The transformation of cattle economy in Rongo division, South Nyanza district, 1900 to 1960
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THE TRANSFORATION OF CATTLE ECONOMY IN RONGO DIVISION, SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT, 1900 TO i 960. / I BY GEORGE ODUOR^DEGE A thesis submitted to the Department of History, University of Nairobi, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Master of Arts in History. JUNE, 1989
Transcript of The transformation of cattle economy in Rongo division, South Nyanza district, 1900 to 1960
THE TRANSFORATION OF CATTLE ECONOMY IN RONGO DIVISION,
SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT, 1900 TO i 960. / I
BY
GEORGE ODUOR^DEGE
A thesis submitted to the Department o f H istory, University
o f Nairobi, in p artia l fu lfilm en t fo r the degree o f Master
o f Arts in History.
JUNE, 1989
This thesis is my orig in al work and has not been submitted
fo r a degree in any other University.
GEORGE ODUOR NDEGE
Ih is thesis has been submitted for examination with my
approval as U niversity Supervisor. .
DR. JUSTUS B. Ml:GAJU
( i i i )
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table o f Contents ......................, .. , . .. - . * . . . .
Acknowledgement........ ...................... %
L ist o f Abbreviations . . . . . . . - . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .
Glossary . . . . . . . . . ■> . •.
L ist o f Tables .................. •
L ist o f Maps ............ ..........
Abstract *«... . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1:1 INTRODUCTION ........... ........................ . . . . ... ... ... .. .
1:2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM .. . ........ .
1 : 3 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY ___ ----------------
1:4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .................... . ........
1: 5 HYPOTHESES ..........^ .
1:6 REVIEW OF LITERATURE . »• •»••• • • ••
1: 7 METHODOLOGY .........................
1 :8 ORGANISATION OF THE STUDY
FOOTNOTES TO CJiAPTER ONE ,
PAGE
( i i i )
(v i)
(v ii)
( v i i i )
(ix )
(x)
(id.)
1
5
7
813
14
23
28
30
CHAPTER TWO; CaTi LE ECONOMY ON THE EVE OF COLONIALISM
2:1 INTRODUCTION ........... ...............
2:2 ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF CATTLE IN THE ECONOMY OF RONGO............ .
35
352:3 AQCUISITION OF CATILE A\’D RIGHTS OF OWNERSHIP 42
PAGE
2:4 FORAGING AND BREEDING PRACTICES ............................ 46
2:5 PROBLEMS T'0 CATTLE PRODUCTION ................................ 53
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER W O .......................................... 58
CHAPTER THREE: CATTLE ECONOMY IN THE FORM TIM) YEARS * *
OF COLONIAL RULE 1903-1918
3:1 INTRODUCTION ................................ •................................ 64
3:2 ADVENT OF COLONIALISM AND THE INAUGURATION OF
COLONIAL ECONOMIC STRUCTURES ................................. 64
3:3 DEMAND FOR LABOUR............................................. ‘ ____ 67
3:4 TAXATION........................................................................... 71
3:5 DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE....................................... 74
3:6 THE EXPANSION OF TRADE ............................................... 77
3:7 MEASURES OF DISEASE CONTROL ..................................... 83
3:8 THE EMERGING TRENDS..................................................... 84
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THREE ...................................... 87
CHAPTER FOUR: THE COHMERCLALIZATION OF CATTLE ECONOMY1919-1939
*4:1 INTRODUCTION ....................... 93
4:2 THE INTER-WAR POLICIES PERTAINING TO CATTLE . . . 93
4 :3 THE SHIFT IN GOVERNMENT POLICY ............................... 99
4 = 4 ' ORGANISATION OF TRADE...................: .......................... 109
4 :5 THE IMPACT OF TRADE..................................................... 122
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR........................................ 127
(v)PAGE
CHAPTER FIVE: TOWARDS A DIVERSIFIED ECONOMY OF RONGQ,
1940-1960
5:1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................... I 35
5:2 THE IMPACT OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR ...................... 135
5:3 CONFLICT OF ECONOMIC INTERESTS.............................. 141
5:4 POST-W.AR II DEVELOPMENTS IN- CATTLE PRODUCTION
AND MANAGEMENT............................................................. 144 .
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE ........................................ I 55
CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS _____________ ______162
BIBLIOGRAPHY 167
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am very grateful to a ll those who offered assistance in one
way or another to make this study a success. Foremost, my deepest
gr atitude goes to my supervisor Dp. Justus B. Muga.iu fo r his
invaluable suggestions, guidance and assistance. I am also
indebted to Dr. Mwangi wa Githumo from whom I gained a lo t o f
insights and encouragement that saw th is work to i t s fru ition .
Professors Mathias Ogutu and Elisha S. Atieno Odhiambo
previously o f the Department o f History, University o f Nairobi,
and Dr. Casper* Odegi Awuondo o f the Department o f Sociology deserve
specia l thanks for* their constructive critic ism and sound advice,
They read and commented on the e a r lie r drafts o f th is thesis. I
a lso wish to thank a ll the s t a f f , colleagues and friends in the
Department o f History for* their un failing support.. To each o f
them 1 say 'thank you' . * ■ - . . 0
I extend my special and sincere gratitude to a ll my informants
whose contribution in th is study is invaluable. The data gathered
trom them has been instrumental in the writing o f th is thesis .
I am indebted to the University o f Nairobi fo r the scholarshiu
they offered me to do my post-graduace studies. Without their
fin an cia l support, this study could never have been possible. My
appreciation also goes to Mrs. A lice Bakhoya who typed the tresis
w ell and in a very short time. However, I am so le ly responsible
to r any errors, shoi*tcomings and fa ilin g s o f this study.
(vii )
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AA African A ffairs
AEH African Economic History
AR Annual Report
ASR African Studies Review .
CC Capital and Class
CJAS Canadian Journal o f African Studies
DC D istr ic t Commissioner
EAJ East African Journal
EALB East A fr ica Literature Bureau
EAPH East African Publishing House
IDRC International Development Research Centre
JAH Journal o f African History
JCA Journal o f Contemporary Asia
JEARD Journal East African Research Development
JPS ' Journal o f Peasant Studies
KAR Kings African R ifle s .
KHR Kenya H istorical Review
KNA Kenya National Archives
KSI K is ii
NLR New Left Review
NZA Nyanza
PC Provincial Commissioner
QR Quarterly Report
RA Rural AfricanaSK South KavirondoSN South Nyanza
(viii)
GLOSSARY OF DHO-LUO WORDS USED IN THE THESIS
Abach Blackwater disease
Achany Foot and Mouth disease
Adita A small container used in grain measure.
Agingu East Coast Fever disease
Atonga A large container used in grain measure
Bala A type o f sa lt used as ca tt le feed.
Boro dhiang1 The act o f removing blood from a cow or
a bu ll using an arrow
Buch Johala Meeting o f the traders.
Goyo Kwath Cooperation in herding ca tt le
Jachan A poor man
Jodak Tenants on a given land
Jopith madongo Large ca t t le owners
Josemb dhok Those vho ’ walked’ ca ttle to markets
Jothieth madongo Famous medicinemen
Jowi buffalo
Kwach Leopard
Lek Pasture
Liech Elephant(s)
Omuga Rhino
Opere A serious rinderpest ep izootic
Peyo dhok Raiding ca t t le
Nyar Daughter o f
Saga Community se lf-h e lp work in agriculture
Thim Wilderness
Thuondi Warriors
Wath River bank
Yamo Anthrax or trypanosomiasis disease
(ix )
LIST OF TABLESPAGE
2:1 APPROXIMATE CONTENTS USED IN GRAIN MEASURE 39
2:2 APPROXIMATE EXCHANGE RATES OF CATTLE AND
GRAIN .............................................. 39
2:3 APPROXIMATE EXCHANGE RATES OF CATTLE, AND
SHEEP AND GOATS....................................................... 40
2:4 MEANS OF PRODUCTION: B.ASIC CATEGORIES ____ ... . . 47
3:1 REVENUE (IN RUPEES) FROM HUT TAX IN RONGO
DIVISION, 1905-1912 ............................................... 71
3:2 TRADE RETURNS FOR SOUTH KAVIRONDO DISTRICT
1908-1911 ................................................................... 77
4:1 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS BETWEEN 1918 AND 1955 99
4:2 LABOUR CONTRACTED FROM THE SOUTH KAVIRONDO
DISTRICT, 1922-1935 ......... 100
4: 3 PRICES OF CATTLE IN SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT
DURING LOCUST TIME IN 1931 ................................. 106
5:1 VALUE OF AGRICULTURAL AND ANIMAL EXPORTS FROM
SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT, 1957-1960 ..................... 149
LIST OF MAPSPAGE
1 :1 LOCATION OF SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT IN KENYA 2
1.2 ADMINISTRATIVE UNITS IN RONGO DIVISION AND
BORDERING LOCATIONS AND DISTRICTS..................... . 3
1 .3 • RAINFALL DISTRIBUTION AND MAJOR RIVERS IN
SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT . ...........'............................. 4
1.4 • CATTLE MARKETS AND ROUTES IN SOUTH NYANZA
DISTRICTS ..................................................................... HO
(x).
ABSTRACT
This study is an analytical product o f arch iva l, oral and
library research on the dynamics o f ca ttle economy in Rongo
d iv ision during the colon ial period. The study se t out to
examine why, how and with what resu lts the p re -co lon ia l v ia b il ity
and resourcefulness o f ca ttle economy was eroded under colon ialism .
Hence, the thrust o f th is research was on the economic sign ifican ce
o f ca ttle in the p re-colon ia l economy o f Rongo, the principal
forces o f change and continuity which moulded that economy during
the colon ia l period and the subsequent response o f the lo ca l
ca t t le owners and traders to the structural transformation o f
the ca ttle economy during the same period.
The study further shows how the performance o f ca tt le -economy
during the co lon ia l period was a ffected by various problems such
as recurrent famines, livestock diseases, the g lobal economic
depression o f 1929“ 35 and, above a l l , the co lon ia l p o lic ie s
pertaining to taxation, labour, trade and crop production. I t
a lso analyses the central ro le o f the co lon ia l sta te in the
transformation o f the ca ttle economy in Rongo.
I t is submitted that the dawn o f colonialism and the
subsequent inception o f the co lon ia l state set in motion a series
o f economic p o lic ie s and changes which were instrumental in the
integration o f the trad ition a l economy o f Rongo in to the wider
co lon ia 1 economy. Besides id en tify in g these p o l ic ie s and changes
(xii)
the study reveals the persistence o f the tra d ition a l production
and management methods under the co_on ial economy o f Rongo.
The research also reveals that ca tt le owners and traders
in ca t t le and related products were not ju s t passive towards the
economic fo rces which were impinging on th e ir erstwhile cherished
economy. In fa c t , the study shows how they faced the prevailing
s itu a tion with considerable economic ingenuinity. Some o f them
came to grips with the colon ial c a p ita lis t economy and
accumulated capita l which they invested in various economic
ventures. The findings of th is study have invalidated the notion
o f equal deprivation and pauperization o f the ca t t le owners and
traders in the co lon ia l economy.
I t i s further noted that ca t t le economy witnessed declining
fortunes in the la s t two decades o f co lon ia l ru le . The study
a ttr ibu tes th is state to the increasing demand fo r lo ca l labour
in co lo n ia l establishments, the development o f formal western
education, expansion o f area under crop and the demographic
changes overtime which caused stra in on ca tt le economy. The
situ ation wjas further aggravated by lack o f adequate breeding
and dipping fa c i l i t i e s in Rongo fo r most o f the en tire colon ia l
period . The combination o f these problems in the wake of other
competing lucrative ventures eventually undermined the
p re -co lo n ia l resourcefulness o f ca t t le economy.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1:1 INTRODUCTION
Rongo d iv is ion i s one o f the nine administrative divisions
o f South Nyanza d is t r ic t (see map 1 .1 )w The d iv is ion is bordered
by Gem to the North, Kanyada to the North West, Kabuoch to the
West and Kanyamkago to the South West. To the East i t is
bordered by the I s ir ia Masai (see map 1.2).. Rongo covers an
area o f 469 square kilometres.^ .By I 987 i t comprised eight
locations o f North Kamagambo, Central Kamagambo, South Kamagambo,
West Kamagambo, North Sakwa, Central Sakwa, South Sakwa and West2
Sakwa. In 1979 i t had a population o f 86,113.
In terms o f the physical terra in , Rongo is an upland plateau3
ris in g to 1,200 metres above sea le v e l. . I t has an annual
ra in fa ll o f 1500-l800mm and i s drained by the four main rivers
o f Kuja, Sare, Riana, Misadhi and other seasonal streams (see map -
1 .3 )- Most o f the land is high to medium agricu ltura l potential.^ .
This physical environment was suitable for the development o f
mixed farming in the d iv is ion .
On the eve o f co lon ia l rule Rongo had a robust mixed economy
with strong commercial links with i t s immediate neighbours notably
the Mugirango.^ . The economy o f Rongo today is dominated by
commercial and agricu ltu ra l a c t it iv ite s . In contrast the livestock
industry in the d iv is io n is only a minor sector o f the economy.
In 1959 i t was reported that ca ttle made an in s ig n ifica n t
contribution to lo c a l wealth.^ .This underdevelopment o f the
- 2 -
T A N Z A N I A
MAP 1-3= R A I N F A L L D I S T R I B U T I O N AND MAJOR RIVERSIN SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT
5
livestock industry makes Rongo a typ ica l representative region
in South Nyanza. This minor ro le o f ca ttle in the economy o f
Rongo requires some explanation since on the eve o f British
colon ia lism the d iv ision had one o f the most flourish in g ca ttle
economies in South Nyanza.
I t i s the premise o f th is study that the ca t t le economy of
Rongo d iv ision underwent fundamental changes during the colon ia l
period. These changes can be explained within the wider framework
o f the p o l it ic a l economy o f colonialism . The co lon ia l state
in itia te d a set o f colon ial p o lic ie s which d ra stica lly transformed
the indigeneous ca ttle economy o f Rongo.
The genesis o f colon ial rule in Rongo d iv is ion and South
Nyanza d is t r ic t in general dates to 1903 when the British opened
a camp at Karungu, as the administrative headquarters, and th is
marked the beginning o f o f f i c ia l co lon ia l occupation o f South7Nyanza d is t r ic t . . The imposition o f co lon ia l ru le set the stage
fo r economic transformation o f the livestock industry o f Rongo.1
1:2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Studies o f the rural economies o f Africa have been conditioned
by certain considerations. F irst, the majority o f Africans liv e
in rural areas and any study o f African economies without
reference to the agrarian subsistence systems is bound to be
inadequate. Second, theories as dualism, dependency and
articu la tion which have been used in the study o f co lon ia l
6
African economies need to be rev isited with a view to highlight
ing the nature anu working o f the pre-colon ial African economies,
such a highlight can provide a useful springboard for* examining
the extent to which the pre-colonial economies were transfoimedg
during the co lon ia l period.
One o f the shortcomings o f the existing studies o f agrarian
African economies has been their compartmentalization in to
pastoralism or crop production as i f the two were mutually
exclusive. Consequently, the studies on ca ttle have been dominated
by anthropologists who have concentrated on the nomadic p astora lists .
Some o f those studies have not paid su ffic ien t attention to the10evolution o f agrarian economies in h istorica l- perspective. They
have also tended to neglect those African socie ties which developed
mixed economies based on livestock husbandry and crop production.
«On the eve o f colon ial rule the people o f Rongo had a viable
and robust ca ttle economy supplemented by agriculture. By I960
ca t t le husbandry was no longer the principal sector o f the economy
o f Rongo. There was sh ift o f labour and investment from ca ttle to
other sectors. Furthermore, the economy o f the d iv ision had
become more commercialised. Moreover, new innovations which tended
to favour agriculture at the expense o f animal husbandry had been
introduced and this contributed to the structural s h ift from
ca tt le to other economic a c t iv it ie s . This study explores the
change which occured in the ca ttle economy o f Rongo, hbw they
7
occured, the principal catolysts to th is transfonnation and the
response o f ca ttle owners and traders to the dynamics o f the ca ttle
economy in a co lon ia l framework.
1 :3 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY
Cattle has been considered a ma.ior source o f food fo r most
peoples o f Kenya both pastoralists and mixed farmers. I t is
therefore essential to explore the importance o f ca ttle in the
economy o f Rongo.
As already indicated studies on the ro le o f ca tt le in the
economies o f A frica have been mainly based on nomadic pastoralism.
L it t le attention has been paid to the ro le o f ca ttle in mixed
fanning communities. In this context Rongo division i s s t i l l a
v irg in h is tor ica l te rr ito ry . This study attempts to demonstrate
that ca ttle played a sign ificant economic ro le among sedentary
agricultural peoples ."just as i t did in pastoral communities.
There i s an urgent need fo r studies o f Ease African rural
economies sim ilar to Polly H il l ’ s work in West A frica . ^ It i s
submitted that such researches are long overdue. -Such rural
em pirical investigations when undertaken and accomplished wall
enrich our understanding o f the African economies in a bottom-up
approach fashion and thus break from the syndrome o f universally
applied theories which have often been devoid o f empirical
foundations. This study is a venture into one o f the most important
economic sectors o f rural A frica from a h istorica l perspective.
8
This study covets the period from 1900 to I960. Since the
d is t r ic t f i r s t witnessed colon ia l occupation in 1903, the year
1900 serves as a suitable starting point fo r the analysis o f the
r o le o f ca ttle in che economy o f Rongo on the eve o f co lon ia lis
upon which subsequent changes are assessed. The year i 960 marked
the climax o f co lon ia l rule in Rongo.
1 :5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This study i s inspired by a number o f theories which over
the years have been used in the analysis o f co lon ia l African
economies. These theories are Dualism, Dependency and
A rticu la tion .
The Dualism theory propounded by the works o f Ar’thur Lewis
and Ann Seidmann id en tified two aspects o f co lon ia l African12 - economies. These are an export enclave economy and a
subsistence economy. According to the theory the export enclave
economy is characterised by modem technology, is dynamic and
cash-oriented as opposed to the subsistence econony which is
characterised by prim itive technology and is s ta t ic . In th is
theory the c a p ita lis t economy is seen as running p aralle l to
the p re -ca p ita list economies. In fa c t , the p re -ca p ita lis t
economies are depicted as being outside the orb it and control
o f the co lon ia l economy.
The Dualism theory su ffers from a number o f lim itations. It
presupposes that the traditional subsistence economies have to
assume the same development o f western so c ie tie s . 0
9
Mate/je has rightly explained the shortcomings o f the Dualism
theory in the follow ing words:
Empirically there i s no .iu stifica tion for* a dichotomous d istinction between what is imagined to be the change-resistant 'trad ition a l se cto r ' and the so -co lled 'modem sector ' given the existence o f certain s p e c if ic forms o f interaction and exchange between the two. ^
Sim ilarly, Neil Parsons and Robin Palmer have c r it ic is e d the
Dualism theory. They have argued that Dualism imputes "to Africa• <inherent economic backwardness and irra tion a lity " which has been
discounted by certain works on co lon ia l African economies.
Nevertheless, i t would be in terestin g to observe whether or not
the Rongo co lon ia l experience uphold the Dualism theoiy.
The Dualism theory has also been c r it ic is e d by the
Dependency th eoriests . The leading exponent o f th is theoiy o f
Dependency is Andre Gunder Frank. His main thesis i s that:
Contemporary underdevelopment is in a large part the h is to r ica l product o f past and continuing economic and other re la tion s between s a te ll it e s , underdeveloped, and the now developed metropolitan countries. Furthermore, these countries are an essential part o f the structure and development o f . , the ca p ita lis t system on a world scale as a whole.
Thus, while refuting the Dualism th eoiy , the dependency theorists
suggest that i t i s in the conception o f underdevelopment as a
product o f in -b u ilc d ia le ct ic between developed (metropole) and
underdeveloped (s a t e l l i t e ) countries that the dynamics and the
nature o f the co lon ia l economies can best be illum inated.- .
10
Unfortunately, the dependency theory leave some questions
unanswered. For example, are exchange and surplus extraction
the only economic components o f a mode o f production ? hi.at are
the production relations within a given socia l formation? How
do various socia l formations re la te to a given dominant mode o f
production? Thus, a c r i t ic a l analysis o f the Depencency theory
shows that i t ignores the fa c t that modes o f production are
abstractions which have neither empirical nor h is to r ica l
foundations. Consequently, modes o f production lack necessary
sequence o f time element and cannot per se shed lig h t on the
internal dynamics o f the economies o f s p e c ific lo c a l i t ie s .
Although., the dependency theory i s more illum inating at the
exchange level i t ignores the production relations which are
cru cia l in ca p ita lis t production. On th is note Laclau, in the
Latin American context, has argued that:. «*-' .
I t is not in the analysis o f the relations o f exchange or circu lation as the dependency th eorists contend, but in a rigorous marxist analysis o f the relations o f production and the articu lation between the ca p ita lis t and persisting pr e -ca p ita lis t modes o f production . that the essential nature o f the so c ie tie s o f Latin America can be properly comprehended.
Laclau 's main argument is that to understand the internal
economic workings o f any economy i t is v ita l to understand the
given formations.
. o *Meanwhile, Goran Hyden in h is analysis o f the uncaptured
peasantry has emphasized the need to distinguish between integration
and penetration in the assessment o f the impact o f capitalism on19the African economies. .
11
His main th esis is that integration and penetration are not
necessarily synonymous and hence, although Tanzania was by and
large brought within the orb it o f the ca p ita lis t economy her
peasantry was never fu lly penetrated, restructured and brought
wdthin the ambit o f that economy. In his words the Tanzanian, „ , , , , 2 0 While log ica l questions maypeasantry remained "uncaptured".
be raised over Hyden’ s conclusions, our concern here is his
methodological foim ulation.
Hyden righ tly suggests that to understand the nature o f
African economies i t is v ita l not only to explore the extent to
which the underdeveloped economies have been integrated into the
World ca p ita lis t system but also the extent to which the systems
o f production in those economies have been penetrated by capitalism .
This need to explore the systems o f production within the colon ial
so c ia l formations to determine the extent o f ca p ita lis t penetration
in to the trad ition al African economies has been the main thesis
o f the advocates o f the theory o f A rticu lation .
According to Bruce Berman, th is c r i t ic a l ana systematised
analysis o f the articu lation o f the trad ition al economies with
the ca p ita lis t economies should be seen in two perspectives.
F irst, in the ways through which European capital and the colon ial
state attempted to control the labour power and production o f
African so c ie tie s and second, in the extent to which European
cap ita l interfered with the pre-coloniai forms o f production which
resulted in the decline o f productivity and widespread pauperization
12
However a theoretica l consideration o f the agro-pastoral
economy most address i t s e l f to three main issues: ecolog ica l
setting o f agro-pastoralism, economics o f production and exchange
in livestock economy and the herd and flock structure.
