monk in the chapel next to the padmacave complex in Yubeng79

On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q16)80Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire valuesand behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture.

As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shape

the individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation results

in competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture

81An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or acommunityof species to

survive after extinction in surrounding areas.
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/community


16/22

Biodiversity studies of Yubeng82

flora suggest some significant differences based on sanctity.

These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area

(m2/ha). The literature83

suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue

sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf,

small panda, snow leopards, Ja84

,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches,

yellow throated buntings, Goulds sunbird and Lady Amhersts pheasant.

5.5 Threats to gzhi bdaglocales and culture

The preservation of gzhi bdagsites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of

indigenous culture and its transmission from generation to generation. Possible threats to

indigenous culture are fully addressed elsewhere85

and can only be summarised in the context of

Yubeng in this chapter.

On the basis of volunteered information provided during the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q19) the greatest

bio-cultural threats included: - external philosophic values (33.33%), external cultural values

(33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in boarding school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and

economic development (5.56%)

In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the

expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic

development86. According to the Kawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded by

outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic87

.

There is already evidence of alienation, loss of identity and self-esteem among indigenous

secondary school children in Ganzi TAP88

which may have spread to Tibetan primary school

students in NW Yunnan89

. Although the headmaster still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was

closed in 2012 and primary school children currently attend boarding school in Deqin.

Tourism90

and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the

Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and

culture.

82Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 2007

83Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013

84Ja is believed to be gyain Tibetan or serowin Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Kawakarpo mountains they often

have a white mane.85

Studley 200586Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 200387

Moseley et al 200388

Studley 201289

Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school students

from remote villages.90

Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 2005


17/22

The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity

has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng91

and as a result of tourism92

the protected

areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdagare beginning to break down.

Figure 4 Yubengs defunct primary school (CCTV)

Efforts are now being made globally to bring indigenous language and knowledge into school

curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus reaffirming the status of elders as

knowledge holders93.

Although the Kawakarpo Cultural association and others94

have created a bio-cultural archive of

the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back

into the community.

6. Conclusions

Sacred Natural Sites continue to play a very important role in the lives and identity of all sectors

of the Tibetan population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdagsites are the

numinous abodes of territorial divinities that protect and grant success to local Tibetan nomads

and farmers and undergird their identity and Tibetanness.

Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora95

and

may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three

91

Lanier 200592Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/201393

Arenas et al 2010,http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf94

Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 201295

Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the Era

of Fragmentation (9th

-11th

century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)

following opening and reform (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).
http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf


18/22

gzhi bdagsites totalling approximately 10,430mu [per village] with well known and well defined

geospatial extents and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.

The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdagdomain is currently conducted on

the basis of endogenous regulation in order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual

protection is being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for

tourism.

There is recognition that if the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the

religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally

to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous

knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.

Non-clerical cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in

some locations only a few remain today. As a result in many cases villagers have to consult a lama

in place of a non-clerical religious specialist.

Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the

responsibility for endogenousintergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if

cultural reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school

children currently being sent to boarding school.

Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas

of bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN96

or ICCA97

. Both of these avenues present problems

when the custodians are minority peoples living in countries that have top-down hierarchical

political systems and ambiguous autonomy. In the light of these difficulties the current ICCA

registration processes and GIS data publication protocols are in urgent need of review.

7 Recommendations

Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This

information can also be used as base material for their protection.

Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdagritual activity.

Further research is required into the role of cangbaand mo pain Tibetan society and the viability

of increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.

Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.

96http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature

97http://www.iccaconsortium.org/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature


19/22

There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate

the endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and

secure protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.

Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC98

and IUCN to amend registration and GIS

protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected.

Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration to ensure

the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to its custodians.

Bibliography

Anderson, D., Salick, J., Moseley, B. & Ou Xiaokun. 2005, 'Conserving the sacred medicine mountains: a

vegetation analysis of Tibetan sacred sites in Northwest Yunnan', Biodiversity and Conservation, vol. 14,

pp. 3065-3091.

Arenas, A., Reyes, I. & Wyman, L. 2010, 'When Indigenous and Modern Education Collide', in Globalisation,

Comparative Education and Policy Research 12 Global Pedagogies: Schooling for the Future, ed. J. Zajda,

pp. 85-110.

Bauer, K. 2013, High Frontiers: Dolpo and the Changing World of Himalayan Pastoralists, Columbia

University Press.

Bayo, P. 2012, Sacred Mountains: Spirituality & Heritage Conservation A Comparative Study of Croagh

Patrick in Ireland and Montsacro in Spain, Masters thesis, University College Dublin.

