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The Xolalpan to Prado-Corral Transition at the Upper Basin of

Rio El Marques, Tula Region, Hidalgo1

Laura Rodríguez Cano (INAH/ENAH), Patricia Fournier (INAH/ENAH), and Alfonso Torres Rodriguez (ENAH)

Abstract

In this paper we present the results of surface surveys in settlements dating to the Classic period, located in the northwestern fringe of the Tula region. We briefly discuss the dynamics of Classic communities during Xhiti phase (1- 350-400 a. d), their relationship with the Teotihuacan sociopolitical system represented by the provincial center of Chingu, and focus on the regional sociopolitical developments and material correlates dating to the Atlan phase (350-400-600 a.d) and the transition to the Coyotlatelco Prado-Corral phase.

At the Tula region, based on our surveys and independent

studies, numerous Classic period settlements and small

archaeological sites have been located, mostly concentrated

in the southern portion of the Tula Valley and to the

northeast, particularly in the area of the Upper Basin of

the El Marqués River. The results of these surveys

illustrate Classic processes, and serve as a basis to

define a new occupational phase with ceramics of local

tradition that are contemporaneous with the Late Xolalpan

and Metepec phases.

Teotihuacan hegemony in the Tula region (1 AD to 350/400 AD)

During the first part of the Classic period (1 AD to

350/400 AD) the populations that settled in the southern

1 Ponencia presentada el 22 de marzo en Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology (SAA), Denver, E.U.

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portion of the Tula region were tied closely to the state-

level economic and socio-political system developed by

Teotihuacan. During the Tzacualli to Tlamimilolpa Phases, a

rapid growth in the number of sites with a high population

density can be observed related to each other in a

hierarchical network of settlements, possibly reflecting

the hierarchical character of the administrative and

economic system of Teotihuacan. The presence of different

local centers is particularly relevant, while in the Tula

Valley Chingú, the largest center located in the south, may

be considered a regional capital. Lithic and ceramic

materials from this period, as well as architectural

features, construction materials, and the actual outline of

the principal sites, evidence a perfect integration of

these communities and their regional capitals into the

socio-political system of Teotihuacan; although local

elements are present during this period, they appear in low

frequencies. The integration of the southern portion of the

Tula region into this system may represent the northern

fringe of Teotihuacan´s direct administrative control in

the arid lands of Mesoamerica.

Numerous settlements dating to this period have been

registered in the Tula region, located in the Tepetitlán,

Chapantongo, and Amealco Valleys. These Early Classic sites

are strongly linked to the socioeconomic reproduction

structures of the Teotihuacan system at least from the

Early Tlamimilolpa to the Early Xolalpan phases, our

regional Xithí Phase. The ceramic complex is similar to

those coeval in the Basin of Mexico. At Xithí sites, the

most abundant Tlamimilolpa types imported from Teotihuacan

exhibit service vessels, evidence of a strong domestic

component integrating the region into Teotihuacan’s ceramic

sphere. Bowls and tripod vases with flaring and outcurved

sides are abundant in our collections; some of the vessels

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present nubbin supports. Polished Monochrome wares, mostly

brown, and Bi-chrome Red on Natural wares with pattern

polishing and occasionally with incising that outlines the

painted designs dominate the assemblage. Monochrome black

bowls with everted rim, flat base, and nubbin supports are

also common; monochrome brown bowls with flaring sides, and

high-neck globular ollas with pattern polishing are also

part of the ceramic complex. Early Xolalpan Painted Wares

include vessels with flaring sides bathed in deep red

specular hematite paint.

Thin Orange has been identified in most of the

settlements although in different proportions. Central

centers such as El Huizachal, El Mogote San Bartolo, and

Chingú, and some secondary sites such as PS15 and Loma

Encinillas present high frequencies of this ware. Thick,

regular and eggshell Thin Orange are part of the

assemblages. The most frequent form is the hemispherical

bowl with ring base, incised on the exterior surface.

The types of local manufacture, also abundant, include

basically vessel forms for food storage and preparation,

and for water transport and storage. At Chingú, Clara Luz

Díaz (1980) reports that local manufactures account for

slightly more than 20% of the collected surface materials;

this percentage increases significantly during the

following phase.