Peter Rigby in an attempt to come to grips with the above
issues has discounted many o f the conceptualizations o f pastoral9 9and other p re -ca p ita list socia l formations current in h is tory .“ •
He contends that abstract theorization unsupported by contextual
understanding o f the politico-econom ic transformation o f particular
p re -ca p ita list soc ia l formations cannot shed light on the socio
economic change among the pastoral so c ie tie s . His extensive
research among the Ilaparakuyo Maasai o f Tanzania has demonstrated
that ca ttle economy is more l i f e - enhancing and has a pride o f
place in agro-pastoral socie ties .
Jeremy Swift and Frederick Barth have also provided some
insights into the p o lit ica l economy o f agro-pascoralism as a
form ot production. They have id en tified certain features
that are germane to agro-pastoral production. These include
rapid population growth, lim ited carrying capacity o f communally
owned pastures and the generation o f econoinic inequality. They
contend that the features have been instrumental in e ffe ctin g the
adverse developments such as "environmental hazards,diseconomies
o f scale in herding and a consequent sedentarisation into
agriculture at the rich and poor ends o f the pastoral wealth
spectrum".
13
Notwithstanding the sign ifican ce o f the above three variables
in highlighting the dynamics o f c a t t le economy during the colon ia l
period, i t i s important to emphasize the fact that they were
sub.iect to the p o lit ica l and economic structures inaugurated by
the colon ial state. This is least surprising since the trans
formation o f ca ttle economy in Rongo during the co lon ia l period
poses pertinent questions revolving around the nature ana working
o f the pre-colon ia l Rongo economy and i t s subsequent incorporation
in to the co lon ia l economy. For example, what was the ro le o f
ca tt le in the economy o f Rongo on the eve o f Colonialism?
What was the basic unit o f labour organisation and how was i t
organised to ensure proper husbandry methods? Who controlled
ca tt le products? Who u tilised ca tt le products? How did the dawn
ot colon ial rule and the inception o f the colon ial sta te a ffect
the labour organisation in ca ttle production and management?
Under colonialism who controlled ana u tilised ca ttle products in
Rongo? How did ca ttle owners ana traders react to the co lon ia l
p o lic ie s such as destocking and quarantines? *v*hat was the economic .
impact o f trade in ca ttle and ca ttle products? Moreover, how far
was the ca ttle economy integrated in to the World C apitalist system
and to what extent did capitalism penetrate the Rongo countryside?
This study attempts to answer some, i f not a ll^ of these questions
within the foregoing theoretical framework o f A rticulation .
1 :6 HYPOTHESES
1. The p o lic ie s ot the colon ia l state contributed to the re la tiv e
economic decline o f ca ttle in the economy of Rongo. .
14
2. • The development o f trade and the penetration o f money into
rural Rongo transformed the purpose and methods o f ca ttle
production.
3. • The commercialisation o f the ca ttle economy led to the
development o f local enterpreneurship in Rongo.
1 :7 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Several studies have already been carried out on the general
as well as s p e c ific aspects o f the economy o f co lon ia l Kenya.
Consequently, the articulation o f the p re -cap ita list African
economies with the World ca p ita lis t economy had been a subject
o f analysis by Henry Bernstein, Bruce Berman and John Lonsdale,
and Dupre and Rey who have analysed the relationship between the
two economies by looking at the s p e c if ic conditions o f existence ^ \and organisation o f the determinate mode o f production.
Bernstein in his analysis o f the diverse ways through which
the rural producers were incorporated into the c ir cu its o f the
World economy has argued that a proper understanding o f the djnamics
o f a so c ia l formation can best be illuminated by examining how7
the "conditions o f production ‘and reproduction are determined by
the operations o f ca p ita l". J Consequently, Bernstein asserts
that the destruction o f the natural economy, which was mainly
characterized by production o f use values, and the commoditization
o f the peasant economy eroded the culture o f production and
subsequently d isqualified the trad ition al s k ills .
15
Bernstein 's theoretical analysis provides a ’ mirror' through
which the relationsh ip between the p re -cap ita list and cap ita list
so c ia l foimations can be analysed. For example, was the natural
economy o f Rongo destroyed and i f so with what resu lts? To what
extent was the pre-colon ial culture o f production in Rongo eroded
under the co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy? W ere the 'tra d ition a l'
s k i l ls completely d isqualified in the co lon ia l economy o f Rongo?
These questions arisin g from Bernstein's formulation are v ita l in
understanding the dynamics o f ca tt le economy.
Georges Dupre' and Pierre Rey in their discussion o f Theory
o f Exchange have, drawn attention to the relationship between the. . 26p re -ca p ita lis t and ca p ita list systems. They argue that under
the ca p ita lis t mode o f production there are discernable socia l
formations which are, however, bound by the mechanisms o f
capitalism as the dominant mode o f production. The ca p ita lis t
mode o f production controls the reproduction o f the p re-cap ita list
s o c ia l formation through the provision o f such items as goods and
money which are s p e c if ic to the labour power. In a sense
capitalism creates a form o f dependency and transforms the purpose4.
o f economic organisation and production in p re -ca p ita list socia l
formations. I t would be interesting to observe whether th is also
applied to Rongo.
Claude A'<e in h is analysis o f the p o lit ica l economy of Africa
id en tified some features through which the pre-colon ia l economies
became dominated by the western metropoles.
16
These features include the transport systems, taxation, monetisation,
and commoditization as crucial fa ctors in the disclocation o f the
production patterns o f the pre-colon ial economies and
th e ir subsequent incorporation into the c ir cu its o f the cap ita list
economy. I t is v ita l to explore how these features affected the
c a t t le economy o f Rongo during the co lon ia l period.
In th e ir analysis o f the co lon ia l state, Berman and Lonsdale
argue that the state is the "ultimate unit o f economic reproduction,28or accumulation and o f p o lit ica l reproduction, or* so c ia l control'.':*
Because o f the economic con flic ts inherent in the colon ies due to
"contradiction in capitalism 's articu lation with indigeneous mode
o f production," the colonial state was bound to intervene in the
management ot the colon ial economy. . In colon ia l Kenya the
situ ation became even more complicated because o f the various
economic in terests o f the se ttle rs , private cap ita l, Africans and
the Asian merchant cap ita l. I t i s important to find out how the
divergent in terests o f these groups were being mediated by the
co lo n ia l sta te in Rongo.
Edward Brett and Richard W olff have analysed the exploitative
nature o f colon ialism in Kenya. Bx*ett argues that colonialism
required the establishment o f an expor*t-oriented production system.^.
Although the establishment o f th is system necessitated development
in various fa ctors o f production, particu larly land and labour, its
success depended mainly on the extent to which the p re-cap ita list
forms o f production could be restructured.
17
Peasants had to be brought in to the money economy but according
to Brett th is , "did not necessitate the to ta l transformation o f
th e ir environment since i t was only necessary to integrate some
small part o f th e ir production in to the new system, leaving the
remainder to provide fo r a wide range o f subsistence needs".
However, Brett does not sp ecify which part o f the peasants
production wjere brought within the ambit o f the new production
system. Furthermoi'e, he does not make i t clear whether those
parts o f the pre-cap ita list production system were autonomous or
n o t . B rett1s general conclusions and assumptions on colonization
and underdevelopment in Kenya need t o be verified with regard to
the ca ttle economy o f Rongo.
. I t is W olf' s contention that the colonization o f Kenya was
essen tia lly an economic plan which w-as conceived and executed by32B ritain . . Consequently, the economic developments in the Kenya
colony were by and large designed to meet the metropolitan
demands. This occasioned adjustments in the p re -cap ita list forms
o f production under- the supervision o f the colon ia l state. He goes/ d
further to assert that the alienation o f land in Kenya set the
stage for the application o f B ritish co lon ia l development
strategies which entailed the reorganisation o f the African
labour and the subsequent development o f a Kenyan wage-earning
c la ss . This study hopes to explore how th is reorganisation o f
the African labour under co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy'affected
chores in ca ttle economy.
18
Although the above cited works have tended to be more
th eoretica l and sometimes too broad and general, the ideas
formulated from their broad contextual analysis are o f great
relevance to the study o f dynamics o f ca tt le economy during the
co lon ia l period.
Van Zwanenberg and Anne King have surveyed the economic
h istory o f Kenya and Uganda between 1800 and 1970- Of immediate
relevance to th is study is their discussion o f the changing
fortunes o f African ca ttle herds in Kenya during the co lon ia l 33period . . They argue that the im position o f co lon ia l rule and
the entrenchment o f the white se tt le rs in livestock farming
adversely affected the development o f African ca ttle enterprise.
African ca ttle wei*e viewed as veterinary hazards and were
constantly kept under quarantine to pi-event or at least control
the spread o f disease to the se tt le r dairy farms and ranches.
However, Van Zwanenberg and King concentrate th e ir
discussion on the pastoral communities and those who lived in
c lo s e proximity to the se ttle rs . Nevertheless, Zwanenberg and
King’ s pioneering work is a useful startin g point in the study o f
ca t t le economy in Rongo.
Gavin Kitching has taken a study o f socia l d ifferen tia tionQ A
and economic d istin ction amongst the Africans. ■ One o f the
strengths o f K itching's study is his analysis o f economic change
within the rural countryside during the colon ial period.
19
With regard to ca t t le he argues that the monetisation or the
economy fa c ilita te d the development o f ca ttle trade and the
transformation o f the purpose o f c a t t le production from the
sa tis fa ct ion o f subsistence domestic needs to p ro fit making.
However, the author mainly focuses on the Somali stock traders
but i s s ilen t on the impact o f colon ialism on the lo ca l ca ttle
traders.
Helge K.iekshus and Harold Schneider dealt with ca ttle in the
context o f the East African e co lo g ica l setting. K.iekshus argues
th at the ca ttle owners were dynamic, innovative and technical in
t h e ir approach to methods and p ractices o f disease control. He
id e n t if ie s methods o f control used by the people o f Tanzania.
Controls c ited include noctural movements, smoking, bush clearing35and w ild life eradication schemes. K.iekshus attributes the
existence o f large numbers o f ca tt le to the capacity o f African
herdsmen to control the environment. This control was eroded by *
colon ia lism . Thus, K.iekshus r ig h tly suggests that ca ttle keepers
were aware o f the c loser relationsh ip between ca ttle production
and eco log ica l balance. In the same vein schneider has emphasized
the influence o f ecology, r a in fa ll, tsetse f ly and s o i l types inQ A
the reproduction o f ca ttle in East A frica . . He further focuses
on in ter-ethn ic trade o f ca ttle and ca ttle products but is s ilen t
on the e ffe c t o f p o lit ic a l and economic p o lic ies on reproduction,
trade and marketing o f ca ttle particulary within the colon ia l
se ttin g .
20
Moreover, both K.iekshus and Schneider have not highlighted
the house!.old labour relations pertaining to ca ttle production
and management in the colon ia l period. For example, they do not
discuss the e ffe c ts o f colonialism on the p re-colon ia l labour
organisation and production re la tion s at the household and homestead
le v e ls . The present study hopes to f i l l some o f those gaps in the
ex istin g studies on the colon ia l economy o f Kenya. Following the
example o f K.iekshus the study furthe'r attempts to show how
colon ialism disrupted the trad ition a l ca ttle management in the
physical environment o f Rongo and to indicate the consequence of
th is disruption.
There have also been a number o f regional studies which are
relevant and useful to this study. This importance o f ca ttle as
a ma.ior component o f the economy o f the Luo people, particularly
at the turn*of the century, has received some attention from
William Ochieng, Michael Whission and Jean Hay. Ochieng has
stressed the importance o f ca ttle among the Luo both in their
subsistence economy and exchange rela tion s with th e ir Gusii
neighbours.^ Sim ilarly, Whission asserts that u n til the
disastrous rinderpest ep izootic o f the 1890's which wiped out
vast numbers o f livestock , ca ttle was an important component o f38the Luo economy. . Hay emphasizes the prominent ro le o f ca ttle
in the economy o f the Kowe and agrees with Whission that the
epidemic forced the Luos to switch to fish in g and crop39production.
21
These studies by Ochieng, Whission and Hay ra ises a number
ot' questions about the colon ial economy o f Rongo. Did ca ttle
continue to be important in the subsistence economy o f the_ people
o f Rongo during the entire co lon ia l period? How important was
t-his exchange relationship between Rongo and her Gusii neighbours
under the co lon ia l ca p ita list economy? Did the Luo ever revert
to ca ttle production or did the epidemics o f 1890’ s mark the
beginning o f a pei-manent sh ift from* ca ttle to crop cu ltivation
and fish ing? Were there other fa c to rs apart from epidemics which
determined the change in production p r io r it ie s during the colon ia l
period; Were there other sectors apart from fish in g and crop
production which the people o f Rongo resorted to under the
co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy? These are important questions which
th is study hopes to answer.
A.B.C.• Ocholla-Ayayo has a r ich and discursive analysis of.
ca tt le exchange, ca ttle as bridewealth and ca ttle as meat but one
i s struck by the s ta tic and tim eless nature o f h is approach.^ .
At least fo r h is tor ica l pur-poses one needs to go further and
show how the importance o f ca ttle fo r subsistence and commercial
purposes has changed overtime and what caused these changes.
Pertinent issues relating to the role o f the co lon ia l state
in the ca ttle enterprise is equally v ita l in the analysis o f the
changing ro le o f ca tt le . The ro le o f the state in enforcing
regulatory measures in ca ttle trade and in ca ttle products in the
Nyanza province o f Kenya has been analysed by Hug). Fearn, Judith
Butter-man and, Atieno-Odhiambo and David Cohen.
22
Hug). Feam analyses regulation o f ca ttle movements and
asserts that th is was done primarily to serve in terests o f the
white se tt le rs through the separation o f the African stock from
those o f Europeans to avoid spread o f disease.^ . Fearn, however,
does not show the extent o f African participation in ca ttle trade
and the markets and marketing system o f ca ttle as a commercial
enterprise. This study hopes to fin d out the ap p licab ility o f
Fearn's researches to the Rongo d iv ision .
Judith Buttei-man has a detailed treatment o f ca ttle
transactions in South Nyanza d is tr ic t .^ • Cattle products
p articu larly ghee, hides and skins, and milk are id en tified and
their* importance in the colon ia l economy o f South Nyanza is
r ig h tly emphasized. She shows that the Local Native Councils
were important statutory organs which were e ffe c t iv e ly u tilised
in breaking the monopoly o f non-indigeneous middlemen in certain
economic sectors in South Nyanza d is t r ic t . Although the a rticle
i s s ilen t on ca tt le trade and it s organisation, since more emphasis
i s la id on ca ttle products, i t is indispensable in th is study
because o f i t s illum inating analysis o f the transactions involving
c a t t le products.
Atieno-Odhiambo and David Cohen have examined ca ttle production
and management, more sp e c ifica lly ca ttle trade, under the p o lit ica lA 0
economy o f colon ialism . They discuss movement and exchange of
surplus ca t t le , commercialisation o f ca ttle products such as ghee,
23
meat and, hides and skins. They id en tify ca ttle traders and
ca t t le 'w alkers,' and the accumulation o f cap ita l that accompanied
th is trade. They also analyse the p o lic ie s pertaining to the
ca t t le trade as w ell as the traders' responses to these p o lic ies
They further id en tify ca ttle trade as a contributory factor in
rural urbanization. The value o f th is work which used data drawn
from Siaya is that i t constitutes a useful springboard fo r the
study o f the ca ttle economy in Rongo d iv ision .
1 :8 METHODOLOGY -
This work is a pioduct o f three ma.ior sources. These are
lib ra ry , archival and oral sources. The f i r s t task was to study
a l l the published books relevant to the subject. These studies
were v ita l in the formulation o f research questions through the
id en tifica tion o f the gaps and shortcomings in the existing
lite ra tu re . S pecia l. attentioniwas paid to works pertaining to
c a t t le production and management, the nature and working o f the
co lon ia l and pre-colon ial economies, socio-economic change during
the co lon ia l period and the ro le o f the colon ia l state in the
co lon ia l economies. Pre-colonial African economies were*
reviewed to id en tify their sa lien t features since th is was v ita lo- •
in the provision ot background information upon which structural
contin u ities and discontinu ities in the colon ial period are
examined.
Before proceeding to the f ie ld for oral interviews archival
research was undertaken at the Kenya National Archives.
24
Several records were perused through and analysed. Most
important among the records were the South Kavirondo d is tr ic t and
Nyanza province annual reports, Local Native Council reports for
the South Kavirondo d istr ict and minutes o f Local Native Council
and African D istr ict Council meetings. The Colonial Handing
Over Reports and P o litica l Record Books fo r South Kavirondo
provided useful information pertaining to various p o lit ic a l and
economic aspects o f various loca tion s in the d is t r ic t . The
agricultural and veterinary reports were very illum inating on
the endemic anu epidemic disease o f c a t t le , food shortages and
the reaction o f both the government and the loca l residents o f the
d is t r ic t to these cr ises . In a sense archival information provided
insights which helped during f ie ld investigations.
In the f ie ld , personal interviews were conducted and open
ended questions were asked. Except fo r interviews with the
D is tr ict Otticer and Divisional Livestock O fficer fo r Rongo,
a ll other interviews were conducted in Dho-luo language.!. This
was because a ll the infoi-mants speak Dho-luo language, and since
the inter-viewer also speaks the same language, there was no/
communication barrier and th is ensured a two-wa> dialogue between
the informants and the interviewer. During the interviews tape
recording. and note-taking were used simultaneously. The tapes
were interpreted and transcribed at the end o f the working day
and the information synthesized within the set themes o f the
ob jectives .
25
Although - personal interviews wex-e mostly conducted, there
were cases when doubts arose over cei-tain infoim ation and group
interviews were arranged for the vex-if ica tion o f the fa cts .
Dux-ing such gx-oup interviews the informants were allowed to talk
fr e e ly over the given issue with s lig h t in tersections to determine
and vexify the v a lid ity o f the facts, and to avoid the domination •
o f the session by paxticular informants.
In the choice o f chose informants who paiticipated in trade
in ca ttle and ca tt le products, archival records were used as a
sta rtin g point. Names o f active traders in c a t t le . and related
products were sorted out fx-om the co lon ia l records at the Kenya
National Ax-chives. The particular individuals, at least those
who wex-e s t i l l a liv e , wex-e id e n tifie d and intex-viewed. Fx-om them
names o f theix- other business associates who wex-e not mentioned in
the colon ia l records wer-e received. 11.e names were then grouped
accox ding to the vai'ious trades which they specia lised in ,
whether one was a ca tt le trader, a txader in ghee, a trader in
hides and skins ox- butcher. Within the locations two ca ttle ti'aders,
two gi'.ee traders, two traders ixx hides and skins and two butchersd
were chosen randomly from amongst the l i s t o f the loca tion . This
ensui-ed that a ll the parts o f the d iv ision wex*e in the co lle ction
o f ox-al data. The chosen people wex e then interviewed.
Howevex-, some o f those mentioned in the records had died.
In such cases theix* wives and/or sons wei-e intex-viewed on the
business a c t iv it ie s o f the deceased.
26
Coincidentally, some of the suns were active traders who operated
under the umbrella o f their fathers and provided valuable
infonnatiun. The information received from these relatives o f
the deceased was cross-checked with information received from
the surviving business associates o f the deceased, and from
co lon ia l records at the National Archives.
For interviews o f ca ttle owners, assistance was received
from the ch ie fs , assistant ch ie fs and headmen in the division who
provided the names o f those who owned ca ttle during the colon ial
period. While th is ensured that at least each and every
sub-location in the division was brought within the sample frame,
the l i s t w'as not binding on the persons to be inter-viewed. Two
sub-locations were then chosen at random from each location and
from each o f the chosen sub-locations a ca ttle owner was chosen
at random and interviewed. This procedure was chosen in order to• *ensure a representative choice o f the informants.
in terms o f age structure, emphasis was laid on the 1900-1940
cohort. This was to ensure that as much information as possible
was received from not only those who owned ca ttle but even those
who looked a fter ca t t le , prepared ca tt le products fo r consumption,
o r exchange and were active in those chores by about i 960.
The p ivisional livestock o f f i c e r fo r Kongo and a ll locational
Animal Health Assistants were also interviewed. They provided
professional information pertaining to actual veterinary conditions
in Rongo d iv ision .
27
In a il seventy fou r informants were interviewed In the f ie ld .
A fter gathering information from the lib rary , Kenya National
Archives and f ie ld research, a ll o f them were cross-checked,
synthesized and analysed.
However, during fie ld research some problems were encountered
which w ill have some ref lection in th is work. Outstanding among
them was lack o f adequate quantitative data. Data relating to
the number o f ca tt le owned by individual at various times, acreage
under crop cu ltiva tion , the amount accruing to ca tt le owners and
traders in Rongo division a fter sa le o f th eir products, and the
p rices o f ca ttle and cattle products in the d iv ision at various
times during our period o f study are v ita l data but unfortunately
could not be obtained from the informants with adequate precision
This was mainly due to blurred or fa i l in g memory on the part o f
the informants and the lack o f p recise figures in ora l sources.^
Be that as i t may, oral sources had their own means o f
quantification which though not p recise , nevertheless, provided
some meaningful insights into the sca le and numerical dimension
in certain aspects o f cattle transactions and other sectors of
co lon ia l economy o f Rongo. Such information from oral informants
was u tilised a fter cross-checking with che available data fo r the
d is t r ic t whenever such data was available. Thus e f fe c t iv e use
la s been made o f the available quantitative data, a lb e it scanty,
through a rigorous cross-checking, synthesis and analysis o f the
lib ra ry , archival and oral sources to ensure a consistent,
analytical and sound work which portrays the transformation o f
c a t t le economy in Rongo.
28
1:9 ORGANISATION OF THE STUDY
The approach in the arrangement o f the chapters is thematic
although, i t follow s a chronological order to allow fo r the
development and flow from one chapter to another. The study is
organised in six chapters. This f i r s t chapter1 has given a general
overview o f the study by stating the problem, outlin ing the
ob jectiv es and setting the hypotheses. A review o f some theories
which have been used in the study o f the co lon ia l economies,
lite ra tu re related to the study and sources o f the study haveI
a lso been highlighted.
The second chapter surveys the ro le ot ca ttle in the economo
o f Rongo division on the eve o f colon ialism . The chapter •■'serves
as a basis upon which the subsequent developnents on the ca ttle
economy during the colonial period are assessed.
Chapter1 three examines the immediate impact o f colonialism
on the ca ttle economy o f Rongo in the period 1903 to 1918. The
development o f roads, the establishment o f trading centres, the
introduction o f taxes and new crops and the demand fo r labour are
analysed in terms o f their1 impact on the ca ttle economy o f Rongo.