Blondeau, A-M. & Steinkellner, E. 1998, Tibetan Mountain Deities: Their Cults and Representations: Papers

Presented at a Panel of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies - Graz 1995,

Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien.

Buckley, L. 2007, Tibetan Sacred Lands: A Values-Based Approach to Conservation, Worldwatch Institute.

Byrne, D. 2010, 'The Enchanted Earth: Numinous Sacred Sites', in Sacred Natural Sites: Conserving Nature

and Culture, eds. B. Verschuuren, R. Wild, J. McNeely & G. Oviedo, Earthscan, London, pp. 53-61.

Colding, J. & Folke, C. 2001, 'Social Taboos, "Invisible" systems of local Resource Management and

Biological Conservation ', Ecological Applications, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 584-600.

Clarke, P. & Beyer, P. 2008, The World's Religions: Continuities and Transformations, Taylor and Francis.

Durkheim, E. 1995, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Free Press , New York.

Eckholm, E. 2001, 'A Holy Place in China Fights for Its Life, Body and Soul 10th July 2001', The New York

Times.

Ferrera, M. 2007, The European Welfare State, University of Milan, Milan.

Gerke, B. 2012, Long Lives and Untimely Deaths: Life-Span Concepts and Longevity Practices Among

Tibetans in the Darjeeling Hills, India, Brill.

Greer, B.2002 ,A Village Near the Sky, [Online], Available from:

.

98http://www.unep-wcmc.org/
http://www.billsbrownstone.com/travel/greatertibet.pdfhttp://www.billsbrownstone.com/travel/greatertibet.pdfhttp://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.billsbrownstone.com/travel/greatertibet.pdf


20/22

Guo Jing. 2000, 'A Mountain of Nature, Also a Mountain of Divinity - Indigenous Knowledge about the

Space of Khabadkarpo', in Links between Cultures and Biodiversity - Proceedings of the Cultures and

Biodiversity Congress 2000, CUBIC, Yunnan, China 20-30 July 2000, pp. 230-239.

Hollan, D. 1996, 'Cultural and experiential aspects of spirit beliefs among the Toraja', in Spirits in Culture,

History and Mind, eds. J. Mageo & A. Howard, Routledge, New York, pp. 213-235.

Holmes, J. & Holmes, J. 2011, Northwest Yunnan Province, Part III - Hiking to Yubeng Village, [Online],

Available from: .

Huber, T. 2006, 'The Skor lam and the Long March: Notes on the Transformation of Tibetan Ritual Territory

in Southern Amdo in the Context of Chinese Developments',Journal of the International Association of

Tibetan Studies, vol. 2, pp. 1-42.

Huber, T. 2004, 'Territorial Control by "Sealing" (rgya sdom-pa): A Religio-Political Practice in Tibet', ZAS,

vol. 33, pp. 127-152.

Huber, T. 2002, 'Ritual Revival and Innovation at Bird Cemetery Mountain', inAmdo Tibetans in Transition,

Brill, Leiden, pp. 113-146.

Huber, T. 1999a, 'Making Sense of Tibetan Pilgrimages', Asia Quarterly, vol. 5, p. pages 10-11.

Huber, T. 1999b, The Cult of Pure Crystal Mountain: Popular Pilgrimage and Visionary Landscape in

Southeast Tibet, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Hwa Yol Jung. 2002, Comparative Political Culture in the Age of Globalization: An Introductory Anthology,

Lexington Books.

Karmay , S. 1998, The Arrow and the Spindle - Studies in History, Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Tibet,

Mandala Book Point, Kathmandu.

Kolas, A. 2004, 'Tourism and the Making of Place in Shangri-La', Tourism Geographies, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 262-

278.

Lanier, F. 2005 , The Role of Tibetan Buddhism and Culture in Sustainable Development (A Case Study of

Yubeng Village) Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection.Paper 418., [Online], Available from:

.

McKay, A. 1998, Pilgrimage in Tibet, Curzon Press.

Moseley, B., Sina Norbu & Guo Jing. 2003, 'Kawabego Snow Mountains: Sacred Natural Sites Case Study', in

Vth World Parks Congress Durban, South Africa 9-17 Sept 2003.

Mus, P. 1975, 'India Seen from the East: Indian and Indigenous Cults in Champa. [L'Inde vue de l'Est: Cultes

indiens et indigenes au Champa 1933]', in Monash paper on Southeast Asia No 3, Centre of Southeast Asian

Studies, eds. I. Mabbet & D. Chandler, Monash University, Australia.

Norbu, N. 1997,Journey Among the Tibetan Nomads - An Account of a Remote Civilization, Library of

Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala.

Posey, D ed. 1999, Spiritual & Cultural Values of Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Publications and

United Nations Environment Programme - UNEP, London.