The most common vessel forms dating to the Xithí Phase

include red-slipped ollas, jars, and amphorae, the latter

with tall neck and flat, convex or occasionally cone-shaped

base (El Calvario Monochrome Red or Bruno Red at Chingú).

These locally produced and consumed wares evidence that

local developmental factors were already in process.

In addition to ceramics, lithics characteristic of the

distribution and exchange networks associated with

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Teotihuacan are abundant; most artifacts are made of green

obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas, a source whose

exploitation apparently was controlled by Teotihuacan.

Classic period materials are also present in the

northern zone of the Tula region, although to a lesser

degree than at sites located in the southern portion.

Apparently, the settlement pattern consisted mostly of

small, disperse and possibly late villages and hamlets,

except for San José Atlán, which may have been a central

center. This pattern contrasts with the relatively high

population density, temporal depth and complex hierarchical

system for the southern populations linked to Teotihuacan.

The Atlán Phase in the Upper Basin of the El Marqués River (450 AD a 550 AD)

Towards the end of the Classic period, coeval with the

Late Xolalpan and Metepec phases (ca. 450-600 AD), ceramics

and lithics evidence a general trend to regional

developments. There is an emphasis on the production of

local materials, which contrasts with the previous

integration into the Teotihuacan hegemony. This regional

scenario, motivated perhaps by a change in the core-

periphery control strategies, or by a disruption of the

hegemonic system on the eve of the demise of Teotihuacan,

led to the development of local socio-political units that

possibly started to compete with Chingú, the former

provincial center.

This phase, known as the Atlán phase in the regional

sequence, is characterized by the development of a local

settlement hierarchical system, and possibly local ruling

lineages controlled the region. Nevertheless, motifs and

symbols of the new power structures are derived from

Teotihuacan´s iconography and symbolism. Clay figurines,

stone sculptures, and architectural styles at sites located

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northeast of the Tula Valley (sub-basin of the El Marqués

River), evidence this trend.

Among the most representative local materials are

Monochrome Polished Wares, either in brown or red. Vessel

forms include upright vases and bowls with flaring walls

and nubbin or rounded conical supports; they exhibit

scratch incising and occasionally basal grooving on

exterior walls (San Bartolo Brown Sgraffito and La Presa

Red Sgraffito). Red on Natural Wares consist of

hemispherical bowls with convex base or ring base, painted

with triangular and simple line motifs, or with red

blotches (Atlán Red/Brown equivalent to Florentino

Red/Brown of the Metepec Phase in Chingú).

Polished Wares also include craters, ollas and plates of

the Apolonio Rugoso type, and hemispherical bowls with ring

base, decorated with zonal burnishing, similar to the

Metepec materials of Teotihuacan. In addition, there are

monochrome brown or red ollas, amphorae, jars, and craters;

these vessel forms also present red slip, El Calvario

Monochrome Red type, having a long sequence, first

appearing during the Xithí Phase, and are equivalent to the

type Bruno Red from Chingú.

There are also richly adorned, mold-made figurines with

rear supports that follow the iconographic and stylistic

guidelines of Teotihuacan examples.

Trends towards regional development are also reflected

in lithic industries. Silex and fine-grained basalt were

exploited at local sources to manufacture flakes and

scrapers, the latter possibly associated with the

processing of agave fibers to manufacture textiles. At

Atlán phase sites, there is a decrease in the use of green

obsidian, presumably distributed through Chingú, while gray

obsidian probably from Ucareo forms the bulk of the

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collections, consisting of prismatic blades and projectile

points.

At the Amealco-Sayula zone and at the Upper sub-basin of

El Marqués River, survey results evidence the conformation

of a local settlement unit dating mainly to this phase,

centered in the San Bartolo Ozocalpan and Presa El Marqués

settlements. These sites present monumental architecture,

spatial distribution of features and general layout

reminiscent of those at Teotihuacan, also identified at

Chingú. At Presa El Marqués red volcanic tezontle was

employed as construction material, while floors are similar

to pavements from Teotihuacan. The central settlement is

located on a wide strip of alluvial lands, and is

surrounded by at least ten residential sites (Los Cuartos

Ozocalpan, El Salto, El Marqués, Norte Arroyo San

Sebastián, Rancho Nuevo, El Galván, Estación Encinillas,

Ladera Sur Cerro Cinzhá, Loma Encinillas and Zimapantongo)

mainly scattered in neighboring hillsides.