The fourth chapter explores the inter-war economic trends
through the id en tifica tion o f both internal and external crises
and strains to ca tt le production and management in Rongo division
The responses to these crises by ca t t le owner's and traders in
c a t t le products from Rongo are also explored.
The f i f t h chapter argues that the period 1940-1960 saw
new innovations in the ca ttle economy o f Rongo. The Rongo economy
became more d iv ers ified than ever before and th is resulted in
the eclip se o f ca t t le as the principa l sector o f the economy
ot the d iv ision . The chapter shows how these innovations affected
the ca ttle economy.
The summary and main conclusions o f the study are given in
- 29 -
chapter s ix .
30
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER ONE
1. Republic o f Kenya, Kenya population census volume 2 (Government Printer, 1979)> p. 91*
2. Ib id . .
3- Ministry o f Finance and planning, Kenya Range and Ecological Monitoring Unit, Technical Report No. 116 (A p ril, 1985) , pp. lt-4. .
4. Ib id .
5. See William R. Ochieng; An ou tlin e History o f Nyanza Upto 1914 (Kampala, E.A.L.B. 1974) > p- 208, and S. Birundu,"Gusii Trade in the Nineteenth Century9 * 11 (B.A. d issertation , University o f Nairobi, 1973) } p- 14.
6 . KNA, DC/KSI/l/21, Annual Report fo r South Nyanza D is tr ic t ,1959. •
7. KNA, DC/KSI/3./3j History o f SK d is t r ic t , 1903-11. Also see V. Harlow, et al (eds), H istory o f A frica volume 11. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1965) , p- 28.
8. This i s even more so in South Nyanza D is tr ict where there have been very few h istor ica l studies undertaken pertaining to the dynamics o f co lon ia l economy. However\ there have been two works in th is area. See Judith Butterman, "Luo Social Formations in Change; Karachuonyo and Kanyamkago" (PH.D. Thesis, Syracuse U niversity, 1979) and Peter 0. Ndege, "Socio-Economic Change in Kasipul-Kabondo, I 8OO-I96O" (M.A. Thesis, University of Nairobi, I 987).
9- For example see , A.H. Jacobs, The Pastoral Maasai o f Kenya;A report o f Anthropological F ield Research (Urbana,I l l in o is , I 963) .
31
10. For example see, M.J. Herskovitz, 11 The ca ttle complex in East A fr ica ," in American Anthropologist Volume 28 (1926),pp.230-272. .
11. Seethe introduction in B.A. Ogot, (ed ), Economic and Social History o f East A frica (N airobi, E.A.L.B.. 1975) p. ix . Also see P. H ill, Studies in Rural Capitalism in West A frica (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1970).
12. Ann Seidmann, Comparative Development Strategies in East Africa (Nairobi, E.A.P.H., 1972). For a cr itiq u e o f the theory, see H. Marcussen, "The theory o f modernisation and Notion o f Dualism" and A Mafe.ie, "The fa lla cy o f Dual economies R evisited ,," both in R. Leys, (ed ), Dualism and Kura]"Development in East A frica (In stitu te fo r Development Research, Denmark,1973) > pp. 19-20 and 27-52 .respectively ,A. Lewis, The Theory o f Economic Growth (London, 1955).
13* H. Marcussen, o p .c i t . pp.19-20.
14. A. Mafe.ie, o p .c i t . pp. 27-28.
15* N. Parsons and R. Palmer, (ed s), Roots o f Rural Poverty in Centrai and Southern Africa (London, Heinemann, 1977) ,p .4*
16. A.G. Frank, Latin American: Underdevelopment or Revolution(New i’ork, Monthly Review Press, 1969) p. 4> a lso quoted in R. Leys (e d .) , o p .c i t . , p. 32.
17. Ibid . .
18. E. Laclau, "Feudalism and capitalism in Latin America," in iNLR Volume 67 (May-June 1971) , p .4* •
19. G. Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa in Tanznia, Underdevelopment andUncaptured Peasantry (Lonoon, Heinemann, I 98O). p. 21. See also J. Bana.ii's a r t ic le s , "Backwood Capitalism, prim itive accumulation and modes o f production," in JCA Volume 3 No.4.- (1973)} pp- 393-411; and "Mode o f production in a m aterialist conception o f H istory," in CC Volume 3 (1977), pp. 1-44. ■
20. Ibid.
32
21. B. Berman, "'The Concept o f A rticu la tion ' and the p o lit ica l Economy o f colon ialism ," in CJ AS Vol. 18 No. 2. ( I 9S4) ,p .407.
22. Peter Rigby, Persistent P astora lists , Nomadic Soieties in Transition (London, Zed Press, 1985)
23* See Jeremy Sw ift, "The economics o f production and exchangein West African pastoral s o c ie t ie s " , in M. Adamu and A. Kirk- Greene (eds. ) , Pastor&lists o f the West African Savanna (Manchester University Press, 1986), and Fredrik Barth, "Capital, Investment and the s o c ia l structure o f a Pastoral Nomad Group in South P ersia," in . Firth, R. and B.S. yamey(eds) Capital, Saving, and Credit in Peasant S ocieties (London: George Allen and Unwin, I 964) .
24. Jeremy Swift, Op.Cit. p- 176.
25. H. Bernstein "Notes on cap ita l and peasantry" in RAPENo. 10 (1978). p. 61. •
26. Georges Dupre' and Pierre Rey, ".Reflections on The Relevance o f a Theory o f the History o f Exchange," in David Seddon, (e d .) , Relations o f Production (London, Frank Cass, 1978,p. 206.
27* C. Ake, A P o lit ica l Economy o f A frica (Harlow, Longmans,1981) . 28 29 30 31 32
28. J. Lonsdale and B. Bei-man, "Coping with contradictions: the development o f the colon ial s ta te in Kenya, 1995- 1914," in JAH Vol. 20 No. 4 (1979), p. 489.
29. Ib id , p. 504.
30. E.A. Brett, Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East Africa (London, Heinemann, 1972).
31. Ibid . p. 168.
32. See Richard D. W olff, Britain and Kenya 1870-1930, The economies o f colonialism (Nairobi, Transafrica PublishersLtd ., 1974)*
33
33- R- Van Zwanenberg with A. King, An Economic History o f Kenya and Uganda, 1800-1970 (London, MacMillan 1975) > PP-79,_109.
34 • 0. Kitching, Class and Economic Change in Kenya: Then makingo f an African Petite Bourgeoise 1905-1970 (New Haven and London, Yale University £ress,1980)
35* H. K-jekshus, Ecology Control and - Economic development in East Africa History: The case o f Tanganyika, 1850-1950*London, Heinemann, 1977) pp.51,“68.
36. H.K. Schneider, Livestock and Equity in East A fr ica : TheEconomic Basic Structure o f S ociety (Bloomington, Indiana University Press', 197^%
37 • William R. Ochieng, op.c i t . p. 208.
38. M.G.. Whission, Change and Challenges: A Study o f Social Change among the Kenya Luo (N airobi NCCK, 1964) .
39* M.J..Hay, "Economic Change in Late nineteenth Century Kowe, Western Kenya," in B .A .O got, (e d .) Hadith S. Economic and Social History o f East A frica , op .c i t . , pp.98r-100.
40. A.B.C.. Ocholla-Ayayo, "Marriage and ca ttle exchange among the N ilotic Luo,"in Paideuma, Volume 25 (1979)j pp.173-193.
41. H. Feam, An African Economy: A Study o f the Economic Development o f Nyanza Province, 1903-1953 (London, Oxford University Press, 1956).
4 \
42. J. Butter-man, "The p o lit ic s o f Marketing in South Nyanza d is t r ic t , Kenya 1919~1945j" In E.S. ■ Atieno-Odhiambo, (e d .) ,
-SaP£Q> No. 3 (1983). pp. 27-45. •
- 34 -
43- E.S.- Atieno-Odhiambo and D.W.. Cohen, "strategies o fSurvival in the Rural Economy: Studies tYom Western Kenya."Paper presented at The Kenyan Economic Association (October 24, 1986). Unpublished.
44. For paucity o f data in Oral Traditions, see J.B . Muga.iu,"The problem o f quantification in Oral Traditions,"Seminar paper No.7, University o f Nairobi, (1986/ 87) . .
CHAPTER TWO
CATTLE ECUNOMT ON THE EVE OF COLONIALISM
2 :1 INTRODUCTION
In order to appreciate the importance o f ca ttle production
and management, i t i s necessary to give a general review of
c a t t le economy on the eve o f colon ialism . As already mentioned,
the pedple o f Rongo were mixed farmers. Cattle and crop production
were the mainstay o f their economy. These a c t iv it ie s were
supplemented by hunting, food gathering and r iver fish in g . These
peripheral a c t iv it ie s were usually in ten s ified during periods o f
drought and food scarcity . However, among a ll the economic a c t iv it ie s
in the division ca ttle production was the most important. ^This
chapter analyses the economic sign ifican ce o f ca ttle in the general
economy o f Rongo on the eve o f colon ialism with reference to
ways o f acquiring ca tt le , rights o f ownership, foraging and breeding
p ractices and the division o f labour. Constraints to ca ttle
production and management are also examined. The main argument
o f th is chapter is that ca ttle economy in Rongo on the eve o f
colon ialism was, by and large, v iab le and robust.
2:2 ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF CATTLE IN THE ECONOMY OF HONGO
Cattle was considered so important that a person who had
none was considered a poor man, jachan.^ .C attle ownership was
the main yardstick o f an in d iv idu al’ s socia l and economic status
in p re-colon ia l Rongo socie ty . C attle were important because they
performed many soc ia l and economic functions.
36
First and foremost ca ttle were a principal source o f food.
Milk was the most important ca ttle product. A meal without milk
or i t s ingredients such as butter o r ghee was considered not only
to be incomplete but also unsatisfactory. Blood and meat were
a lso important cattle^ products. However, as opposed to milk they
were not da ily products. In the slaughter fo r meat bu lls were
preferred. The slaughter was mainly common on sp ecia l occasions
such as during harvest and so c ia l gatherings. Cows were slaughtered
fo r meat when they wrere s te r ile or o ld . The economic rationale
fo r th is was that the ca ttle keepers wanted to avoid the diminution2o f the herds and the erosion o f the economic resource base.
C attle food products such as milk and meat w’hich were not
immediately consumed were preserved fo r future use.
Cattle also provided the inhabitants o f Rongo with their
m aterial requirements. Hides and skins provided clo th in g and
bedding. They were also used in making bags, conta iners, shields
and drums. Cow dung was mainly used as fu e l and in smearing
houses. The varied functions o f ca t t le products in the households
o f Rongo indicates that ca ttle played a v ita l r o le in the economic
l i f e o f the people in the d iv ision . >
Cattle in Rongo were not only sources o f consumption goods
but they were also an agency fo r production, sustenance and
perpetuation o f labour which was the driving fo rce behind most o f
the economic a c t iv it ie s in the d iv is ion . In fa c t , the larger the
herd one possessed. the more he was assured o f a sound economic
37
base which was prerequisite fo r the perpetuation o f that particular
lineage and a v a ila b ility o f labour.
3Bridewealth was paid in ca t t le . • As a resu lt, the more ca ttle
one possessed, the more women one could marry. Women provided
labour themselves by participating in various ca tt le chores and
other economic a c t iv it ie s such as crop production. Through
procreation they introduced more labour and enlarged the socia l
group. As J e ff Guy has argued in a d iffe ren t context, ca ttle
accumulation in Rongo, "was not an end in i t s e l f but practised in
order to transform these ca tt le in to human beings, thereby
increasing the s ize o f the so c ia l group and the amount o f labour
power at the command o f the individual."^ .
That ca tt le was an agency through which the labour o f the
households and hence socia l groups in Rongo d iv ision was increased
i s quite e x p lic it from both the oral and archival sources.^ -These
sources do concur that in Rongo and, indeed, the en tire Luo
community the loss o f human labour was compensated fo r in ca ttle .
In cases o f homicides, the deceased's re la tives got ca tt le from
those responsible fo r the death. Compensation varied from three
to f iv e ca tt le depending on the nature o f o ffence, age and gender.^* .
Large ca tt le owners in Rongo were respected and rated very
high in the s o c ia l ladder. Emphasising th is phenomenon, Whission
noted that ca tt le were v it a l , "to the ladder o f s o c ia l status7which most men essayed to climb at some time in th e ir l iv e s ." -
*
However, th is respect and high rating was two dimensional; socia l
38
and economic. In Rongo the respect and rating arose not out o f
cu ltu ra l or so c ia l aspects but, rather, out o f the economic
dynamics o f ca tt le accumulation. In fa c t , the s o c ia l aspects
were mere outcrops o f the economic foundations o f ca tt le
husbandry. Unlike the Swazi, the people o f Rongo were conscious* * •- 8 o f the need to balance both quality and quantity. . The ca ttle
owners in Rongo were sk illed and caring herdsmen. The socia l
esteem enjoyed by the cattle owners was to a large extent a measure
o f th e ir success in ca ttle husbandry. However, th is economic
success had i t s co s ts and benefits. While a c a t t le owner commanded
respect and was accorded high status in Rongo, he had socia l
ob ligation to the re s t o f the community. C attle accumulation inoRongo ’’entailed the burden o f generosity ." .
The accumulation o f ca ttle in Rongo was an investment policy
and economic insurance. It was a form o f saving fo r the future
b en e fit o f the individuals, households, homesteads and future
generations. The herd acted as a ’ bank’ from which resources
could be drawn upon to sa tis fy certain urgent needs lik e se ttlin g
debts, purchasing grain in time o f food sca rc ity , compensation
and bridewealth. The larger the herd one possessed, the more he
was able to cope with emergencies without seriou sly depleting the
s ize o f the ca tt le herd. .
Cattle were a lso important as a medium o f exchange and a
standard measure against which grain, sheep and goats were valued
(see tables 2.2 and 2.3).. I t is evident from these exchange rates
39
that a cow was the most highly valued livestock . A bull and a
h e ife r were more or less o f the same value. I t should be noted
though that these measures were only approximate and there were
considerable valuations from one lo c a l it y to,another. Generally
the measure was re la tive to the s ize and health o f the animal
and the prevailing market con d ition s.
The trade in ca ttle and rela ted products were at three
major leve ls namely lo ca l, regional and long-distance. At the
lo c a l leve l values were worked out between Jo-Kamagambo and
Jo-Sakwa and even between the various clans which comprised
Kamagambo and Sakwa.^^. Milk, ghee and dried meat were the most
important ca ttle products. At th is loca lised level one could
slaughter an animal with the express motive o f getting grain.
Meat was exchanged fo r grain and the exchange rate was governed12by the law o f demand and supply. , The measure o f grain varied
with the sizes o f the baskets (see ta b le 2.1),. Ondweto or Adita
was the smallest measure while Atonga was the largest measure in
exchanges involving meat. Extra meat was given in addition to the13agreed quantity. . When grain was not immediately available,
d.
a cre d it system was used. The would-be grain owner would be given
meat, and she would take an agreed basket which she would f i l l
wdth grain and return when she had harvested. Oral narratives
ind icate that th is loaning system was quite r e l ia b le .1 . Credit
f a c i l i t i e s were denied to notorious defaulters.
40
TABLE 2.1 .
APPROXIMATE CONTENTS USED IN GRAIN MEASURE
ATONGA RUM Largest size o f measurement. I t contained 6-8 tin s o f sorghum. (A tin which weighs about 20 Kg.) .
ATONGA Medium s ize which contained about 20 Kgo f sorghum
KAMIERO Contained about 10 Kg o f sorghum
ONDWETO/ADITA Smallest s ize , contained about 5 Kg* •
♦ . a-TABLE 2.2 .
APPROXIMATE EXCHANGE RATES OF CATTLE AND GRAIN
1 COW 8-10 AT0NGA-RUM o f sorghum
1 HEIFER 6-8 AT0NGA-RUM o f sorghum
1 BULL 6-8 AT0NGA-RUM o f sorghum
41
TABLE 2.3
APPROXIMATE EXCHANGE RATES OF CATTLE, AND SHEEP AND GOATS
1 c o w 12 Sheep or goats
1 HEIFER 8 Sheep or goats
1 BULLOCK 9 Sheep ui: goats
SOURCE: Based on Oral Interviews at South Sakwa, North Sakwa,Central Sakwa, Vest Sakwa, South Kamagambo, North Kamagambo, Central Kamagambo and Vest Kamagambo.
In Rongo, sometimes crop y ie ld s were so low th a t, extra
grain had to be found to make up f o r the d e f ic it by importing
grain from th e ir Abagusii neighbours.^ . Cattle were taken to
Gusiiland and exchanged for grain, particu larly f in g e r -m ille t .
The sour milk from Rongo also found a ready market in Gusiila4d
where i t was highly valued because i t could stay fo r long without 17 . .going bad. . This regional trade o ffe red an opportunity fo r
exchange relations not only between Rongo and Gusiiland but also18with neighbouring locations such as Kagan and Kanyada. . These
tw’o locations exchanged their ca t t le with grain from Rongo when*
the d ivision witnessed bumper harvest.
Cattle did not only change hands among various peoples in
Rongo and her neighbourhood but a lso in the whole region stretch ing
from the present day northern Tanzania in the south to Siaya in the
north and Gusiiland in the east.•* •19 In so far as c a t t le transactions
42
are concerned the regions formed interdependent economic units
with the lo ca l trade being the foundation upon which both the
regional and long-distance trades were b u ilt . This free
movement o f people and ca ttle in th is region made i t part o f the
wider ’ common market’ o f the lake region whose economic
prominence has been underscored by Jean Hay when she asserts:
Taking a very broad perspective, one might say that the whole lake region had become a kind o f ’ common market’ in the l880 ’ s and l 890’ s with a fre e movement o f people and goods which had l i t t l e respect fo r the tr ib a l or p o l it ic a l boundaries which would seem so important la te r on.20,
Thus, on the eve o f colonialism , Rongo was not an economic
’ is la n d ’ isolated from the other regions. Cattle was an
important item that fa c ilita te d the commercial links between
Rongo and other lo c a l i t ie s within the lake region.
2 :3 ACQUISITION OF CATTLE ART) RIGHTS OF OWNERSHIP
Because o f the importance o f c a t t le in the economy o f Rongo,
there was always a drive to acquire and accumulate c a t t le . There21were eight main ways o f acquiring c a t t le in Rongo d iv is ion .
*Inheritance was one o f the most common ways through which ca ttle
was acquired by members o f the family o f a deceased ca tt le owner.
But fo r a few exceptions, inheritance was usually p a tr ilin ea l.
Bridewealth was another important way o f acquiring ca tt le . .
In th is Aspect g ir ls were highly valued. Oral evidence indicates
43
th at at the turn o f the century bridewealth payments averaged22th ir ty head o f c a t t l e . “ . Bridewealth was usually shared
23between the father and his immediate re la tives . . For example,
some were given to the paternal uncles o f the bride not only
t o cement or re in force the lo c a l kinship system but also to
spread risk in the event o f d ivorce . .
Cattle could a lso be purchased through barter trade. People
in Rongo sometimes produced grain surpluses which they often used
in purchasing c a t t le . Oral evidence indicates that ca ttle owners
in the division o ften resorted to t h is method o f ca tt le acquisition
a fte r ep izootics.
Payment was a lso an important way o f acquiring ca ttle .
S p ecia lis ts in medicine, iron working and pottery as well as s p ir it
mediums acquired c a t t le in form o f payment fo r the service rendered
t o the community. They were paid in ca t t le , in goats and sheep in
return for their professional serv ices . Those who received many'
goats and sheep exchanged them with ca t t le . In fa c t , oral evidence
clearly ' shows that in Rongo famous medicinemen, joth ieth madongo,
were also large c a t t le owners, jo p ith madongo.^.
Fines and compensations were a lso other way's through which
some individuals in the socie ty acquired ca ttle . When somebody
conrnited a serious offence such as homicide he was supposed to
compensate the bereaved family in c a t t le , or sheep and goats.
*
44
Credit fa c i l i t i e s were extended to those who did not own
or had lost ca ttle as a result o f disease or raids. This was
manifest in the type o f internal loaning system o f ca ttle among
the people o f Rongo. A ca ttle owner who had a large herd could
give a friend or rela tive some c a t t le . The recip ient would keep
the ca ttle so given, look a fter them well and consume the milk,
gl.ee and blood. He would keep the ca ttle until he had bu ilt his
stock or, in cases o f ep izootics , a fter replenishment o f his herd
he would return the ca ttle he was given to the owner retaining
th e ir offspring.
As opposed to loaning, g ift s were used as a way o f helping
others to acquire and build stock. An individual could get
ca t t le from several large ca ttle owners. However, he was not
under any obligation to return the acquired ca ttle even after
replenishing his stock . Both loaning and g if os as ways o f
acquiring ca ttle operated within a scheme o f stock associateship.
Stock associateship extended beyond the kinship system and one
could have several stock associates with whom he maintained
recognised and reciprocal rights o f stock rela tions, either fo r27assistance or tor risk diversion.
A
Another important and often v io len t way ot ca ttle acquisition
was through raiding anu rustling. Rustling as a way o f ca ttle
acquisition was an important economic a ctiv ity . There were clan
skirmishes as well as inter-ethnic skirmishes though within
restr ic ted lim its and subject to checks and controls by the elders
45
from the warring clans. Such skirmishes usually ended in ca ttle
ra id s , peyo dhok, where a clan could lo se several hundreds o f head
o f ca tt le to their antagonists. Although such raids were also
mediated and checked through fear o f compulsory compensation and
re ta lia to ry raids, not a ll ca ttle raided were recovered. Brave
w arriors, thuondi, exploited opportunities occasioned by such
ra id s to accumulate ca ttle .
Rights o f ca ttle ownership in Rongo was quite complex. The
man as the head o f the homestead and proprietor o f ca tt le
d istributed ca ttle to various households within the homestead.
The distributed ca ttle were under the tru st o f the head o f the
household who was the woman. Despite the tru st, the households
could not transfer or o ffe r fo r sa le any ca tt le without reference
to the head o f the homestead. As Shipton has argued the Luo:
exhibited ’ house property complex’ in which a male homestead head allocated land and livestock to his wives and offspring to use during h is l i f e time while retaining the senior r ig h ts him self . 2 8 ,
How’ever, i t needs to be emphasized th a t, because o f the importance
attached to the family herd in Rongo, the sen ior 'r igh ts were not
absolute. The head o f the homestead could not u n ila tera lly transfer
c a t t le without consulting his wife or wives and eldest son.
Rights o f ca ttle ownership in Rongo were not dichotomised as
there were overlapping rights depending on the mode o f acqu isition ,
requirements o f the household and composition o f the household.