Punzi, V. 2013, 'Physical, Cultural and Religious Space in A myes Bar dbon - Written and Oral Traditions of a

gnas ri in Amdo', Revue d'Etudes Tibetaines, vol. 26, pp. 93-114.

Rabgey, T. 2008, 'Citizenship as Agency in a Virtual Tibetan Public', in Tibetan Modernities: Notes from the

field on cultural and social change, eds. R. Barnett & R. Schwartz, Brill, Leiden, pp. 333-352.
http://johnjemi.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/northwest-yunnan-province-part-iii.htmlhttp://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/418http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/418http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/418http://johnjemi.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/northwest-yunnan-province-part-iii.html


21/22

Reichel, E. 1992, 'Shamanistic Modes for Environmental Accounting in the Colombian Amazon: Lessons

from Indigenous Etho-ecology for Sustainable Development', in International Symposium on Indigenous

Knowledge and Sustainable Development Sept 20-26 1992, Silang, Cavite, Philippines.

Robertson, E. 2006, Space and Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, UNM Press.

Rosing, I. & Sonam Norboo Spurkhapa. 2006, Shamanic Trance and Amnesia: With the Shamans of the

Changpa Nomads in Ladakhi Changthang, Concept Publishing Company.

Sahlins, M. 2004, Stone Age Economics, Routledge, London.

Salick, J., Amend, A., Anderson, D., Hoffmeister, K., Gunn, B. & Zhendong, F. 2007, 'Tibetan sacred sites

conserve old growth trees and cover in the eastern Himalayas', Biodiversity and Conservation, vol. 16,

pp. 693-706.

Samuel, G. 1993, Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Societies, Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington

DC.

Schwartz, R. 1994, Circle of Protest: Political Ritual in the Tibetan Uprising, Hurst & Co, London.

Shen, X., Lu, Z., Li, S. & Chen, N. 2012, 'Tibetan sacred sites: understanding the traditional management

system and its role in modern conservation', Ecology and Society, vol. 17, no. 2, p. 13.

Sponsel, L. 2012, Spiritual Ecology: A Quiet Revolution, ABC-CLIO.

Studley, J. 2012, 'Territorial Cults as a Paradigm of Place in Tibet', in Making Sense of Place -

Multidisciplinary Perspectives, eds. I. Convery, G. Corsane & D. Davis, Boydell Press, Woodbridge UK,

pp. 219-234.

Studley, J. 2010, 'Uncovering the Intangible Values of Earth Care: Using Cognition To Reveal the Eco-

spiritual Domains and Sacred Values of the Peoples of Eastern Kham', in Sacred Natural Sites: Conserving

Nature and Culture, eds. B. Verschuuren, R. Wild, J. McNeely & G. Oviedo, Earthscan, London, pp. 107-118.

Studley, J. 2005, Sustainable Knowledge Systems and Resource Stewardship: In search of ethno-forestry

paradigms for the indigenous peoples of Eastern Kham., PhD thesis, Loughborough University.

Tucci, G. 1988, The Religions of Tibet, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

Verschuuren, B., Wild, R., McNeely, J. & Oviedo, G. 2010, Sacred Natural Sites- Conserving Nature and

Culture, Earthscan, London.

Walter, M. & Fridman , E. 2004, Shamanism: An Encyclopedia of World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture,

Volume 1, ABC-CLIO.

Weinblum, S. & Iglesias, J. 2013, 'The Discursive Exclusion of Minorities: Narratives of the self in Israel and

Moldova ', Critical Approaches to Discourse Analysis across Disciplines, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 164-179.

Wild, R. & McLeod, C. 2008, Sacred Natural Sites - Guidelines for Protected Area Managers, IUCN and

UNESCO, Gland Switzerland and Paris France.

Xiao Xiangyi. 2012, 'A poacher turned ranger hunts the hunter', China Daily, [Online], Available from

Xie Jisheng. 2001, 'The Mythology of Tibetan Mountain Gods: An Overview', Oral Tradition, vol. 16, no. 2,

pp. 343-363.

Yang Fuquan. 2002, 'Mentorship of Indigenous Cultural Specialists: A Case Study of Training of Dongba Naxi

Priests', in Landscapes of Diversity: Indigenous Knowledge Sustainable Livelihoods and Resource

Governance in Montane Southeast Asia, ed. Xu Jianchu, ed, Yunnan Science and Technology Press,

Kunming, pp. 479-485.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htmhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htmhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htmhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htm


22/22

Zevik, E. 2007, First Look: The Qiang People of Sichuan, The Chinese University Press, Shatin.

Tibetan Spiritscape

Documents

Transcript of Tibetan Spiritscape