Three categories of settlements have been located:

1) small agricultural communities that cover between 1 and

2 hectares, with one or more residential compounds

located on low hills close to streams.

2) Medium sized local capitals (El Mogote San Bartolo y

Presa el Marqués), covering between 20 and 30 hectares (El

Huizachal y El Calvario), and between 80 to 100 hectares

(El Mogote y Villagrán) with several small satellites.

These sites are located close to streams, basalt quarries

and clay deposits. The Mogote

San Bartolo covers 1 km2, which is approximately one

third of the maximum size of Chingú, a change compared to

the earlier 1:10 size proportion for central and dependent

settlements of the previous phase. This relative increase

in size of the political units possibly is related to local

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economic developments, although the reproduction of

symbolic and stylistic schemes shared with Teotihuacan

continues.

3) Regional centers, represented by Chingú, covering 254

hectares during the Xithí Phase. Ceramics of the Late

Xolalpan and Metepec phases mark an abrupt decline of

Teotihuacan´s presence at the site, since imported wares

form approximately 4% of the surface collections while the

abundant local complex forms 20% (with the types Florentino

Red on Brown, Apolonio Rugoso, and Bruno Red, part of the

Atlán complex). During the Late Xolalpan Phase, Chingú is

still the largest site in the region, covering almost two

square kilometers. The settlement possibly competed with

the emerging local capitals located in the El Marqués

Valley. In spite of the decrease of its population, Chingu

continues with its specialized production activities,

including the distribution of green obsidian blades and the

manufacture of domestic vessels inspired in Oaxacan

traditions. However, Metepec ceramics form about 1% of

surface assemblages, while the sites located northeast

continue with a high population density and with local

developments

The Late Xolalpan/Metepec-Prado/Corral Transition

Local dynamics leading to the regional development of

political units are consolidated during the Atlán Phase, at

the expense of the Teotihuacan’s political control

mechanisms. This trend eventually led to the rise of new

socio-political units during the Epiclassic.

At Late Xolalpan-Metepec sites, local manufactures and

new imports replace artifacts and raw materials previously

distributed by Teotihuacan. For example, local fine-grained

basalt is exploited to produce scrapers while green

obsidian is replaced by gray obsidian possibly from

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Michoacan sources, as well as black volcanic glass. These

materials possibly arrived in the region through new

exchange networks.

Concerning ceramics, service and domestic vessels were

produced locally, while imported wares such as Thin Orange

appear in low frequencies. Thus, most service vessels

previously distributed by Teotihuacan are replaced by local

manufactures during the Atlán phase.

Settlement pattern also change, since new sites are

founded, several earlier centers (Huizachal and El

Calvario) are abandoned, while some are still occupied and

apparently their population increases. This pattern shows a

regional demographic reorganization and the rise of a new

control centers, particularly in The Upper Basin of El

Marqués River Basin. At his zone, San Bartolo Ozocalpan,

probably founded since Tzacualli times, may have rivaled

Chingú.

The size and hierarchical organization of the sites is

transformed. There is an increase in the number and size of

the new second-level population units.

In the demographic and economic realms, local

developments substitute the Teotihuacan hierarchical and

hegemonic network, although symbolic and political

production still shows Teotihuacan´s imprint. Construction

techniques, spatial patterning, and styles continue, as

well as the production of symbolic elements such as clay

figurines and stone sculptures, which partially reproduce

Teotihuacan´s hegemonic discourse, for example with the

presence of the storm god, the Xolalpan style portrait-type

figurines, and sculptures of the old god of fire.

The populations of the Upper Basin of El Marqués River

and presumably those living in the Tula Valley, were

trapped in a dichotomy between new political and economic

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regional developments slowly substituting previous ties

with Teotihuacan mediated by Chingú, and trends towards the

reproduction of the symbolic Teotihuacan discourse that

justified elite political and ritual power. Teotihuacan

looses power in the Tula region although elite symbolic and

political reproduction material correlates show that local

elites assimilate and reproduce the hegemonic discourse of

a state in decline. Some of the symbolic elements derived

from Teotihuacan, will prevail among Epiclassic populations

of the Tula region, who will organize new independent

sociopolitical units between 600 and 900 AD.