46••• &
C attle which were brought to the homestead as bridewealth
belonged to the man although the woman whose daughter was married
would be consulted, or at least informed, o f any transactions
involving such c a t t le . Even a son who had ca ttle but s t i l l lived
in the homestead o f his father could not claim d ire ct ownership 20o f such c a t t le . . The ca tt le , in theory, belonged to the father
although he could not transfer or s e l l them without consulting the
son.
The d istribu tion o f ca ttle in each household o f the homestead
was determined by the number o f people liv in g in the house. As
sons came o f age and established th e ir own homesteads they were
given ca tt le from th e ir respective households. Rigby has, thus,
r ig h t ly argued that western concepts o f absolute ownership do not
apply in the African context. He has pointed out that, "women
played an essen tia l pivotal ro le in the transfer o f th is control,
by inheritance prim arily transmitted from one generation to another30through the mediation o f m a tr iflia tio n .n . I t is a lso necessary
to underscore the fa c t that there were variations in the amount o f
stock held by various individuals and households within a homesteadv
Furthermore, since ca tt le was the yardstick o f one’ s economic status
there was no egalitarianism in Rongo society because o f the existing
in eq u a lities o f wealth.
2:4 FORAGING AND BREEDING PRACTICES
On the eve o f colonialism the short-horned zebu ca ttle were. . 31the on lj’ breed in Rongo. . The composition o f a ty p ica l herd,
' 47
which on average was about one hundred head o f ca t t le consisted32o f cows, b u lls , oxen, calves and h e ife r s .
Cattle husbandry in Rongo d iv is ion was conditioned by a . o
number o f fa ctors . These included the system o f land tenure, the
pattern o f human settlement and clim ate. Land tenure systems in
A fr ica have already received .considerable attention from scholars. •
Meek, for example, gave a lu cid p ictu re o f the system o f land tenure
in most African so c ie tie s when he sta ted :
Land is held on (a ) kinship and/or (b) a lo ca l group basis. Individuals have d e fin ite r ig h ts , but these are qualified by a membership o f a fam ily, kindred and Ward (or small v i l la g e ) . Sim ilarly the' individual claims o f fam ilies e x is t concurrently with the wider claims o f the clan or lo c a l group. T it le therefore has a community character . . . . . the elder i s the custodian o f land, but not i t s owner (emphasis mine). .
This applied to Rongo and Luo so c ie ty in general where kinship and
belonging to the membership o f a p articu lar group were important
q u a lifica tion s in attaining usufructural r igh ts . • In Rongo the
system o f land tenure guaranteed ind iv iduals and fam ilies grazing,
occupation and cu ltivation r ig h ts . In the d iv is ion , as indeed
in most o f the Luo areas, land fo r pasture was given the f i r s t
preference followed by land fo r occupation and cu ltiva tion . .
In fa c t , land was indispensable in the management o f ca ttle
enterprise (see tab le 2 .4 ).
■*'
48
TABLE 2.4
MEANS OF PRODUCTION: BASIC CATEGORIES
MEANS OF PRODUCTION
SETTLEDAGRICULTURE
BASIC CATTEGORIES AGRO-PASTORAL
’ PURE PASTORALr
Land + + -
Labour + + +
Livestock - + +
* + = Strong/primar y
= Weak/SecondarySOURCE: Peter Rigby: Presistent P astora lists : Nomadic
S ocieties in Transition (London, zed Press, 1985),p.l32 • *
Because ot' the importance attached to proper husbandry methods
there was no discrim ination, against the 1 iodak1 who were tenants,
m so tar as grazing rights were concerned. In tact the rela tion
ship between the 1jodak1 and th e ir hosts has Deen aptly described by;
P. Shipton when w rites:
49
Farmers who wished to move away from th e ir natal lands could become established as 1iodak1 (sing. 1iadak1) , land c lien ts with provisional rights o f residence and use, on or around the holdings o f a ffin es o or strangers. •
Although individuals' usufructural righ ts, particu larly
a c c e s s ib ility to land fo r pasture, was a basic tenet o f the
nature o f the Rongo landholding system, i t needs to be
emphasised that the provisional r ig h ts weie not absolute.
They could be withdrawn at any time i f the 1 dadak' did not
f u l f i l agreed obligations to h is h ost. Such obligations included
the undeitaking o f domestic chores as herding fo r the host and
good conduct and behaviour, o f th e1 iodak*. to the sa tis fa ction o f
the clan...
Oral evidence indicates that the 1iadak1 who fu l f i l le d the
agreed obligations was treated very well and accorded the
respect just as any other member o f the host community.
At te r some time, normally three to fou r generations the descendants
o f the 1 jadak1 would generally be absorbed in to the hose community.
Thereafter they became en titled to a l l the benefits and
priv iledges and attained absolute righ ts o f land tenure. From
the foregoing i t i s arguable that the individuals' usufructual
r ig h ts , particu larly a ccess ib lity to land fo r pasture, was a
basic tenet o f the nature o f Rongo land holding system.
The nature o f land holding system anu the precaution against
raids determined bool, pattern o f human settlement and the
50
nature o f ca tt le grazing. Cattle grazing was afforded scope
within the geographical lim its o f the clan. This lim it was set
and marked by th eoretica l but honoured boundaries between various
clans o f the d iv is ion and th e ir neighbours outside the d iv ision .
Various clan lands were separated by free zones, or no man's39land, lo ca lly known as ' thim. ’ . These free zones existed between
Jo-Sakwa and th e ir neighbours the Isiria-M aasai, Jo-Kamagambo and
th e ir Wanjare and Mugirango neighbours o f the Abagusii community.
Even at loca lised le v e ls , as between Jo-Sakwa and Jo-Kamagambo,
Jo-Sakwa and Jo-Kabuoch, and Jo-Kamagambo and Jo-Kanyada these
zones existed.
Within the lim its o f the clan land, grazing was free and was
done in the open f ie ld s with common and communal grazing being
a marked feature;. 60 long as ca ttle were properly looked a fter
and confined within the pastures, without any interference and
damage to crops, there was a lo t o f f le x ib i l i t y in the usage o f
th e pastures. The mi xi ng, grazing and moving together o f herds from
various fam ilies was also a security measure since more people
were involved at any one given time and could ward o f f any attack
on their herds from h ostile clans or communities as well as
predators.
The daily c a t t le routine in Rongo was a very busy schedule
fo r the herdsmen. Cattle were released from the kraals and taken
fo r grazing within the neighbourhood o f the homestead. This was
the work o f young boys. They had to ensure that the ca ttle did
51
not extend th e ir grazing to the adjoining cu ltivated areas.
During this time, the boys removed any tick s from the ca ttle .
At around eleven in the morning ca tt le were taken further a fie ld
by young men over nineteen years'o f age. Calves did not accompany
other stock. They remained behind and were watered at home. In
th e ir husbandry duties the herdsmen carried spears, bow and arrows,
and clubs fo r se lf-d e fen ce against predators or h o s t ile communities.
Cattle a c t iv it ie s were also influenced by the seasonal changes,
the d ivision o f labour, distance and s iz e o f grazing area and the
productivity o f the herd During the rainy season when pasture
was p len tifu l and water was ea s ily availab le , c a t t le grazed on
moistured pastures and drank from pools and streams which were
flow ing during the rainy season. The rainy season was the best
time fo r ca ttle owners. Pastures were abundant and water w’as
also easily availab le . As a resu lt the cows were healthy and
milk production was at i t s peak. Furthermore, le s s labour* was
involved in the general fie ld husbandry o f ca t t le during the rainy
season. Consequently, some labour was released fo r agriculture
which wTas at i t s busiest moments.
During the rainy season ca tt le occasion a lly trespassed and
damaged the crops within the v ic in ity o f the grazing lands esp ecia lly
i f the herdsmen were neglegent. This often resu lted in
misunderstanding and quarrels between the ca t t le keepers and the
crop producers. Such misunderstandings were resolved through
mediation. The elders o f the v illa g e s concerned warned the owner
52
o f the herd, not the herdsman, to be responsible and make sure
that h is ca tt le were properly looked a f t e r . U s u a l l y no fines
were imposed i f the destruction was lim ited . However, in cases
where the damage was extensive the farmer would be. compensated
e ith er in ca tt le or grain. The compensation which was usually
based on the extent o f damage was fjuxed by the e ld ers .
In the dry season, pasture was le s s p le n tifu l. Apart from
ca lv e s , ca tt le had to be taken to r iv e rs fo r drinking. Cattle
had to be extensively grazed. This required more labour, and
herdsmen had to reconnaissance p oten tia l and su itab le pastures
fo r grazing. Production often f e l l during th is p>eriod.
A ll members o f the family irresp ectiv e o f age and gender
participated in ca t t le husbandry. M ilking was done by boys and
young men. I t was done twice a day, in the morning and in the
evening. Watering o f the calves was the duty o f children both
boys and g ir ls . Women helped in the watering o f ca lves during
the dry seasons. Kraals were usually cleaned by the young g ir ls .
Men b u ilt the kraals and prepared water w ells.
*Given the importance attached t o ca tt le people were trained
from youth in the art o f ca tt le husbandry. This tra in ing w’as
usually informal and entailed observation o f and participation in
day-to-day ca t t le chores lik e watering the calves, removing t ick s ,
cleaning the kraals and milking. Young boys often accompanied
young men in grazing ca tt le away from the homesteads. This gave
53
them the opportunity to learn the c r a ft o f ca ttle husbandry.
This learning process involved the id en tifica tion o f best pastures
and the defence o f the ca ttle from predators or raiders.
The health o f the her d and i t s productivity was a ma.ior
pre-occupation o f the ca ttle owners and a ll those who were involved
in ca tt le husbandry. In order to ensure proper management ca ttle
owners used various methods o f breeding and stock ra isin g . For*
example, only bu lls o f high quality.were retained fo r breeding
purposes. Those b u lls which were in fe r io r were culled or castrated
and kept as oxen. Emphasis was also la id on proper grazing methods
and watering o f the stock . Cattle were taken to sa lt lick s .
Fui*thermore, during gestation and ca lv in g periods milch cows were
fed with a type o f s a lt , bala, to ensure high milk production.
Through these practices the quality and productivity o f the herd
was often enhanced.
PROBLEMS TO CaTTLE PRODUCTION
Cattle production in Rongo d iv ision was sometimes bedevilled
by a number o f problems. These included reduced pastures during
drought and seasonal rivers which dried up during such periods.
Furthermore epidemic and endemic ca t t le diseases, wild predators*
and ca ttle rustling sometimes underlined the v ia b ility o f ca ttle
economy. Only small quantities o f milk were obtained in
comparison to periods when conditions were favourable. Cattle
owners during such periods released ca t t le for grazing earlier
than in normal circumstances when pastuie was p len tifu l.
54
The extra hours that ca t t le stayed out were necessary since
c a t t le were taken further a fie ld fo r grazing. Despite th is
adjustment ca ttle owners had to put up with the decrease in
production, at lea st, during periods o f drought.
The ever present danger o f wild animals a ffected the
performance o f ca ttle economy in Rongo. References as, thim jop e ,.
’ wilderness o f b u ffa lo s ’, kor l ie c h , .’ the path o f elephants’ and
God kwach, ’mountain o f leopards' were common p articu la rly in
the present day South Sakwa and South Kamagambo loca tion s whichA *1
bordered the Isiria-M aasai. . Although nucleated settlements and
the large expense o f land acted as a check, instances o f leopards
and hyenas attacking ca t t le in the pastures, le k , or at the river
bank, wath, when they were being taken fo r drinking or worse s t i l l
w ithin the homesteads at night is r e p o r t e d . I n order to .*.
minimise the risks o f such attacks, the people often organised
hunting parties and herdsmen armed themselves while going out fo r
grazing ca ttle . Within the homesteads b ig f ir e s were made and th is
scared away the wild animals. Although rustling was also a danger,
i t was checked through mediation by coun cil o f elders and fear o f
re ta lia to ry raiding.r
Disease was the most dangerous threat to ca tt le in Rongo.
The ca tt le owners in the d iv ision r e c a ll certain endemic diseases
at the turn o f the nineteenth century. The most common were East
Coast Fever, agingu. Anthrax and Trypanasomiasis, yamo, Blackwater,
abach or agobadi, Foot and Mouth, Achany aid Heartwater, Kawdrawdra.^
55
In fa c t , the la st decade o f the nineteenth century in Kongo
was an era o f catastrophes which enta iled rinderpest ep izootic ,
opere, 1891-93 and famine, madara, 1888-1890.^- These
catastrophes upset the production balance in the d iv is ion . The
ep izoo tic wiped out ca tt le in th e ir thousands. It forced people
to fin d alternative means o f survival pending the replenishment
o f stock . Crop cu ltivation was in ten s ified and high y ields o f
sorghum are reported. The returns from crop y ie ld s were instrumental
in the replenishment o f stock in Rongo. Surplus grain was
exchanged w7ith ca tt le . This exchange was in ten s ified throughout
the 1890’ s. By the turn o f the century the d iv is ion had enoughA 1ca tt le to exchange with other areas. . • *
That the loca l people were s t i l l able to check and contain
the spread o f the diseases, and s t i l l maintain large herds o f
c a t t le i s an attribute to th eir environmental understanding,
s k i l l s , innovation and experience in methods and practices o f
disease control. An established c a t t le owner could t e l l that an
animal was not well by observing the physical appearance, the look
o f i t s hide and a b ility to graze w e ll . For milch cows a drastic
decline in milk production under normal conditions s ig n ified that
the cow7 was s ick . One informant summed up the whole diagnosis
experience in the follow ing words:
I f you grow up with something, liv e with i t , spend most o f your time with i t , depend on i t fo r your liv e lih ood , you cannot f a i l to know when something is wrong with i t , even at a glance.4°.
56
The im plication o f th is statement i s that the health o f ca ttle
was c lo s e ly monitored and c a t t le d iseases were promptly
in d en tified and treated.
The ca tt le owners also carried out inoculation. The blood
from the in fected animal would be removed by using an arrow in a
process lo c a lly known as, boro dhiang. This blood wr?uld.,then be
mixed wdth medicinal herbs and then given to the uninfected
animal to drink. This immunised the animal. Furthermore, once
the disease had stuck, the animals were quarantined. I t is
clean therefore that by the standards o f the time the ca ttle
keepers had developed sophisticated veterinary methods and
p ra ctices to check, control and tre a t a variety o f c a t t le diseases
The control o f ca tt le d iseases was somewrhat neutralised by
the tra d ition a l husbandry a c t iv it ie s which have been described
above. Communal grazing in the open f ie ld s , common rivers fo r •
drinking, common sa lt lick s and la te detection o f d isease symptoms
rendered precautionary and curative methods in certain diseases
f u t i l e . Nothing illu s tra te s th is poin t better than the case o f ,
op ere , rinderpest which because o f i t s short incubation perioda
( 6-10 days) and the rap id ity o f i t s spread proved d i f f i c u l t to
d etect le t alone contain.
For a ll the foregoing problems o f production c a t t le economy
on the eve o f colon ialism was v iab le and resourcefu l. I t
provided the peoples basic food requirements, material culture and '
was central in the exchange re la tio n s between Rongo and her
57
neighbours. I t was a lso a store o f value and i t s accumulation
was an index o f measuring one’ s economic status. More importantly
c a t t le was a means through which the Rongo socie ty reproduced
i t s e l f . Gender d istin ction s and age segmentations were harmonised
and unified fo r various tasks in c a t t le husbandry to ensure
optimal u t iliz a t io n o f labour in c a t t le management. Selective
breeding was practised to enhance the quality o f the livestock .
D isease, predators, drought and ru stlin g sometimes disrupted
the regular ca tt le a c t iv it ie s and undermined the dominance o f
c a t t le in the overa ll economy o f Rongo. These problems were,
however, contained and checked through the p eop le ’ s environmental
understanding, innovation, and p o l i t ic a l and s o c ia l in stitu tion s
a l l o f which enabled ca ttle economy to be the l ife b lo o d o f the
Rongo economic system. How did th is economy re la te t o the new
p o l i t ic a l and economic order inaugurated by colon ialism ? This
important question w ill be dealt with in the' next, chapter.
58
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER TWO
1. Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9 /87 and with Thadayo Anyango at Uradi 4/9/89*
2. Also see Ag Hama, ’’Consumption and Marketing o f Pastoralproducts among the Kal tamacheq in the Niger bend, Mali" in John G. Galaty. et al ( e d s .) ,« The Future o f Pastoral Peoples (Ottawa, IDRC, 198l ) , pp. 244~45> and H.K. Schneider, Livestock and Equity in East A fr ica : The economic basic fo rsoc ia l structure (London and Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1979)> Chapter iv .
3. Oral Interview with P lis ter Ngore, at Nyarago 5/12/87* JohanaAkal, at Otacho, 13/11/87 and with Charles Oduk, at Okumba, 25/8/87. .
4 . J e ff Guy, "Destruction and Reconstruction o f Zulu S ociety ," !in R. Rathbone and S. Marks (e d s .),■ In du stria lisa tion and Social Change in South A frica : A frica Class Formation,Culture and Counciousness 1870-1930 (Harlow, Longmans, 1982), p. 171. •
5 . Oral Interview’s with Lukio Onguka Orwa, at Chamgiwadu, 24/9/87 and with Charles Oduk, at Okumba, 25/ 8/ 87. For archival source see KNA, PC/NZA3/31/8/12, Anthropology o f Natives 1925-26. .
}6 . Ibid .
7 . Michael Whission, op .c i t . p. 51*
59
8. Allan rJouth, "Hu»>estead, State and Economy in Swaziland" in AEH N0 .I 4 , 19&5,• • also see, A.C. Hopkins An Economic History of West Africa (London, Longman, 1980),p.42
9 . Hoyt A1 verson, "Arable agricu lture in Botswana: Some contribution o f the trad ition al so c ia l form ation," in Rural Africana Volume 4“ 5 (Spring-Fall, 1979)» p. 42.■ • - y - •
10. Oral Interview with Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama 12/8/87Duado Omiti, at Kolouch, 2/9/87. and with Agnes Ofuona at M isori, 7 /12 /87- •
11. Ib id . .
12. Oral Interview with P lis te r Ngore, at Nyarago, 5/12/87, Mary Aluoch, at Mahena, 5/12/87, Agnes Ofuona at Misari, 7/12/87 and with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9 /87 .
13. Ib id . . •
14. Ib id .
15. Ib id .
16. Oral Interview with Oyugi Tombo, at Kanga, 10/10/87; OwuorOrony, at Omware, 24/11/87 and with Johana Akal, at Otacho, 13/11/87- •
17. See S. Birundu, "Gusii Trade in the Nineteenth Century" (B.A. d isse rta tion , University o f Nairobi, 1973) > p. 36.
18. Oral Interview wdth Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 12/8/87 and Patroba Akech, at Ngongo, 13/10/87. 19
19. Ibid .
60
20. M.J. Hay, op .c i t . p. 106.*>
21. These ways were mainly documented from the oral interviews with ca ttle owners in the d iv is io n , for example, oral interview with William Angila, a t Nyamarere, 20/9/87,Obongo Maraga, at Nyachuria, 30/9/87 J Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87 and with Ngani LegadJio, at K ichuri, 27/9/87*
22. Ib id .
23. Ib id . .
24. Ib id . These informants asserts that th is way o f purchasing ca ttle was quite common at the turn o f the century follow ing the rinderpest ep izootic that decimated most herds o f Rongo in the l890 ’ s. • .
25. For example Bati nyar Kabongo and Ondhawo On’ gweya who were famous medicinemen accumulated in th is manner, ora l interview with Patroba Akech, at Ngong1 a , 13/10/87) and with Samson Oluya, Mariwa.
26. See footnote 5 above.
27 • Most o f the informants were emphatic that stock associateship hardly existed between c lo se members of a family as for example between members o f the same household. This was probably due to the fa ct that proximity in settlement patterns o f such close members could not sustain the risk diversion motive in case o f any disease outbreaks. 28
28. Parker Shipton, "Lineage and A ntithetical p rin cip les in East Africa systems o f Land Tenure." . Unpublished Paper, p.. 118.
6J
29. Oral interview with Daado Omiti, at Koluoch 2 /9 /87 ;Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 12/8/87 and with Ngani Legadho, at Kichuri, 27/9/87*
30. Peter Rigby, Persistent P a stora lists , Nomadic S ocieties in Transition (London, zed Press, 1985)* p* 145*
31* Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87*Celestinus Mw’ango, at Kotieno, 21/9/87; and with Thadayo Anyango, at Uradi, 4/9/87*
32. Ib id .
33* For example see H.W. Okoth-Ogendo, ’’The p o l i t ic a l economyo f Land Law: an essay in the organisation o f underdevelopment in Kenya, 1895-1974" (PH.D. Thesis, Yale U niversity, 1978), and C.K. Meek, Land Law and Custom in the Colonies (London, Oxford University Press, 1946).
34* C.K. Meek, op .c i t . pp. 26-27> a lso quoted in R. Nasimiyu,"The participation o f women in the P o lit ica l Economy o f Kenya: A case study of Bukusu Women in Bungoma D is tr ic t , 1902-1960" (M.A. Thesis, University o f Nairobi, I 984). p. 35* This was also confirmed by the Pinney Report findings in Area A o f the present day South Sakwa location o f Rongo d iv is ion : See KNA, DC/HB/4/2, Maasai Boundaries, 1953-1961. .
35• For example see Parker Shipton 1 Lineage and A ntithetical p rin cip les in East African systems o f Land Tenure" Unpublished Paper. .
See A.B.C. Ocholla-Ayayo, Traditional Ideology and Ethics among the Southern Luo (Uppsala, The Scandinavian Institute o f African Studies, 1976), p* 37*
36.
62
37. Oral Interview wdth Obon’ go Maraga, at Nyachuria,30/9/87.
38. Parker Shipton, "The public creation o f private property.The uses o f misunderstanding in the Kenyan Land Tenure Reform." . Unpublished paper prepared for the workshop on land issues in A frica at Harvard University (March 15, 1986) , p. 14. •
39- Oral Interview with William Angila, at Nyamarere, 20/9/87 and with Guako A chila, at Ongo, 26/9/87.
40. Ibid .
41. Interview with Marcus Ogur 0100, at Ombasa, 31/ 8/ 87.
42. Ibid .
43. Oral Interview wdth Agnes Ofuona, at M isori, 7 /12 /87 ; •Paul Ayieko, at Kabuoro, 24/ 8/87 and with Charles Oduk, at Okumba, 25/ 8/ 87.
44. Ibid .
45. Oral Interview wdth Anyona Othuona, at Ku.ja, 1 1 /1 1 /87, Zachariah Omore, at Kabuoro, 4 /9/87 and wdth Okombo Adingo, at Nyarombo, 1/9/87•
46. That th is seems to have been a widespread phenomenon seeJ. Lonsdale; "The European scramble and conquest in African h istory ," in G.N. Sanderson and R. Oliver, (e d s .) The Cambridge History o f A frica 6: From 1870 to 1905 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985) , pp. 68O-766.
47. For example see E.S. Atieno-Odhiantoo and D.W. C ohen,
op.cit. p% 15. •
48. Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87*
- 63 -
49* ^bid*
CHAPTER THREE
CATTLE ECONOMY IN THE FORMATIVE YEARS OF COLONTAL RULE,
1903-1918
3:1 INTRODUCTION
Most h istorians o f A frica have argued that the imposition
o f co lon ia l rule was precip itated mainly by economic
considerations.^- • For the rea lisa tion o f i t s economic ob jectives
the co lon ia l government in Kenya introduced p o lic ie s and changes
which were instrumental in the integration o f the p re -co lon ia l
Rongo economy into the western ca p ita lis t economies. These
included taxation, introduction o f money, forced labour and
in frastructures. The implementation o f these p o lic ie s in Rongo
d iv is io n , in particu lar, and South Nyanza d is t r ic t in general,
y ielded mixed resu lts during the formative years o f co lon ia l ru le .
This chapter analyses the impact o f these economic p o lic ie s on the
c a t t le economy o f Rongo. I t also h ighlights the emerging trends
brought about by the p o l i t ic a l economy o f B ritish colonialism .
The central argument o f th is chapter is that the formative years
o f colon ialism set the stage for the incorporation o f the Rongo
economy into the co lo n ia l economy.
3:2 ADVENT OF COLONIALISM AND THE INAUGURATION OF COLONIALd
ECONOMIC STRUCTURES
A fter opening the f i r s t administration station at Karungu
on the shores o f Lake V ictoria in 1903j the construction o f roads
and bridle-paths became one o f the major pre-occupations o f the
co lon ia l government. Roads were seen as pre-requ isites fo r
- 04 _
opening the d is t r ic t for trade. The roads and bridle-paths
provided ou tlets from the d iv ision and the d is t r ic t in general,
and at the same time enabled merchandise from outside the
d i s t r i c t to reach the people in the countryside.
The co lon ia l programme o f road construction was to some
extent su ccessfu l. By 1908 the Kendu road was nearing completion2with the exception o f bridges. . In 1910 the road connecting
Rangwe and Homa trading centres was widened to i t s fu l l s ix ty3
fe e t and the pier at Homa was given a b e tte r surface. . By 1912
b r id le -p a th s had been constructed and traversed the entire d is t r ic t .
The brid le -pa th from K isii to Kanyamkago through Rongo had been
re-made and put in good condition while the construction o f the
brid ge over Kuja at Sakwa was completed.^ . By 1913 the new road
from K is i i to Suna and neighbouring loca tion s through Rongo had
been constructed with a ll rivers bridged . •
Through these road constructions Rongo became linked to Homa
the main port o f the d is tr ic t and K is ii the administration
headquarters since 1907.^ • Furthermore, there was a major
breakthrough in the commercial lin k s between Rongo d ivision andd
i t s neighbouring loca tion s. The roads in ten s ified the already
e x is t in g network o f ca ttle transactions by. fa c ilita t in g easy
movement o f ca tt le .
Indeed, the economic rationale fo r the development o f
in frastru ctures is quite evident from the way they were linked
66
t o each other. A ll o f them led to three main ports at Homa,
Karungu and Kendu o f which the f i r s t two were the most important
in handling the export and import trade o f Rongo. Their radiation
from the trading centres in the in terior to the ports enhanced
the flow o f trade to and from Rongo. In a sense th is pattern o f
development in the infrastructure network was an important feature
through which the economy o f Rongo became linked to the wider 7c o lo n ia l economy.
Besides the construction o f roads, th e establishment o f the
reg istered trading centres was another major co lon ia l undertaking
in the f i r s t two decades o f co lon ia l ru le . The idea o f markets
and trading places was not a new phenomenon in Rongo, or fo r thatg
matter elsewhere in A frica . .The only new innovation was that the
co lo n ia l government demarcated and gazetted the trading centres.
These centres handled commercial transactions within the lo c a lit ie s
in which they were situated. More importantly, they acted as
c o lle c t io n centres for hides and skins.
By 1911 South Nyanza d is tr ic t had eight trading centres at
K is ii , Karungu, Homa, Rangwe, Oyugis, Mirogi and Suna none o f
which was in Rongo. As a result ca ttle products from Rongo
p articu la rly ghee, and hides and skins were sold at Rangwe and
Suna trading centres which served the d iv is io n t The products
were la te r transported from these centres by head porterage and9ox -carts to Homa and Karungu ports for shipment to Kisumu.
67
The colon ia l administration was eager to enhance the volume
o f trade. Consequently, the lo ca l people were forced to s e l l
•their products in order to raise taxes and to purchase co lon ia l
m erchandise.^. In th is aspect the trading centres were nodal
points o f economic a ct iv ity to both the residents o f Rongo and
the co lo n ia l government. Though Rongo was a rich source o f
hides and skins i t was s t i l l largely outside the reach o f the
■trading centres. The lo ca l administration became quite
concerned at the inadequacy o f the ex istin g trading centres and
ca lle d fo r the establishment o f more trading centres. The D istr ict
Commissioner o f South Kavirondo, Mr. G.. Northcote noted:
a native w ill not as a rule carry his merchandise more than f ifte e n or at most twenty miles to a market and so far we are only tapping the trading o f the country within the radius o f fifteen miles o f Homa Port.
This radius excluded parts o f Rongo particu larly Sakwa.
Nevertheless, the developnent o f roads and market centres
though s t i l l far from adequate did a ffe c t the ca ttle economy.
There was sh ift in the flow and d irection o f trade from the
tra d ition a l trading networks to the outside world. ,Rongo was,
through these in frastructurs, brought more closer to the extensive
co lo n ia l trading network whose d eta ils shall be discussed later
in the chapter.
3:3 DEMAND FOR LABOUR
In order to construct roads the co lon ia l government required
68
the supply o f cheap labour. The m obilisation o f labour was done
through government appointed ch ie fs . In Sakwa and Kamagambo,12Ongoro and Ngonji were resp ective ly appointed ch ie fs . . These
ch ie fs , being appointees o f the co lon ia l government, were
accountable to the D is tr ic t Commissioners and carried out orders
from the government. This became more marked with regard to labour m obilisation . . •
The main way o f m obilising labour in Rongo during the f i r s t
two decades o f co lon ia l ru le was mainly by fo rce . The pow’ers o f
the ch ie fs in th is task was in it ia l ly sp e lt out in the 1912 Native
Authority Ordinance. By th is ordinance they were empowered to
recru it labour fo r public works. But people some how managed to
evade forced labour. Accordingly, in order to curb th is evasiveness
the government introduced The Native Registration Ordinance and
The Native Followers Ordinance in 1915- These ordinances gave the
ch ie fs wide ranging powers including punishing those who evaded
work in co lon ia l establishments. For example, the ch ie fs were
given the follow ing mandate:
In the event o f a refusal on the part o f the natives to do the work (road construction) the ch ie f i s to c a l l upon each v illa g e fo r so many men in proportion to it s s iz e , and i f they fa i l to respond he i s t o report to the D is tr ic t Commissioner or punish the people himself (emphasis m ine).^3.
The delegated authority to the ch ie fs was often used
a rb itra r ily . In Rongo those who turned out fo r work were in i t ia l ly
paid in c a t t l e . A cow’ was equivalent to a worker's three months
—
s a l a r y . T h o s e who did not turn out fo r work were required to
pay c a t t le in lieu o f th e ir labour.^ . The number was l e f t at
the d iscre tion o f lo ca l ch ie fs . Since there was no fixed number
o f c a t t le in lieu o f labour the ch ie fs o ften abused the system17
to enrich themselves at the expense o f the ca ttle owners.
- 69 -
The use o f ca ttle in the payment o f wages shows that ca ttle
was, in the formative stages o f co lo n ia l ru le , a medium o f
exchange ju s t as i t had been during the p re -co lon ia l period.
However, the payment o f wages in c a t t le was not without i t s
shortcomings. The D is tr ic t Commissioner fo r South Kavirondo,
Mr. Northcote, attributed the outbreak o f Gastro-Enteritis which
spread t o every part o f the d is t r ic t in 1908 and decimated most
herds in Rongo to these c a t t le . He reported that, "the d istribution
o f c a t t le fo r road construction no doubt assisted m aterially in
spreading the disease as many o f them were infected before we noticedl8the outbreak." ■ This veterinary inconvenience raised a hu llaballo
from the lo ca l people with a demand that labour be paid in currency. 19
I t should be noted though, that the demand fo r labour in the20period before the F irst World War was fa ir ly lim ited. . In fa c t ,
i t was the F irst World War that marked the turning point in the
supply o f labour which seriou sly a ffected ca ttle economy. While
o f f i c i a l records put the number o f men contracted fo r work outside
the d is t r ic t in the period 190S-1912 at 4707, the same records21show a sharp increase during the war period. . Although the
co lon ia l records o f South Kavirondo do not give a break down of
70
the so ld ie rs who were recruited from each d iv is ion , oral evidence
from Rongo suggests that the d iv ision made a sign ifican t22contribu tion to the war.
The records indicate that in 1915~l6, s ix thousand nine
hundred men were recru ited from the d is t r i c t . In 1916-17 ten
thousand more men went t o the war from South Kavirondo d is t r ic t .
The t o t a l number o f men who le f t the d is t r ic t fo r either the
ca rr ie r corps or other employment between 1915 and 1918 is23estim ated at about twenty fiv e thousand. . This massive outflow
o f labour created acute labour shortages fo r the ca ttle economy
in Rongo. In response to these shortages the tradition al
household d iv ision o f labour was adjusted. More younger people
and e ld e r ly people increasingly took part in ca ttle husbandry.
This was a new trend in the Rongo economy which was brought by the
demands o f War. The demand for labour a lso resulted in loss o f
c a t t le among some ca ttle owners. They had to dispense with some
c a t t le to avoid conscription into the war and other employment
in the co lon ia l establishment.
However, the outflow of labour brought some unintended
b e n e fits . The war opened other avenues o f c a t t le .accumulation.
The war veterans used th e ir war earnings to purchase ca tt le .
A good example is the case o f Okumu Lwania. . Before 1914 he had
been a poor orphan. A fter the war he used his war savings to
buy c a t t le and as a resu lt he became one o f the richest ca ttle 24owners in Rongo.
3:4 TAXATION
Taxes in Kenya were in i t ia l ly introduced to meet the costs
o f co lo n ia l administration and to make the country s e l f - 25s u ff ic ie n t . . Secondly, taxes were imposed in order to fo rce
26the A fricans into -wage labour. . In Rongo, lik e elsewhere in .27South Nyanza d is t r ic t , hut tax was f i r s t co lle cted in 1905-
28The rate was three rupees per hut. . The people o f Rdngo were
compelled to s e ll ca ttle and rela ted products in order t o ra ise
taxes. Interestingly enough Rongo d iv is ion had a good and marked
record o f payment. For the period 1905-1911 hut tax payment in
the d iv is ion never went below ninety f iv e per cent o f the
estimated revenue (See table 3^)^
The tax figures were highest in the period 1908-11 with the
peak being in 1910-11 fo r Kamagambo and 1910-11 fo r Sakwa. Two
main fa c to rs account fo r the marked record o f payment in Rongo.
The f i r s t o f these was the re s tr ic tio n o f migrations. People
were not supposed to move from one area to another without the
permission o f the co lon ia l adm inistration. In a d irectiv e issuedd
to a l l ch ie fs and lo ca l councils on the issue i t was stated :
Chiefs and lo ca l councils should be advised to check unauthorised migration o f people from one sub-d ivision to another, such migration, i f necessary in periods o f scarcity or fo r other good reason should only be done with the cognisance o f the D istr ict Commissioner. 29
The implementation o f th is d irectiv e helped to minimise tax
evasion in Rongo.
7.2.»
The second fa ctor was the enthusiasm o f the tax co lle c to r s
who stood to gain because they kept some amount fo r themselves.
These co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s not only rigorou sly co llected the hut
tax but they often demanded more than three rupees which was the71o f f i c i a l tax rate. • In 1916 when the co lon ia l government
increased hut tax from three rupees to f iv e rupees the tax co lle c to rs32 . c '■demanded anything upto eight rupees. . Because o f th is over
taxation the d iv ision was able to meet most o f i t s expected
amount.
The co lon ia l o f f i c ia l s themselves were aware o f the burden o f
taxation on the lo ca l community. Reporting about over-taxation
in Nyanza province in general the provincia l commissioner o f
Nyanza, Mi". John Ainsworth, wrote:
30
I f the Taxation o f Native Ordinance is rea lly an ordinance to enable the government to obtain from the natives th e ir share o f the expense o f the administration o f the protectorate, I would with a l l deference remind the treasurer that the natives o f th is province already contribute by means o f d irect taxation nearly one f i f t h o f the protectorate (not counting the railway earnings) and about one half o f the to ta l d irect native taxation o f the protectorate .33.
Unfortunately the government ignored Ainsworth’ s protest and
introduced p o ll tax in 1917 which aggravated the burden o f
taxation . Ainsworth once more complained about the introduction
o f p o ll tax. He expressed his ob jection s in the follow ing words:
TABLE 3.1
REVENUE (IN RUPEES) FROM HUT TAX IN RONGO DIVISION, 1905-1912
KAMAGAMBO SAKWA
YEARS HUTS COUNTED RUPEES PAID EXPECTED AMOUNT HUTS COUNTED RUPEES PAID EXPECTED AMOUNT
1905-1906 2994 1548 .
1906-1907 2 373 7086 7119 1291 3561 3873
1907-1908 2566 7374 7698 1261 3615 3783
1908-1909 2719 8151 8157 1297 3840 3891
1909-1910 2789 8367 8367 1555 4659 4665
1910-1911 2925 8769 8775 1541 4623 4623
1911-1912 2907 t 8715 8721 * 1660 4971 4980
SOURCE: KNA, PRB/116, "History o f South Kavirondo D is tr ic t ," K is ii P o lit ica l Record BookKSI/28, Reel 6. .
74
Under any and a l l circumstance the main idea seems to tax the natives. We take th e ir spare land and c a l l i t Crown Land; we tax th e ir huts and now we want to tax th e ir heads . The native must provide the labour fo r transport work, European farm work, road work, buildings and in hundred other ways he makes i t possib le fo r the white man to l iv e in the country.
By a ll means le t us have a European colony i f such a thing i s possib le , but why one should expect the natives to pay fo r the co st appears at lea st strange .34,
Ainsworth’ s views were inconsistent with the s ta te ’ s in terests
and as Thomson has noted elsewhere, "h is memoranda were
pigeonholed in the secretaria t" before he re tired ’ d isgracefu lly '
in 1918.35.
The ca ttle owners in Rongo were in an economic dilemma
since the state was uncompromising on tax demands. The co lon ia l
government was determined to ra ise as much revenue as possib le .
Indeed, the co lon ia l sta te in Kenya "laboured under a palimpsest
o f contradictions o f accumulation and con tro l."*5. Taxation in
Rongo, during these formative years, was an important instrument
not only in ra is in g revenue but also in m obilising labour for
the co lo n ia l regime since taxation forced men to seek paidd
employment.
3:5 DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE
In order to develop a more viable and d iv ers ified economy
the co lon ia l authorities encouraged cu ltiva tion o f food and cash
crops. Crops lik e groundnuts, wattle, cotton and r ice were
introduced in the d ivision during the f i r s t decade o f co lon ia l37 ,ru le . . By 1911, groundnuts, pulse and grain were some o f the
38major agricu ltural exports from Rongo d iv is ion . . Maize and
bean seed varieties were also distributed by the government just3Qbefore the F irst World War.
The ch ie fs were given agricultural development and'
demonstration lessons.^ • In Kamagambo a large garden o f Rose41Cocoa beans and blackwattle was established at Ngonji’ s home.
The ch ie fs were required to disseminate the knowledge theyA 9acquired to the people in their l o c a l i t ie s . . In fa c t they were
instrumental in the promotion and spread o f crops. However, not
a l l crops were received wdth enthusiasm. Blackwattle never, proved4 3popular because i t took a long period before maturing. . As a
resu lt sim sim, finger m ille t, sorghum, groundnuts and Rose cocoa
beans became the major crops o f Rongo.
Although crop production had been a minor sector o f the
Rongo economy, i t started to gain momentum in the f i r s t decade
o f co lon ia l ru le. This was due to a number o f fa ctors . In 1905
Rongo d iv is ion suffered from the famine o f Opande.^ . Worse s t i l l_ . . . 45in I 9O0 the d iv ision was stuck by the Gastro E nteritis e p iz o o t ic .
The combination o f famine and disease l e f t Rongo in a state o f
economic turm oil. This was compounded by colon ia l taxation. As
a resu lt o f these developments the people o f Rongo reluctantly
went in to agriculture not because they loved i t but because they
wanted to replenish th eir ca tt le . Furthermore ca ttle was s t i l l
- 75 "
considered a valuable source o f live lih ood and the ca tt le owners
were not w illin g to dispense with their c a t t le .
The rapid development o f agriculture was important to the
co lo n ia l economy during these formative years. I t was a step
towards a balanced and d iv e r s if ie d economy. Hitherto the wealth
o f Rongo was b u ilt on c a t t le accumulation. But as already
indicated the ca tt le economy was vulnerable to the outbreak o f
c a t t le diseases and epidem ics. Not suprisingly therefore the
outbreak o f the ca t t le d isease in 1908 was yet another setback
fo r the economy o f Rongo. Fortunately the expansion o f the
agricu ltu ra l sector and th e subsequent increase in grain production
helped not only to considerably neutralise the e ffe c ts o f the '
ep izo o tics but also enabled the people o f Rongo to meet th e ir tax
ob liga tion s to the co lo n ia l s ta te .
The development o f agricu lture led to diversion o f labour from
ca tt le husbandry. A griculture and ca ttle management from then
onwards had to compete f o r the available labour. This became more
marked during planting, weeding and harvesting periods. This
com petition fo r labour led to the in ten sifica tion o f Saga system
in agriculture and goyo kwath system in ca tt le herding. In Saga
people helped one another in planting, weeding and harvesting .^ -
Goyo Kwath in ca tt le herding was shared by neighbours on a threeA 1day cycle basis. • In th is partnership members o f one household
herded ca ttle fo r three days and then the partners from other4 8households did the same fo r sim ilar number o f days. . Thus, goyo
- - n -
kwath in ca tt le herding and saga in agricu ltu re were designed to
cope with the problem o f labour shortages. This ensured some
equilibrium in the economy o f Rongo.
3:6 THE EXPANSION OF TRADE
The establishment o f co lon ia l ru le stimulated the expansion
o f trade in ca ttle and ca tt le products in Rongo d iv ision . In the
f i r s t decade the trade in hides and skins was more important than
trade in ca tt le and ghee.^« As already indicated hides and skins
were mainly used fo r cloth ing and bedding. From 1908, with the
establishment o f trading centres and the subsequent large in flu x
o f "coloured c lo th s , such as cotton shawls, American c lo th ,
blankets o f various q u a lit ie s , cotton and khaki shorts, tu n ic and
sh irts and coa ts ," hides and skins were gradually being replaced
in th e ir trad ition a l r o le s . Furthermore hides and skins had
a read ily available export market. Indeed as Table 3*2 shows, they
were the d is t r i c t 's main revenue earner in the f i r s t decade o f
co lon ia l ru le .
Compared to hides and skins ghee did not feature prominently
in trade during the f i r s t decade o f co lo n ia l rule. In fa c t in
1908 ghee production sharply declined as a resu lt o f the ep izootics
(see tab le 3*2).. During that hazardous period, the returns for
the foui’ quarters o f 1909-10 showed a declin in g trend o f Rs. 2862,
Rs. 2662, Rs. 2520 and Rs. 1670. •
Nevertheless, oral evidence in d icates that most ghee which
was bought from the d is t r ic t came from Kadem.^. During these
years Rongo did not make a major contribution to the ghee trade.,
Ghee in Rongo was mainly produced fo r domestic consumption though
some surplus was either bartered with lo c a l people or sold to the.. 52Indians at trading centres.
The expansion o f trade also occured at the regional lev e l
between Rongo and her neighbours notably the Gusii. Oral
Informants asserts that th is trade which dates back t o the
p re -co lon ia l period was mainly conducted through barter rather53than currency. This contention i s a lso supported by Maxon
when he argues that:
I f trade wdth other areas outside South Kavirondo did not amount to much, considerable trade was carried on wdth the Luo liv in g to the West o f Gusiiland. This continued to take place on the basis o f goods rather than currency, (emphasis mine).
There was, thus, co -ex isten ce between the barter and currency
systems. While Asians at the trading centres paid the producers
in rupees, the internal trade involving Rongo and her neighbours
was by and large s t i l l conducted through barter. The monetisation
o f the economy o f Rongo was s t i l l in i t s formative stages.
In ca ttle trade there was symbiotic working relationship
between the non-local traders and the inhabitants o f Rongo division
The modus operandi o f the non-indigeneous traders was to employ the
- 78 -
TABLE 3-2
TRADE RETURNS FOR SOUTH KAVIRONDQ DISTRICT 1908-1911
* 1908-09 1909-10 1910-11
KARUNGU KARUNGU HOMA BAY KARUNGU
ITEMS RUPEES RUPEES RUPEES TOTALRIPEES
RUPEES
Bajjree - - - - 49Chiroko 3862 3696 573 4269 2055
Chowla (mixed grain )
- - - - -
Ghee 11686 9958 - 9958 15712Groundnuts 383 239 1224 1463 325Hides Ox 28494 54284 30132 84416 24265Hides Goat 13793 14728 , - - 8900Hides Sheep 276 1359 16127 17486 680Maize - - 435 435Mtama 1558 24 812 836Simsim 4515 13680 51340 65020 11156Tobacco - - -Wheat -Wimbi 1035 60 - 60
*12
65602 98446 106941 >05381 65267
SOURCE: KNA, PRB/116, "History o f South Kavirondo D is tr ic t ,"K is ii P o lit ic a l Record Book,KSI/28, Reel 6 .
residents to purchase c a t t le in the countryside or across the
border in Tanzania.55. One good reason fo r th is was that the
lo c a l people knew the trade routes as well as cheap sources o f
c a t t le .
Although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l how many ca t t le came from
Tanzania, on the b a s is o f the available o ra l and documentary
evidence i t is reasonable t o suppose that the numbers were
substantial fo r two reasons. F irst, the c a t t le p rices in
Tanzania were two t o s ix rupees lower than those in Rongo. 5 .
Accordingly the c a t t le traders must have follow ed the p rin cip le
o f buying in the cheapest market and s e llin g in the dearest.
Secondly, the decision by the co lon ia l authorities to estab lish
p o lice posts along the Kenya-Tanzania border was partly motivated
by the need to curb la rg e -sca le ca ttle movements from Tanzania to
Kenya.57.
r OThe non-local traders were mainly in terested in h e ife rs .
The h eifers were in great demand because European s e t t le r s
required them fo r estab lish in g dairy farming. The ’white'
highlands, as indeed most parts o f the Kenya Colony, were quited
prone to tick -borne d iseases. The exotic breeds could hardly
survive in th is type o f environment. I t was therefore a veterinary
necessity that a s ta rt be made with lo ca l breeds.
The ca ttle owners in the d ivision were not so w illin g to
dispense with th e ir h e ife r s . The D istr ict Commissioner o f South
- 80 - :
81
Kavirondo, Mr. Northcote, noted th is unwillingness on the part
o f the lo ca l ca ttle owners. He wrote:
During the la st fortn igh t a la rge number o f Somali and other traders with considerable sums arrived here (South Kavirondo d i s t r i c t ) . The principal trouble i s that they w il l only purchase female stock which the native i s not anxious to dispose of. 59,
The rationale for th is was that the c a t t le owners were s t i l l
unw illing to part with th e ir h e ife rs fo r fea r o f depleting th e ir
h e r d s . T h i s suggests that despite the development o f crop
production ca ttle was s t i l l valued as not only the prin cipa l
means o f livelih ood but a lso the symbol o f wealth and s o c ia l
s ta tu s .
However, heifers were by no means the only type o f stock
which was in high demand. Oxen too were required fo r meat and
fo r ploughing. Oral evidence from Rongo shows that oxen were
a lso purchased in large n u m b e r s . T h e purchases from the
d iv is ion were, as those from other parts o f the d is t r ic t , mainly
destined to the expanding Nairobi meat market and to the white6 2se tt le rs in the R ift Valley. . That fo r the f i r s t two decades, but
*mostly in the pre-war period, the s e t t le r s relied mainly on African
/livestock has been given a lucid treatment by Overton when he
argued:
Before 1914 th is industry (liv estock ) grew upon the precarious foundations o f internal se ttle r demand fo r grade stock and ambitions fo r future exports. African production precluded the entry o f se tt le r raised meat
_ 82
on to Nairobi market and meat exports were non-existent. Instead, S e ttler ranchers concentrated upon the accumulation o f herds and flock s using imported s ires and indigeneous cows or ewes (emphasis mine T76I------
. I t needs to be noted though,that the outbreak o f the F irst
World War had s ig n ifica n t impact on the demand fo r c a t t le . During
the war large numbers o f ca tt le were purchased to meet the war
requirem ents.^. To fa c i l i t a t e the ca tt le requ is ition s during the
war a scheme was introduced to auction ’ n a tive ’ stock on a weekly
basis at Kisii.^"*. By 1917 a ca ttle auction market had been
established at K is i i .^ .
The proceeds from the sales o f ca ttle and c a t t le products
were used to sa t is fy certa in needs. Apart from tax ob ligations
some o f the earnings were used to purchase co lon ia l merchandise
at the trading centres. . Among some o f the most popular items
were cloth in g . By 1913 the D is tr ict Commissioner o f South
Kavirondo, Mr. D. Crampton, reported that, "the natives are
increasing in prosperity. Their demand fo r cloth in g and luxuries
i s greatly on the increase causing o f la te a very large in flu x o f6 8imported goods." . The people o f Rongo were acquiring tastes for
the imported item s. In a sense a situation o f dependency on the
co lon ia l merchandise was developing. Market re la tion s were becoming*
an important economic function in the co lon ia l economy o f Rongo.
33
3:7 MEASURES OF DISEASE CONTROL ' *JO : -
Daring the early stages o f co lon ia l ru le the ca ttle economy
o f Rongo continued to be bedevilled by the prevalence o f ca ttle
diseases. Consequently, new methods were devised and at the same
time old methods were in ten sified to check the spread o f disease.
One o f the old methods whose use gained momentum during th is
period was quarantine. I t was not a very e ffe c t iv e method since
the veterinary scouts were not enough to p o lice the entire length6Qand breadth o f Rongo d iv ision . Furthermore, the co lon ia l
government confined i t s e l f to reporting disease outbreaks in the
d is t r ic t and provincial quarterly and annual reports. Such
reporting understandably aroused a protest from the lo ca l D is tr ict
Commissioner, Mr. Northcote who was pessim istic, and righ tly so,
about the colon ia l p o lic ie s pertaining to veterinary control and
checks in the formative years o f co lon ia l ru le . He wrote:
I would mention that f i l l i n g in detailed forms in quadriplicate in order to pass ca tt le in to the neighbouring d is tr ic ts en ta ils an enormous amount fo c le r ica l work, and I rea lly cannot see how the spread o f any disease there may be is lik e ly to be prevented thereby (emphasis m in e )./u.
dA new method o f immunising ca tt le through the use o f
manufactured serum was attempted during th is period. In 1911 a
p ilo t p ro ject was launched to manufacture serum fo r inoculation71 .purposes. To attain th is desired ob jective the veterinary
department obtained some calves from the division "for the72manufacture o f rinderpest serum." • However, th is scheme to
84
immunise ca tt le had not m aterialised by 1918 since there i s no
evidence that such rinderpest serum was in use in Rongo d iv ision73or the d is t r ic t in general.
In the absence o f adequate co lon ia l disease con trol
measures the ca t t le owners in Rongo continued to use the
trad ition a l methods in checking the spread o f the d isease. At
any rate , despite the outbreak o f Gastro E nteritis in 1908 and
lack o f technical assistance from the co lon ia l government, the
trad ition a l methods proved successfu l. Records ind icate that by
1913 ca t t le population had almost recovered to the pre-rinderpest
leve ls and that there were many individuals in Rongo who ownedn a *
more than one hundred head o f ca ttle .
3:8 THE EMERGING TRENDS
By 1918 new trends were beginning to emerge in the co lon ia l
economy o f Rongo. One o f these trends was the change in the
system o f land use. Whereas before 1900 the people o f Rongo had
unrestricted movement and access to grazing lands the co lon ia l
government imposed considerable lim itations on the freedom of
ca ttle movement and grazing. Besides, some o f the land which had
previously been devoted “t o ca ttle grazing was now allocated to
crop production. These measures began to pose the danger o f
overgrazing and a r t i f i c i a l overstocking.
Another important trend was that ca ttle husbandry began to
compete for- labour with crop production as well as wage employment
85-
The household d iv ision o f labour had to be adjusted in accordance
to th is new development.
However, the most important emerging trend was the
commercialisation o f ca tt le and related products. The increasing
orientation o f ca ttle products to the market became more marked
in the case o f hides and skins. Hides and skins were now largely-
produced fo r the market. Furthermore., ghee which had been a
valuable food o f the ca tt le owners in Rongp was slow ly entering
the market in large quantities in comparison to the p re -co lon ia l
period. The demand fo r ghee started to reduce the domestic
consumption o f fresh milk and compelled people t o consume more
vegetable food.
Rongo was fa s t being drawn into the wider co lon ia l economy.r
Although cash had not fu lly penetrated the Rongo soc ie ty , there
were signs o f increasing monetisation o f the Rongo economy. The
establishment o f trading centres and the increase in the sale o f
ca ttle and related products were bringing in more cash in the
form o f rupees. In any case taxes had to be paid in rupees. The
pre-co lon ia l barter method, though s t i l l dominantj was co -ex istin g
with the new cash economy under the co lo n ia l economy o f Rongo.
The economy of Rongo was becoming more and more d iv ers ified .
A wide range o f crops were now grown and more land was brought
under cu ltiva tion . The commercial transactions in Rongo were now
on a much wider scale and goods in markets and at the trading
centres were quite varied and included imported bedding
- 86 -
and cloth in g m aterials. The residents o f Rongo became dependent
on the market fo r such goods. Trade in c a t t le and c a t t le products
was no longer confined to the p re-co lon ia l trading networks. In
a sense Rongo d iv is ion was by and large brought within th e wider
framework o f the co lon ia l economy and market functions had begun
■to assume a more prominent ro le in the lo c a l economy. .
To sum up, the period 1903-1918 was a cru cia l one f o r the
future transformation o f ca tt le economy in Rongo. During th is
period several fo rces o f change were beginning to impinge on the
economy o f Rongo. The imposition o f co lon ia l ru le , the
development o f in frastru cture, establishment o f marketing and
d istribu tion centres, the introduction o f tax and the outflow o f
labour were bound to erode the trad ition a l economic foundations
and to mould the course o f development and the p rodu ctiv ity
o f the d iv is ion in the post-war years. Indeed, by 1918 the
ca ttle economy though s t i l l dominant in the general economy o f
the d iv is ion was already undergoing rapid tran sition from
subsistence to commercial oriented production.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THREE
1. See Richard D. W olff, Britain and Kenya 1870-1930: The economics o f co lon ia lism . Op.c i t ; E'.A. Brett, Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East A fr ica . Op.c i t y and J.F .Munro, Africa and the International Economy, 1800 1-1960 (London, Dent, 1976). Aslo see V .I . Lenin, Imperialism The highest Stage o f Capitalism: a popular outline (London Martin Lawrence, 1934)-
2. KNA, SK, QR ending Sept. 1908, p. 4**
3. KNA, SK, QR ending March 1910, p. 293-
4 . KNA, SK, QR ending March 1912, p. 3-
5. Ib id , p- 20.
6. KNA, PRB/II7 , H istories and Customs o f K is ii, Reel 6.
7- Claude Ake, A. P o lit ic a l Economy o f A frica . Op.cit. pp. 32-40.
8 . For example see R. Van Zwanenberg with Anne King: An Economic History o f Kenya and Uganda, o p .c i t . pp. I 46- I 58, A.G. Hopkins, An economic History o f West A fr ica . O p .cit. pp. 51_75* See also R. Gray and D. Birmingham, (ed s ), Pre-colonial African Trade: Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa before 1900. (London, Oxford University Press, 1970).
9. KNA, PRB/118, Reel 6. .
10. Oral Interview with Lazaro Apara Odero, at Kitere, 29/9/87 and with Philemon Omiya, at Kawino, I 8/IO /87.
- 87 - •
88
11. KNA, AR 1908-09, p. 6u .
12. KNA, KSI/28, History o f SK d is t r ic t , Reel 6.
13. KNA, PRB/116, Reel. .
14. KNA, SK, QR ending Sept. 1909, p* 4>* •
15. KNA, SK, QR ending Sept. 1908, p. 4-*
16. KNA, SK, QR ending Sept. 1909, p* 4-
17. Oral Interview with Bonfas Orwa, at Kolondo, 27/9/87 and with Oyata Orwa, at Kanyathue, 3/9/87*
* - •. .-*•**-
18. KNA, SK, QR ending June 1909, p. 6.
19. Ib id .
20. Oral Interview with Gabriel Owuor. Okungu, at Ongo, 27/11/87, Ochola Ogembo, at Tonye, 28/11/87 and with Ignasio O.iwang, at Kodero, 2/11/87*
21. KNA, PRB/II7 , KSI./27 Reel 6.
22. See footnote 20 above.• *
23* See footnote 21 above.
24* Oral Interview with Agnes Ofuona, at M isori, 7/12/87 and Tobias Oinondi, at M isori, 8/12/87*
25* C.C. Wrigley, "Kenya: The patterns o f economic L ife 1902-45," in Vincent Harlow, et a l, (eds), History o f A frica Volume II (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1965)* pp* 230-231*
- 89
26. Ib id . Also see Tabitha Kanogo, Squatters and the Roots o f Mau Mau, 1905-1963« (Nairobi, Heinemann, 1987) pp. 230-231.
27. KNA, KSl/28, History o f South Kavirondo D is tr ic t , Reel 6 .
28. Ib id . .
29. KNA, DC/KSI/5/5, Memoranda for prov incia l and Commissioners,1910, p. 4-
30. Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch 2/9/87 and with Philemon Oyar Omiya, at Kawino, I 8/I O /87.
31. KNA, PC/NZA/2/3, Ainsworth's Miscellaneous Record Book,1908-15. •
32. T. Ayot, "A History o f the Luo o f South Nyanza, 1590-1930" • (M.A. Thesis, University o f Nairobi, 1981). p- 362.
33* KNA, PC/NZA/2/3, Ainsworth's Misecellaneous Record Book, 1908-15. •
34- Ib id . ,
35* Michael Thomson, "Economic Development in Kenya's Nyanza Province before World War I ," Paper presented et the Annual Meeting o f the African Studies Association, Philadelphia (1972) p. 18-.
36. J. Lonsdale and B. Berman, "Coping with contradictions:the development o f the cplonial state in Kenya, l895- 1914;" in JAH, V ol. 20 No. 4- (1979), P- 488. .
90
37. KNA, KSI./28, H istory o f South Kavirondo d i s t r i c t , Reel 6 .
38. Ib id . .
39. See B.A. Ogot, "B ritish Administration in the Central Nyanza
D istr ict o f Kenya, 1900-1960," in 3AH, Vol. 4- No. 2. (1963) ,
pp. 252-269.
40. KNA, KSI/28, O p .c it . .
41. Ib id .
42. Ib id . ,
43* Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9 /87 , and • with Joshua Ngani Legadho, at Kichuri, '27/9/87* •
44* Ib id .
45. KNA, SK, QR ending June 1909, p. 6-
46 . Oral Interview with Zedekiah Odenyo, at Kanyandhan.ja,I/9/87. •
47* Ib id .
48. Ib id .
49. Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9 /87.
50. KNA, NZA Province AR, 1910-11. .
51. Oral Interview with P ita lis Guna, at Katieno, 23/9/87, and with Samson Ndere, at Nyarago, 8/10/87•
52. Ib id .
53. Ib id .
54. Robert Maxon, "B ritish Rule in Gusiiland, 1907-1967”(PH.D. Thesis, Syracuse University, 1971)> p. 109*
55* KNA, SK Annual Report, 1910-11, p. 159*
56. Ib id .
57. KNA, SK Annual Report, 1909-10. p.. 159*
58. I b id .
59. KNA, SK QR ending Sept. IO98, p. 6-
60. For example see Anders Hjort, "Herds, Trade and Grain: Pastoralism in a regional perspective ," in John G. Galaty,et a l , (ed .) The future o f Pastoral Peoples Op.c i t . pp. 138-139
*61. Oral Interview with Obon'go Maraga, at Nyachuria, 16/12/87
and Joshua Ngani Legadho, at Kichuri, 27/9/87*
62. KNA, NZA Province Annual Report, 1912-13* Also see Gavin Kitching, Class and Economic Change. Op.c i t . , pp. 212-218.
- 91 '
92
63. John Overton, "War and Economic Development: S ettlers inKenya, 1914-18," in JAH Vol. 27, No. 1. (1986), p. 97- .
64. Oral Interview with Achola Ogawo, at Gamba, 30/11/87 and with Eliakim Nyatuga at Obama, 12/8/87. Also see KNA,NZA Province Annual Rep>ort, 1912-13.
65 . KNA, PC./NZA2/2, Nyanza Province Inspection Book, 1912-18.
66. Ib id .
67 . Ib id .
68. KNA, NZA Province AR, 1912-13. •
69 . Oral Interview with Stanslaus On’ gon’ ga Ofuo, at Kabuoro, 4 /9 /87 , and with Eliakim Nyatuga, Obama, 12/8/87.
70. KNA, SK, QR encLng Sept. 1908. p. 6w
71. KNA, PC/NZA2/2, Nyanza Province Inspection Book, 1912-18.
72. I b id . .
73* KNA, SK, QR ending Sept. 1908. p- 6..
74* Oral Interview with Obon'go Maraga, at Nyachuria, 16/12/87
and with Duado Omiti at Koluoch, 2 /9 /87 .
CHAPTER FOUR
THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF CATTLE ECONOMY 1919-1939
4:1 INTRODUCTION
The inter-war years were a c r i t ic a l period fo r ca tt le
husbandry in Rongo fo r two reasons. F irs t, co lon ia l p o lic ie s
esp ecia lly those re la tin g to ca ttle movements and quarantines,
trade, labour and taxation were beginning to be f e l t . More
im portantly, the economy o f Rongo d iv is ion was affected by the
sporadic famines, recurrent ca ttle diseases and above a l l , the
Great Depression o f 1929-35* This chapter examines the impact
o f these economic calam ities and shows howr co lon ia l p o lic ie s
a ffected the ca ttle economy. I t discusses the ways in which the
people o f Rongo responded to these challenges and problems. The
centra l argument o f th is chapter is that ca t t le economy became
more market-oriented than before, and that the organisation o f
ca t t le trade became increasingly complex. Accordingly, th is
chapter pays specia l attention to the organisation and impact o f
trade in ca tt le and related products. I t shows how forces o f
economic change both within and outside the d iv ision shaped ca tt le
production patterns.
d
4:2 THE INTER-WAR POLICIES PERTAINING TO CATTLE
QUARANTINES
In an attempt to control and check the spread o f ca tt le
diseases the co lon ia l government often resorted to quarantines.
The quarantine measures entailed the restr icted movement o f ca ttle
93
t o and from Rongo d iv is ion and sometimes South Nyanza d is t r i c t
in general.^" • To enforce the quarantine regulations the veterinary
scouts were deployed to monitor the movement o f stock when2quarantines were in fo rce . . Administration o f f i c ia l s were also
under s t r i c t instructions not to allow any movement o f c a t t le3outside th e ir areas o f ju r isd ic t io n during such periods. .
Quarantine regulations were not enforceable fo r some reasons.
F irs t , the number o f veterinary scouts were few. and could hardly
p o lice a l l the routes e ffe c t iv e ly .^ . Second, there was very l i t t l e
attempt to popularise the regulations to the lo ca l c a t t le owners
and traders.^ - As a resu lt the regulations proved unpopular with
the lo ca l people. The th ird reason was the inconsistency and
contradictory nature o f the quarantine regulations. For example,
the co lon ia l administration sometimes allowed the movement o f
c a t t le , fo r slaughter and bridewealth not only within the locations
but also between the neighbouring d is tr ic ts .^ - The co lon ia l
o f f i c ia l s in South Nyanza were sceptica l about the enfoi-cement
o f these regulations. For example, Mr. C.M. Dobbs, in seeking
c la r if ic a t io n from the Chief Veterinary O fficer , expressed pessismA
about the success o f the regulations. He noted:
I t is admitted by you that ca tt le meant to be traded within the reserves by natives fo r slaughter purposes and the payment o f dowries cannot be prevented and th is I en tire ly agree.
In view o f th is fa ct I don’ t see how one can discourage movement o f s tock ./ -
- 9 4 ’ ~
95
This shows that quarantine regulations were inconsistent and
contradictory. In fa c t , certain exemptions rendered quarantines
meaningless. •
Furthermore, the e ffectivess o f the quarantine regulations
was frustrated by the co lon ia l administration o f f i c ia ls
themselves. While the colon ia l administration was proh ibiting
movement o f ca ttle to neighbouring loca tion s and d is t r ic t s , i t
w?as encouraging and advising settlers to purchase ’ n ative ’ ca tt le .
In one such advice i t was confided, "as you know the Luo habitually
s e l l some small h eifers and the price is low at present. Nowadaysg
i f o ffe red a tempting p rice they might s e l l large h e ife r s ." . I t
i s worth noting that such purchases were held not at the o f f i c ia l
markets but at the c h ie f ’ s barazas during the tax co lle c t io n9period. .This arrangement enabled the s e t t le r s to d ictate the
ca tt le p r ices . Accordingly, the people o f Rongo became
convinced that quarantines were not only detrimental to th e ir
economic in terests but also that the co lon ia l o f f i c ia ls appeared
to use these regulations fo r the benefit o f the se tt le rs . . •
As a resu lt the ca tt le traders in Rongo tr ied to exp lo it
the loopholes in quarantine regulations by involving in ca ttle
transactions. Oral evidence indicates that such transactions
were quite common particu larly among the Kuria, Isiria-M aasai
and the Sakwa section o f Rongo d i v i s i o n . T h i s is also supported
96
by archival records. These records show that the Provincial
Corrcnissioner o f Nyanza, Mr. C.M. Dobbs, rebuked the veterinary
o f f ic e r fo r fa i l in g to enforce quarantine regulations. He wrote:
I am given to understand that there is a considerable amount o f surreptitious ca ttle trading going on as between the natives o f Utende (Kuria), Sakwa and the Maasai . . . . . there is supposed to be a r ig id quarantine so fa r as Maasai ca ttle are concerned. 11 ' ' •
In order to prevent the circumvention o f the quarantine• * >
regulations, the co lo n ia l administration introduced more stringent
measures. For example, exchange or purchase o f ca tt le between
individuals o f d iffe re n t locations was proscribed Cattle had to
be sold or bought on ly in the o f f i c ia l markets. The new
regulations decreed that:
No native in the Luo-Abasuba location s o f South Kavirondo sh a ll within the aforesaid locations purchase ca t t le fo r cash or barter from a native o f another t r ib e or location other than his own elsewhere than at a market authorised .^ .
By adopting these s tr igen t measures the co lon ia l administration
hoped to achieve three main ob jectives. The f i r s t was to ensured
that a l l ca ttle transactions took place at o f f i c i a l markets. I t
became i l le g a l to buy and s e l l ca ttle outside these markets. This
was meant to curb the spread of diseases. Secondly, the colon ia l
administration hoped to restructure the ex istin g village-based
barter trading patterns and by so doing to tighten the colon ial
grip on the lo ca l economy. The o f f i c ia l markets were henceforth
97
to serve as nodal points fo r the restru cturing and coordination
o f ca tt le transactions. Apart from en forcin g quarantines the
new marketing regulations were supposed t o ra ise revenue fo r the
lo ca l co lo n ia l authorities through the s a le o f permits to ca ttle
tra d ers . *
The quarantine measures had negative im plications fo r the
c a t t le trade and the economy o f Rongo in general. I t slowed the
tempo o f the trade p articu larly in the 1920’ s when quarantines ‘ -
became quite common. The regulations antagonised the lo c a l ca ttle
owners and traders in Rongo who suspected the intentions o f the
co lon ia l au thorities. They saw the quarantine measures as a
d e libera te attempt to undermine the lo ca l economy. Accordingly,/
many traders b it te r ly complained about t h is disruption o f trade.
For example, Mohanmed Hassan, Chairman o f the Somali Cattle Traders
A ssocia tion , was amongst the leading c r i t i c s o f quarantine
regulations not only in Rongo but in the en tire d is t r ic t . He
noted:
I t is greatly to be regretted that no fa c i l i t y whatsoever has been given to the ca ttle breeders and traders o f th is province where native in terests i s much more predominant p articu larly in ,ca ttle trading. I may venture to say that Government actions in many respects have the resu lt of thwarting and k ill in g o f th is trade. 13.
Given such suspicions, misunderstandings and contradictions
quarantine measures were bound to f a i l . So long as the ca ttle
owners and traders in Rongo refused to co-operate with the
co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s quarantine regulations could not be enforced.
98 -
Bat sin ce the lo ca l traders could not challenge the co lon ia l
regime, they had no option except to f i t w ithin the new framework
and cope as best as they could with the s t r i c t surveillance by
veterinary scouts and administration o f f i c i a l s . One e f fe c t iv e
way o f n eu tra lisin g the quarantine system was the establishment
o f o ff-v iew and o ff-roa d ca ttle markets which were outside the
reach o f veterinary s c o u t s . T h e s e markets became so popular
that by 1939 each lo c a lity in Rongo had such off-v iew market.
VACCINATION AND BRANDING
During the inter-war years the co lo n ia l authorities launched
a vaccination campaign. The campaign en ta iled immunisation o f
ca tt le from the prevalent diseases in the d iv ision notably East
Coast Fever, rinderpest and foo t and mouth disease. From the
outset the campaign faced problems o f implementation. The most
important o f these was lack o f personnel. The veterinary s ta ff
were few1 and given the poor communication f a c i l i t i e s they were
not able to serve the entire d iv ision e f fe c t iv e ly .^ - In some
cases the veterinary s ta ff arrived loo la te to save many herds
o f c a t t le from the outbreak o f d isease. The belated use o f
vaccine only worsened the condition o f those animals which had17already succumbed to disease.
The vaccination campaign was also opposed by the lo ca l
people . The campaign was not adequately explained. Arbitrary
and high-handed measiu'es without consu ltation with the lo ca l
people aroused suspicion and h o s t i l i ty from the loca l ca tt le owners
99
Cattle branding was another important colon ia l livestock
p olicy . I t was usually carried out during the vaccination18
campaigns. Cattle branding served three main purposes. F ir s t , '
i t id en tified the ca tt le chat had been vaccinated. I t also
helped in the id en tifica tio n o f ca t t le o f any given d is t r ic t .
Cattle branding was a lso meant to minimise ca ttle th e fts and also
to prevent i l le g a l ca t t le movements from one d is tr ic t to another.^
Branded ca ttle could be easily monitored ancL checked yhen
quarantines were in fo r c e . In so doing the authorities hoped to
minimise the spread o f disease from one d is tr ic t to another*.
Unfortunately ca tt le branding did nor attain i t s avowed
ob jective o f minimising the spread o f diseases and ca t t le th efts
because i t was not popular amongst the ca ttle owners. The people
o f Rongo did not understand the purpose o f branding and were
apprehensive about the intentions o f the colon ia l authorities.
As a consequence the i l le g a l ca ttle movements continued unabated.
4 :3 THE SHIFT IN GOVERNMENT POLICY
In the inter-war period the ca t t le economy of Rongo was
a ffected in three ways which culminated in the sh ift o f the
co lon ia l government’ s policy towards African agricu lture. The
f i r s t o f these was the continued outflow o f labour* from Rongo
to meet the needs o f the expanding s e t t le r economy in colon ia l
Kenya. The second factor* was the growing demand for* ca ttle
products which not only stimulated production but also forced
people to devise a new marketing system o f ca ttle products. Of
--•o
greater sign ificance was the global economic depression o f
1929“ 35 which constituted a watershed in the ca ttle economy o f
Rongo. ..
' In h is study o f the socio-econom ic change in Kasipul-Kabondo,
Ndege has shown that in the 1920's the se tt le rs enjoyed a
prosperous economy (see tab le 4» l ) - • However, th is prosperity
was detrimental to the ca t t le economy o f Rongo because o f the
massive outflow o f labour. I t has already been indicated that
forced labour had been lega lised under the 1912 Native Authority
Ordinance which empowered the D is tr ic t Commissioners and Chiefs
to recru it labour. .This system o f labour recruitment was continued
in the 1920 's. As D illey had pointed out:
By the end o f the War in 1919 > both the co lon ia l state and European s e tt le r s were impressed by the effectiveness and success o f the coercive methods used in War-time m obilisation. Settlers urged the continued application o f the methods and the co lo n ia l state acceded to th is request. The Northey C irculars o f 1919 and 1920, and the 1920 Amendment to the Native Authority Ordinance re-in stated the War-System o f .labour.21.
According to table 4-2 below, between 1922 and 1923 over th irteen
thousand people were recru ited from the entire d is t r ic t . In 1927?
eight thousand fiv e hundred people were contracted from the
d is t r ic t , and th is was the highest figu re for the decade. Although
precise data from Rongo is lacking oral evidence indicates that
Rongo was one o f the most important labour recruitment areas fo r22the s e t t le r agricultural economy in the highlands.
- 101
TABLE 4.1 •
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS BETWEEN 1918 AND 1955 IN KENYA
YEARS ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
1918 - 1920 Rise In prices fo r commodities
1920 - 1922 Fall in prices
1922 - 1929 Period o f recover, r is e in p rices
1929 - 1936 ' The Great Depression, f a l l in prices
1936 - 1939 Period o f recovery, r ise in p rices
1940 - 1955 Continued r is e in prices
SOURCE: Peter 0. Ndege, "Socio-Economic Change in KasipulKabondo, 1800-1960' (M.A. Thesis, University o f Nairobi, 1987). p- 209. •
As a result o f th is r ise in the demand for labour, the
ca ttle owners devised ways o f ensuring that cattle'husbandry was
not adversely a ffected . While in the f i r s t two decades o f
co lon ia l rule ca ttle grazing was based on the co-operative
e f fo r t o f households within the homestead, i t now came to be23based on the co-operative e ffo r t o f two or more homesteads.
102
However, large herd owners such as Makedi Obala in Sakwa and
Ongo Anyango in Kamagambo who owned well over two hundred herd9 Ao f ca tt le maintained th e ir own herdsmen. Grazing was s t i l l
b a s ica lly in the open f ie ld s and was not restr ic ted to an25in d iv id u a l’ s p lot. • Those households which did not possess
large herds now combined the duties o f cleaning the Kraals and26watering the small stock with that o f milking the cows.
TABLE 4 .2 .
LABOUR CONTRACTED FROM THE SOUTH KAVIR0ND0 DISTRICT 1922-1935
YEAR NUMBER CONTRACTED
1922 77431923 5766
1924 24521925 14 061926 40131927 85OO1928 6710
1929 7910 _1930 63991931 1236
1932 NIL1933 62
1934 920
1935 1099
SOURCE: KNA, DC/KSI/3/5/31, POLITICAL RECORD BOOK, 1930-1940.
103 . *
>.11116 the co lo n ia l sta te was a ctiv e ly involved in the
massive recruitment o f labour for the s e t t le r agricu ltu ra l
economy i t never paid su ffic ie n t attention t o the improvement and
marketing o f African c a t t le products. For example, in the
period prior to 1929 the entire South Nyanza d is t r ic t was served27by three shade-drying bandas situated at Oyugis, Sare and Rangwe.
Only Sare was located in the division . This meant that some
traders in hides and skins had to move' considerable distances in
order to gain access to shade-drying f a c i l i t i e s . In terms o f
personnel the whole d is t r ic t had only one veterinary o f f i c e r ,. 28Mr. M. Bishop, and one stock inspector, Mr. W. L. Lewis. . Their
v is it s to Rongo were infrequent and mainly confined to the lo ca l
dairies and Sare trading centre where the only banda in the29d ivision was located . . Most o f the countryside o f Rongo where
the hides and skins came from rarely benefited from the technical
services o ffered by these o ffice rs . . This state o f economic
neglect was prim arily due to the preference given to s e t t le r31 . •production. . In comparison to the period p rior to the F irst
World War the African livestock was no longer important to the 32colon ia l economy.
However, from 1929j there was a s h i f t in the government
policy towards the African production se c to r . The co lon ia l state
began to encourage African peasant production. Extension services
were in ten s ified in the division and South Nyanza d is t r ic t in
general. In order to increase the number o f extension se rv ices ’
personnel some A fricans were taken fo r tra in in g in the methods o f
104
hides and skins preparation in 1931* • On th e ir return they
were deployed in the d is t r ic t to take charge o f the shade drying
bandas. . They travelled to surrounding areas and taught people
how hides and skins should be prepared. By 1935 there were
several shade drying bandas in the d iv ision at Nyarach, Rongo,35Ri s i r i , Kitere and Sare among many others. • The construction
o f these bandas was sponsored and financed by the Luo-Abasuba
Local Native Council on the instructions o f the senior
provincial commissioner o f Nyanza, Mr. C-.M. Dobbs who had d irected
that a l l trading centres and markets should have at least a shade
drying banda. .
The government also became concerned with the a c t iv it ie s o f37the middlemen who were accused o f underpaying African producers.
In order to arrest the situation and provide incentives t o African
producers the co lon ia l administration directed that a ll dealers
in hides and skins should have weighing sca les . • I t was
further directed that hides must be weighed and graded, and that
the s e lle r should be paid in accordance to the quality o f h is
h id es.39.
In the ghee, industry the colon ia l government used the Luo-Abasuba
Local Native Council to promote loca l entrepreneurship.^. The
Council bought the ghee separator equipments at wholesale prices
and sold them to approved persons who were required to pay an
in it ia l deposit o f th irty per cent and the balance to be paid in
instalm ents.^ . Apart from the deposit fo r the equipment such
people were required to ra ise an"additional sum o f at lea st th irty
• 33
- 105 -
sh illin gs as working ca p ita l. 42
This state-sponsored programme o f encouraging African
entrepreneurship was by and large successfu l. By 1938 ghee
production and processing was almost exclusively in the hands o f
Africans. This understandably aroused h o s t ility from the Asians.
They began to agitate against the power o f the Local Native. - JO
Councils in commercial transactions. They protested against
Local Native C ouncil's interference in trade and demanded that
the government must s p e ll out the powers o f the lo ca l Native
Council’ s in commercial a c t iv it ie s in these words:
The native cream separator owners agitated and in sisted on the removal o f the non-native separator owners.From th is a rises the important point o f the need o f a clear d e fin it io n o f the powers and fuctions o f the Native C ouncilIs as regards trading and other rights o f Indians who have established themselves in good fa ith in the reserves. I t is necessary to have a clear idea as t o the extent to which these councils in terfere in the legitimate trade a c t iv i t ie s .44,
Despite these p rotestations the government did not reverse i t s
d ecis ion s. Instead the ghee separator owners and milk producers
were given incentives by increasing the ghee producer p rices .
These measures helped to stimulate milk and ghee production.
The sh ift in government policy from indifference to active
encouragement was mainly brought about by global economic
depression o f 1929“ 35* The depression crippled settler-production
which hitherto had been the cornerstone o f the colon ia l economy.
- 106
Many se ttle rs became bankrupt and some were forced to abandon
farming. 7. Accordingly, the demand fo r African labour declined .
As Sharon Stitcher has argued in the context o f Kenya as a
whole:
Whereas in the 1920’ s the problem fo r se tt le rs had been to extract enough labour from the peasant economy to rea lise p ro fits from the high export prices, in 1929 "the problem was sw iftly reversed: how to wind down the s e t t le r •enterprise, disemploy ^g labour and tighten belts fo r a period o f adversity.
This collapse o f s e tt le r farming forced the government to
encourage African production. This was necessary i f the peasants
were to bear the burden o f sustaining the co lon ia l economy and
to meet "the fixed obligations of tax payments which now7 became49a much heavier burden in rea l terms. " . The government ’ s
economic response further shows that i t was aware o f the economic
potentia l o f African peasant producers but was prepared to
encourage African production only when i t suited th eir purposes.
Thus, the colon ia l government was only interested in African
production fo r the sustenance of the co lon ia l economy but not fo r
a viable and strong peasant - household economy.
Besides the depression, the economy o f Rongo was a lso
affected by the famines o f Nyangweso in 1932-33 and Qtuoma in
1 9 3 4 The famines were an aftermath o f the locust invasion
which devastated the vegetation, crops and pastures not only in
Rongo but in the entire d is tr ic t in the period 1930~33-^^1 These
famines were so serious that the Luo-Abasuba Local Native Council
- 107
had to intervene with famine r e l ie f to the tune o f £4,084 fo r52the whole o f South Nyanza.
The depression and famines combined t o reduce the p r ices o f
ca tt le not only in Rongo and South Nyanza but in the whole colony.
As Hitching has observed in the context o f Kenya as a whole:
Though the money prices o f food crops f e l l continously from late 1929 t o 1934 the p rices o f ca t t le f e l l even more d ra stica lly during the same period. This was due to a series o f droughts and locu st in festa tion s from 1928 to 1934 which a ffected pastoral areas p articu larly b a d ly .<53,
Hitching1 s argument about Kenya are to a large extent borne out
by the le v e l o f p rices in Rongo in the 1930’ s . The average
prices fo r Rongo were th ir ty , fourty , and th ir ty s h illin g s fo r
a h e ife r , a cow and a bullock respectively (see table 4*3) ’* *
To minimise the e f fe c t s o f both the depression and famine
the government was obliged to reduce taxes from sixteen sh illin g s
to twelve sh illin g s in 1 9 3 0 . However, th is reduction was too
l i t t l e to save the people from the deepening economic hardships.
In any case taxes were already too high fo r the m ajority o f the
population. Given the depressed ca ttle p rices in the 1930’ s
i t became increasingly d i f f i c u l t fo r ca t t le owners to meet their
tax ob ligations as well as their domestic needs.
The problems brought about by famine as well as depression
were compounded by the outbreak o f ca ttle diseases in the 1920's
and 1930's. In 1922 and 1928 there were outbreaks o f pleuro
108
TABLE 4-3 •
PRICES OF CATTLE IN SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT DURING LOCUST TIME
IN 1931
HEIFERSH.
COWSH.
BULLOCKSH.
OYUGIS 40 30 24MUMBO 60 70 20KENDU 40 25 12KARUNGU 50 28 20 aKADEM 25 40 35SUNA 40 60 20BUTENDE 30 50 24
SAKWA KONGO 30 40' 30 ,KAMAGAMBO 30 40 30KANYAMKAGO 30 40 40
SOURCE: KNA, PC/NZA/2/1/3* TOURS AND DIARIES SOUTH KAVIRONDODISTRICT, 1931-34. •
pneumonia. In addition "there were sporadic outbreaks o f Foot
and Mouth, East Coast Fever and Anthrax diseases in. Rongo • •57
d iv is ion . . Some o f these diseases were spread from wild l i f eS 8to c a t t le . . Indeed, the co lon ia l administration and veterinary
s t a f f in South Kavirondo correctly attributed the occurrences
o f Anthrax and Foot and Mouth diseases among others to the closer
109 . *
proximity o f livestock to wild l i f e . 59
In order to control the spread o f diseases from wild l i f e
to ca ttle the co lon ia l government instructed the ch ie fs to
m obilise the lo ca l people t o dig trenches and keep o f f the wild
l i f e from the settled and grazing a r e a s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , during
the 1930's trench diggirgbecame one o f the major preoccupations
o f the people o f Rongo.^. This scheme together with the .
in ten s ifica tion o f vaccination campaigns helped to curb the
incidence o f ca ttle diseases.
4 :4 ORGANISATION OF TRADE
The inter-war period saw expansion o f trade in ca tt le and
related products. Before the F irst World War the main
participants in the ca ttle trade had been the Somali, Arabs and
Indians. While the Somali specia lised in trade o f ca ttle on the
hoof, the Arabs concentrated on hides and skins, and the Indians
on ghee. The most important development in the inter-war period
was increased loca l participation in ca tt le trade and related
products without sp ecia lis in g in any o f the above mentioned
categories.
The increased participation o f the lo ca l traders was due to
two main factors . F irst, the government's encouragement o f lo ca l
entrepreneurship enabled some Africans to venture into the trade
o f ca ttle and related products. There were also some Africans
who went to the F irst World War and on th e ir return used their
war savings to enter into partnership with the non -local traders.
Indeed, increased loca l participation in ca t t le trade and related
products was one o f the major economic landmarks in Rongo during
the inter-war period.
The trade in ca ttle was organised mainly at three lev e ls .
F irst and foremost was the lo ca l trade which was essen tia lly a
carry-over from the pre-colon ial p>eriod. The only change was
the increased use o f money in ca t t le transactions though bartering
was s t i l l dominant.
At the second level were traders who bought ca ttle from the
lo ca l ca tt le owners in v illa ges and took them to the lo ca l markets
where they sold them to the la rge-sca le c a t t le traders at a
p r o f it . As opposed to the lo ca l trade where plain bartering
was an accepted part and parcel o f the transactions, at the lo ca l
markets transactions were conducted purely in currency.
The third lev e l o f ca ttle transactions comprised those who
purchased ca ttle from various lo ca l markets and ’ walked1 those
ca tt le to further markets. These traders operated on a much wider
sca le . They bought from homes and rural markets ‘and sold them to
the large ca ttle traders from b ig towns l ik e Kisumu.
There were two types o f ca tt le markets. There were the major
markets which attracted large sca le traders and involved purchase
o f large numbers o f ca ttle . These markets included Suna, Scire,
I l l
S or i, Rangwe, Oyugis and Sondu (See map 4*1)* These markets
were held in r o ta t io n .^
The second type were those markets which served sp e c ific
lo c a l i t ie s and were situated either within those lo c a l it ie s or
along a common border (see map 4*l)* In Rongo these markets were
quite numerous. They included Maroo, Nyabera a lias Mamboleo,
Nyamahia and Oyani. These markets met”on d iffe re n t days o f theZ a •
same week. . Some o f these markets were not only used by the
lo c a l people o f Rongo but also by the neighbouring communities
and, in a sense, were a continuation o f the pre-co lon ia l trade
patterns and lin k s . These markets acted as feeders to the main
ca tt le markets.
By 1939 d is t in c t ca ttle routes had emerged not only in Rongo
but in the entire d is t r ic t (see map 4-1)* The busiest ca ttle
t r a f f i c route ran from the present day Trans-Mara d is t r ic t o f
Tanzania passing through Kadem, another area which boasted o f very
high ca tt le population, and to Suna market where there was a big
ca ttle market. Cattle from Sibakoria in Kurialand were also
brought here. From Suna the t r a f f ic found i t s way"to Sare another
ca ttle market. Here lo ca l traders brought ca ttle which they had
acquired from Masailand through lo ca l exchange. From Sare ca ttle
were 'walked1 to R ia s ir i, a large ca ttle market situated at the
border o f Rongo and Mugirango. From R ios ir i the routes diverged.
Some ca tt le were taken to Rangwe and K is i i .
I: CATTLE MARKETS AND ROUTES IN SOUTH NYANZA DISTRICT.
SOURCE: Based on Oral Interviews conducted in Rongo Division
113
At Rangwe there was convergence, with a route from Sori,
Kanyamwa and the lower p la in s, making Rangwe a b ig ca tt le market.
From Rangwe the traders crossed Awach to Oyugis. Oyugis was the
la rg e s t market within the d is t r i c t . C attle traders from Nyangweso
al_so brought c a t t le to Oyugis. From Oyugis to Sondu i t was a
la rg e t r a f f ic o f c a t t le . Sondu was s tr a te g ic a lly placed to tap
th e cattle trade o f South Kavirondo, Central Kavirondo and Kericho
d is t r ic t s . From Sondu some traders returned having sold th e ir
c a t t le , while others extended th e ir journey to Central Kavirondo.
Cattle trade was too demanding fo r established traders since
i t involved covering long distances on fo o t over several weeks.
Furthermore, when quarantines were in fo r c e , the traders had to
be v ig ilant t o avoid being harassed by veterinary scouts and
administration personnel. In addition sudden disease outbreaks
and bad weather conditions made ca ttle trade a very risky
enterprise. Because o f these problems the lo c a l traders devised ways
and means o f coping with them.
One answer to these problems was the emergence o f a
professional guild cla ss o f josemb dhok who walked ca ttle to
distant markets. By the nature of th eir work the ‘.josemb dhok were
knowledgeable about the marketing o f c a t t l e . T h e y became
the propelling force behind the success o f the trade. They knew
how to evade veterinary scouts during quarantines. Furthermore,
they were not only conversant with the c a t t le prices in d ifferen t
markets but were also fam iliar with the lo c a l physical environment
and knew the shortest and sa fest routes to the m a r k e t s . I n a
114
sense f and as Atieno- Odhiambo and William Cohen have also argued
in a d ifferen t context, in the ca tt le trade:
Fortunes were quickly made, yet they were also sometimes quickly lo s t through risk s such as holding ca ttle during an outbreak o f disease, or losses due to ru stlin g . The ca tt le traders knew and the .josemb dl.ok understood that success in the trade rested in part in disposing o f th eir
’ merchandise1 as soon as possib le . This was . . . an incentive to the .josemb dhok t o speed up th e ir practice and to accumulate new information about markets and routes which would allow an acceleration o f transport, 66
Notwithstanding the ben efits reaped from ca tt le trade, the
business was a risky enterprise since traders had to take the .
necessary precautions against any outbreak o f disease or
rustling .
Since walking ca ttle to distant markets took weeks,
arrangements were made fo r accomodation during such business
t r ip s . In th e ir business, traders often cultivated lo ca l
friendships sometimes through marriage lin ks among the people,
along the way, fo r food and accomodation to and from ca tt le
markets. These loca l friendships were also u tilised in gathering
and disseminating relevant information pertaining to ca tt le
t r ans act i ons.
The non-local traders, as already, indicated, had monopolised
the marketing o f ghee, and hides and skins. The Asians to a large
extent s t i l l dictate the p rices o f the products from Rongo d ivision
For example, the loca l traders produced ghee but sold i t to the / «
Asian middlemen. '
The trade in hides and skins was no exception . While there
wer^e four major firm s based in Kisumu which were involved in
t h e purchase o f hides and skins namely, the Old East African
T ra d in g Company, African Mercantile Company, The Equatorial.
A gen cy and Bordon and B offi Company, a l l the hides and skins in
K ongo d iv ision were purchased by an Asian, Mr. Gershon NanjiZO
who was based at Marindi. • As Eliakim Nyatuga, a major lo ca l
t r a d e r in hides and skins at the time re ca lle d , "there was no
o t h e r purchaser and a l l hides and skins were being purchased
b y him (Gershon Nanji) . The p r ice paid rested en tire ly on him
s i n c e we did not have d irect access to the firm s based in Kisumu.'
T h u s, the lo c a l traders had no option but to s e l l th e ir hides and
s k in s to the Asian middlemen who had the monopoly in the purchase
o f those ca t t le products in Rongo.
Licences also caused a lo t o f anxiety among those who wanted
t o establish butcheries at the trading centres. Under the
p rov is ion s o f the Native Produce and Marketing Ordinance o f 1935
butchers were required to bu ild slaughter houses with proper
h ygien ic conditions and to use weighing s ca le s . Furthermore,
c o lo n ia l licen sin g p o licy and practices tended to favour Asian*
bu tch eries . Indeed, and as Ndege has noted elsewhere, "in
implementing the Ordinances and Rules with regard to issu ing
lice n ce s . .... provincia l agricultural o f f ic e r s and D is tr ic t
Commissioners worked on princip les and conditions which fa\oured70European and Indian tra d ers ." • However, some lo ca l traders
o ften devised ways and means o f circumventing co lon ia l
discrim inatory p ra ctices in the issu ing o f licen ces .
In the butchery business, f o r example, the lo ca l traders• • ' f 'in Rongo opened up butcheries outside the trading centres in
71o rd e r t o avoid the stringent le g a l requirements. > In fa ct th is
accou n ts for the emergence o f the butcheries vhich were located/
o u ts id e the v il la g e s and trading centres.
Despite the problems in the butchery business, the meat
market also experienced tremendous expansion in the inter-war
p e r io d . The organisation o f the meat market follow ed a sim ilar
p a tte rn to that o f ca t t le since they operated at three leve ls
each with some d is t in c t fea tu res. At the f i r s t lev e l was the
l o c a l trade o f meat in the v illa g e s already discussed in chapter
t w o . The only change was the co-existance o f barter and currency
system s in the transactions.
At the second lev e l were butcheries which were situated at
c e r ta in recognised points in the lo c a lity outside the v illa g es .
The meat was purchased mainly by currency though a lim ited
amount was exchanged fo r grain. In most cases the butchers got0
t h e ir supplies o f ca tt le from the lo ca l v illa g es .d
Finally a l l trading centres in Rongo, particu larly from 1930*
had butcheries. In these butcheries the price o f meat was
s t r i c t ly con tro lled . The butchers had to be licenced. The
butchers got th e ir ca tt le supplies mainly from the markets. The
slaughter was quite regularised and was done mainly during
market days. • f
117
Although there were lo c a l , reg ion a l and long-distance
: r 'ac^ involving c a t t le and re la ted products in the d ivision , i t
■Ls in te r e s t in g t o note that a l l the le v e ls o f trade were not
c^ ic f*otom ised. There was linkage and interdependence at a ll the
^ e v € t ls . In one aspect lo c a l trade was the foundation upon which
su ccess in trade were b u ilt . The importance o f lo ca l trade
;i-n "the expansion o f trade in general between 1919 and 1939 i s
^ ^ s t illu s tra te d by the careers o f the fo llow in g cases o f
in d iv id u a ls .
One of those who b u ilt flou r ish in g c a t t le businesses from
h u m b le beginnings was Andrea Anindo who was bora in 1897 and. 7 3s t a r t e d his business career in the second decade o f th is century.
H is career i s a good example o f success through hard work,
p erseveren ce and business acumen. He began h is business l i f e as
a p e t t y trader. He bought eggs from the lo c a l people and so ld
th e m to the Asians at Homa trading centre. He used the money
h e made from the sale o f eggs to buy goats and sheep. He.
e v e n tu a lly bartered some of the goats and sheep fo r ca ttle with
t h e people o f Kabuoch and Kanyamwa. As h is ca ttle herd increased
h e moved from his orig in al home at Rapedhi in 1922 and migrated
t o the present South Sakwa lo ca tion in search o f more and better
g r a z in g lands. As a resu lt he became one .o f the successful ca ttle
ow ners in the location .
But Anindo was too energetic and ambitious to lim it himself
t o ca ttle herding only. He used his experience in egg s e llin g to
e s ta b lis h a flou rish in g ca ttle business. He purchased heifers
118
trom "the v illa g es which he exchanged with b u lls from the I s ir ia
la s a i who lived not very far from his home. He sold the b u lls
t o th e Banyore fo r cash and made large p r o f it . Anindo also made
and maintained commercial links wuth the Kuria who, sometimes,
g a v e him ca tt le on loan. He then sold the c a t t le at higher
p r i c e s and gave h is cred itors (Kuria) an agreed fixed amount.
A n in d o ’ s elder son, John Owuor, re ca lls that th e ir home was a
com m ercial m etropolis where several people met f o r negotiations,...... . 74 -agreement and transactions rela ted to c a t t le .
Anindo a lso expanded his ca tt le business by tra ve llin g to
d is t a n t markets. He travelled to markets in Tanzania, p articu larly
a t Tarime, during ca tt le auctions. Anindo became a major ca t t le
"trader and employed several ’ ca tt le walkers’ . Many other people
a ls o operated under h is licen ce . He in it ia te d his elder son
in t o the trade business.
Anindo did not confine himself to c a t t le trade onl> . In 1934
h e purchased a ghee separator, and in partnership with Ismail
Owiro purchased a maize produce store at Sare centre in 1938.
When the Luo Thrift and Trading Corporation was formed in. 1945
Anindo joined i t . He became an active member o f the Corporation
and rose up the ranks to become its chairman in 1952, a post he
held for four years. ^ When Anindo passed away in 19/5 he le f t
behind a chain o f businesses which he had started with mone>
accumulated from ca ttle and related products.
119
T he second in te res tin g example worth d escrib in g is that
N g a n i Legadho who was born in Kichuri v i l la g e o f North
Kaunwango in 1911. His parents were p>oor and at about the age
of* f 'i f '-te e n he took the job o f herdsmanship. He was a herdsman
f o r s l i g h t l y over f iv e years. His employer was imp: essed with
h i s w ork and gave him two cows. Soon afterwards Ngani le f t h is
30b and became a c a t t le trader. In his words he joined the
t r a d e because:
I wanted money to purchase more c a t t le so that I cou ld marry and have a herd o f my own instead ot herding fo r other people. Trading in ca t t le those days was a good business and although prices were low some people earned some reasonable income In t h is place (Kamagambo) Ochola, Nyamwango and Aduda were already in the trade. 1
Ngani s o ld the two cows in the c a t t le market at Rangwe
r a i s e his i n i t i a l ca p ita l. He bought more c a t t le f 1 cm the
v i l l a g e s . He traded under the guidance o f Nyamwango who % a.
•then an established trader. As he accumulated more capita l
le g a d h o bought more ca ttle some o f which he kept at his ho.
"to have a s o l id base as a ca tt le owner.*
As opposed to Anindo, Ngani’ s business careei was onl>
partial su ccess. He did not d iversify h is investments an
concentrated mainly on ca ttle trade. As. age took on him, Ng
was forced t o leave ca ttle trade and he can now count onl>
h i s small herd.
120
Another Important c a t t le trader whose business career i s
-oi't.h describing i s Ochola Loda.^- He was born in 1906 in
Kamagambo. His fa th e r ’ s c a t t le were stolen when he was s t i l l
you n g . His fa th er turned to agricu ltu re but he was not su ccessfu l.
He ■found i t in creasin g ly d i f f i c u l t to sustain the family. As a
r e s u l t , young Ochola has to f in d fo r him self. From the la te
1 9 2 0 ’ s Ochola turned to herdsmanship and looked a fter ca tt le fo r
s e v e r a l large c a t t le owners in the lo c a l it y . At his le isu re time he
u s e d t o go t o Nyarnwango, the s k ille d trader, who to ld him how
t r a d e was conducted and the fortunes reaped from the trade. •
O chola was so influenced that he started accompanying Nyamwango
t o various markets as a ca tt le ’ walker’ . A fter his apprenticeship,
O chola exchanged h is fa th er ’ s grain fo r a b u ll . He then so ld the
h u l l and ra ised enough money t o start a ca tt le business o f h is
own. Ochola became a very successfu l ca t t le trader and managed
t o educate some o f h is ch ild ren . He a lso bought an oxen-plough
and increased h is agricu ltural output.
However, fortunes were not only confined to trade in c a t t le .
Some individuals in Rongo b u ilt flourish in g business from trade
in ca ttle products. An important example worth describing atPq
some length i s Eliakim Nyatuga. • Born in 1912, when his father
had lost most o f his ca ttle in the Gastro E nteritis o f 1908,
Nyatuga spent h is early childhood looking a fte r the few ca t t le
th a t survived the e ip iz o o t ic . As he came o f age, h is father
in s isted that he had to go to school. Consequently, Nyatuga
became one o f those se lec t few who benefited from the elementary
e d u ca tio n introduced by the m issionaries. In 1931 he was one
° f "the Africans who were taken f o r tra in ing in the methods o f81
P rep arin g hides and sk ins. . When he completed h is tra in ing at
"the beginning o f 1932 Nyatuga was posted to Sare and placed
^ncharge of the shade drying banda located at the centre.
As an a ctiv e and energetic young man Nyatuga made commercial
in road s and estab lish ed links wTith the l s i r ia Masai and the
inhabitants o f South Sakwa, South Kanyamkago and East Suna from
where he got h ides and skins. In time Nyatuga became a household
name in most parts o f Rongo f o r h is t ir e le s s e f fo r t s in educating
th e people in the d iv is ion o f the need to prepare hides and skins
o f high quality . Nyatuga's jo b prepared him fo r a more
challenging career in the hides and skins business.
The d ecision that saw Nyatuga through t o a successfu l
business career was made in 1934* In that year the government
through the Local Native Council decided to p riva tise the shade82h ide drying banda at Sare. • Nyatuga used savings from h is
sa lary to purchase the banda. Having the advantage o f tra in in g
and experience in the hides and skins industry, Nyatuga organized
h is economic a c t iv it ie s around the shade drying banda at Sare.
He used the money earned from trade to purchase p lots at Sare
trading centre. By 1939 he had bu ilt a h otel on one of these
p lots . He a lso used some o f the money from his hides business
to educate h is sons. His sons chose various careers a fter formal
schooling. In terestingly enough some of them were in itia te d into
122
h i d e s and skins business. Although Nyatuga i s now retired
h i d e s and skins business continues to f lo u r ish under the
mar*agem ent o f h is sons.
T h ese four case studies show that although the origin of
w o r k i n g ca p ita l varied from in d iv id u a l to ind iv idual lo ca l trade
w a s "th e foundation upon which most careers in c a t t le trade and
r e l a t e d products were b u ilt . Through sheer hard work these
i n d i v i d u a l s accumulated ca p ita l and eventually established
l a r g e - s c a l e businesses in c a t t le and c a t t le products. The case
s t u d i e s also show that p re -co lo n ia l commercial lin ks between
R o n g o and her neighbours were very important t o the emerging
e n tr e p r e n e u r s . These tra d it io n a l lin k s were used to get cu tt le
a n d r e la te d products at lower p r ice s and sometimes on favourable
c r e d i t terms. Thus, the p re -co lon ia l c a t t le transactions and
l i n k s were not severed but were restructured and used as a
sp r in g b oa rd t o launch flou r ish in g businesses and successful
c a r e e r s in trade.
THE IMPACT OF TRADE. • r d
Trade in ca ttle and related products brought some fortunes
i n Rongo. These included the emergence o f new men and so c ia l
d i f fe r e n t ia t io n , economic d iv e r s if ic a t io n , introduction o f ne\
■technologies and urbanisation in the d iv is io n .
Tire participation o f the lo ca l traders in ca ttle trade and
o th e r commercial a ctiv it ies such as in ghee and, hides and skins
123 .*■
vas instrum ental in the development o f lo ca l entrepreneurship
1X1 Rongo. These lo ca l entrepreneurs in Rongo accumulated
c a p i t a l which they invested in various sectors within the Rongo
econom y. The most prominent members o f th is group include
Andrea Anindo, Ism ail Owiro, Benjamin Arende, Elk an a Ouso,
E lia k im Nyatuga and Nicholas Ochanda. Olal Kosodo owned a
b u tch ery at R io s ir i (K osir), while Nicholas Ochanda and Benjamin Arende83p ion eered in to the butchery business at Rongo.
These entrepreneurs su ccessfu lly managed to capture the
lo w e r reaches o f commercial transactions in the d iv ision . The
P rov in c ia l Commissioner o f Nyanza, Mr. Fazan, echoed sim ilar
sentiments when he noted, " I think the Arab buyers w ill lo se
t ra d e not so much by the marketing proposals, but due to the84advance o f the African in the lower reaches o f trade” . • By
th e mid-1930, s th is group o f lo ca l entrepreneurs was surging
forward with an aim o f laying an economic assault on the Asians
a t their bases in the trading centres. However, th is economic
development w?as not supported by the government in fear o f
p o l it ic a l repercussions from the Asian community. These traders
resorted to other ways o f competition with the Asians at the
■trading centres.
The lo c a l traders set up their own markets ju st short
distances from the Asian dominated trading centres. At Awendo
the Africans started such a market close to the main trading
centre o f S are.^ - This aroused a protest from the Asian traders
at Sare who "were complaining that itinerant traders were settin g
124
a -“ stan d s infront o f th e ir shops.” • To be f a i r to the Asian
a d e r s , this a c t iv it y o f the A frican traders was, o f course,
c o n t r a r y to the Local Native Council regu lations which barred
su ch establishments within a radius o f le s s than three miles
"from the gazetted trading centre. However, due to the lack o f
appropriate economic openings f o r the lo c a l traders such
establishm ents could hardly be avoided.
That ca t t le transactions had m u ltip lier e f fe c t on most
s e c t o r s of the economy in the d iv is ion i s w e ll illu stra ted by
t h e introduction o f new technologies. Most important was the
oxen-plough. The plough was s ig n ifica n t in th at i t brought more
a re a s under cu ltiv a tion fo r crop production. Several ca ttle
owners and traders in Rongo managed to purchase ploughs. Apartgg
"from ploughs, they bought chains and yokes. • In the African* o •
co n te x t , the whole technology was so expensive that only the
F^opl^ who had acquired and accumulated enough cap ita l could
a f fo r d i t . These new men in the Rongo economy and society
included Ogongo Okoth, Jacob Omingo, Ismail Owiro, Linus Ranyunbo,8qCelestinus Mwango and Andrea Anindo. « The use o f ploughs
enabled farmers to bring more land under cu ltiva tion which meant
reduced land fo r ca ttle grazing.
Some ca t t le traders, p articu larly in Kamagambo used the
savings from trade in ventures that had nothing to do with ca ttle
acb iv ity . They purchased power m ills and obtained licences to
operate them at sp e c ific m ill s ite s c lo se t o rivers. By 1934j
125
E*-'nf a s Okach had esta b lish ed a power m ill at Misadhi r iver in
hd.Tiagajnbo while Galkano Omnllo and Enas Ong’wen has erected th e ir
povver m ills at Riana r iv e r , though at d ifferen t places, in
Kamagambo. .
The trade in c a t t le and c a t t le products a lso led to the
em ergence o f in c ip ie n t urbanization in Rongo. Trading centres
v>bich consisted o f shops, h o te ls and butcheries marked the
beg in n in g o f urbanization . C attle markets too stimulated the
grow th o f urban cen tres . In time the trading centres attached to
c a t t l e markets experienced expansion through the establishment
o f permanent shops, h o te ls , butcheries and temporary shelters o f
p o rr id g e kiosks to se rv ice the large population that met during
m arket days. Most o f these establishments were set up by ca t t le
t r a d e r s and traders in c a t t le products through the accrued p ro fits
from the trade. Some c a t t le markets grew in to b ig trading centres
and eclipsed th e ir neighbouring trading centres which had no
c a t t l e markets. R io s ir i , fo r example, eclipsed Rongo.
Several conclusions can be drawn from the discussion presented
in th is chapter. The people o f Rongo had been drawn into the
co lo n ia l economy. They had no choice but to participate in that
economy through diverse ways such as paying tax, se llin g th e ir
labour, engaging in trade or in the cu ltivation o f cash crops.
However, th e ir participation was subject to certain statutory
requirements such as licen ce and permits through which the co lon ia l
st.ate controlled the entry and participation in various
transactions by the lo ca l traders. The chapter has shown that in
_ 126.
o a s e s where the lo c a l traders faced obstacles they often d ev ised
w a y s and means o f economical surviva l.
The various le v e ls o f trade outlined in the chapter do o f fe r
m e a n in g fu l in s igh ts in to the extent to which the hi adit i or
f o r m s o f marketing were incorporated in to the co lon ia l econ my
Som e commercial aspects o f trade in c a t t le and r e la te d Pr0
liadL n o t yet f e l t the f u l l impact o f the dynamics o f the co lon ia l
e con om y .
The analysis o f the development o f lo c a l traders who
accum ulated ca p ita l from ca ttle trade and r e la t e d a c t '
v d iich they invested in various businesses has d ispelled
o f indiscrim inate improverishment o f the peas call s ur
c o l o n ia l c a p ita lis t economy. In fa c t , the p ic tu r e t 6
f r o m the commercialization o f ca ttle economy i s that
e n terp ris in g group wTas beginning to s h i f t resources fr o
*to more lu cra tive sectors o f the economy o f Rongo. . omc o
investments were quite parallel to the hithei t o chei ished
o f ca ttle keeping. This s h ift o f resources from c a t t le t o the
new ventures was in essence in s titu t io n a lis in g and com
competing ventures to cattle economy in Rongo.
127
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR :
- O r a l Interview with John Owuor, at Mariwa, 4/12/87 and v -L lb Patroba Akech, at N’ gon* ga, 13/10/87.
2 . KNA, PC/NZA/3/49/6, On C attle Trade, 1927* see correspondence "From PC NZA t o Chief Veterinary O fficer dated 23/9/27*
3 - I b i d .
4 - I b i d . • , *
5* O ra l Interview with Patroba Akech, at N1 gon1 ga, 13/10/87; Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9/87 and with Ngoki Oloo, at Otnbasa, 28/ 8/ 87* •
6 - See footn ote 2 above.
7 - KNA, PC/NZA/3/49/4* on Movements o f c a t t le , 1925-28, see le t t e r from PC. NZA to Veterinary O ffice r , Lumbwa dated 16/2/27*
8 . KNA, PC/NZA/2 /8/ 6, on Livestock Trade, 1931-50, see le tte r from DC. SK to PC. NZA dated 23/6/31* •
9* Oral Interview with S ilas Pete, at Apondo, 3 /9 /87 ; Ngoki Oloo, at Ombasa, 28/8/87 and with Ngore Okore at Nyarago,
d
23 /10 /87 . .
1 0 . Oral Interview with Samson Ndere, at Nyarago, 8/10/87; Okal Odunga, at Kanyamamba, 2/10/87*
1 1 . See le t t e r from PC. NZA to Veterinary O ffic e r , Lumbwa dated 16/2/27 in KNA, PC/NZA/3/49/4* on Movements o f C attle, 1925- 28. .
128.*■
1 7 • S ee correspondence dated 23/3/32 in KNA, PC/NZA/2/8/6, on Livestock Trade, 1931-50*
1 3 - KNA, PC/NZA/3 /49 /6 , o p .c i t .
1 4 . Oral Interview with Eliakim Nvatuga, at Obama, 12/8/87, Joshua Ngani Legadho, at K ichuri, 27/9/87; Obunga Achika, a t Koluoch, I / 9/87 and with Randere Okuna, at Kamsuniba,
I I /I O /87. • *
1 5 . Ib id .
1 6 . Ib id .
1 7 . Ibid .00H See KNA. PC/NZA/1/ll/iQ. on Veterinary, 1927-28. There
are several correspondence dealing with Cattle Branding.
1 9 - Ibid .
2 0 . See Peter 0. Ndege, "Socio-Economic Change in Kasipul- Kabondo, I 8OO-I96O" (M.A. Thesis, University of Nairobi,
1987). •
214.
. Quoted in Peter 0. Ndege, o p .c it , p. 189*
22 Oral Interview with Okelo Wera, at Katagaya, 30/9/87; Eliakim Omollo, at Kangeso, 21/9/87 and Okwaro Obingo, at Nyakuru, 2/ 9/ 87.
23 - Ibid.
129
“ 4 - O r a l Interview Yvith Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87 a n d with W illiam An’ g i la , at Kyamarere, 20/9/87-
^ 5 - X b i d .
2 6 . X b id . ,
2 7 . KNAa PC/NZA/2/8/1, on Hides and Skips', 1925-28. Bandas a re sheds where hides and skins are dried.
2 8 . X b id . .
X b id .
X bid . •
For example see Nichola Swainson, The development o f Corporate Capitalism in Kenya, 1918-1977 (London, Heinemann,
1980), pp. 6 -7 .
3 2 . Also see John Overton, "War and Economic Development: S ettlers in Kenya, 1914_l8 " , op .c i t .
3 3 . Oral Interview with Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 1 2 /8 /87 -
2 9 -
3 0 .
3 1 -
34- Ib id . •
3 5 . Ib id . .
3 6 . KNA, PC/KZA/2/8/6, on Livestock Trade, 1931-50.
3 7 . Ibid. .
3 8 . Ibid.
39. Ibid.
S ee J.M. Mutterman, ’’The p o l i t i c s o f Marketing in South Nyanza, Kenya, 1919-1945” , in SANGO No. 3 (1983), pp. 27-45. •
4 1 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, on Dairy and Dairy products, 1936-50*
4 2 . * I b i d . ,
4 3 - L or a d e ta ile d treatment o f the p o l i t i c a l a sp ects o f th e
L oca l Native Councils, see M. Omusule, " P o l i t i c a l and C on stitu tion a l Aspects o f the O rig in s and Development o f
Local Government in Kenya, 1895-1963" (Ph.D . d is s e r t a t io n ,
Syracuse U niversity, 1975).
44 • Extract from the The Kenya Daily M ail o f F riday, 13/8/87 in KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, O p .c it . .
4 5 - The producer price o f ghee was increased from Sh. 14/50 toSh. 20/50 in December 1936, See c ircu la r Ref. No. DAIRY/l/463/36 dated 11/12/1936, in KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, o p .c it . .
4 6 . For example between 1935 and 1938 the to ta l value earningsfrom.ghee in the entire d is t r ic t more than doubled. In 1935 the income earned was £14 , 264• In 1938 the income earned was £31,645. In fa ct the success o f lo c a l traders in the management o f ghee industry was exemplary and some d is t r ic t s tr ied to borrow a lea f from them. See le t te r from DC, Laikipia-Samburu to PC NZA dated 30/11/36 in KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, op.c i t .
47 • See R. Van Zwanenberg w ith A. K ing; An Economic H isto ry o f
Kenya and Uganda, lSQO-1970 (N a irob i, EALB, 1975), PP* 208-209.
- 131- -
Sharon S t itch e r , Migrant Labour in Kenya: Capitalism and A frican Response, 1895-1975? (Harlow, Longman, 1982), p. 94*
49 - C.C. W riggley, " Kenya: The patterns o f Economic l i f e ,1902-45"j o g .c i t . p. 256.
50 . Oral Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2 /9 / 87 JSamson Ndere, at Nyarago, 8/10/87; and with Silas Pete, at Apondo, 3 /9 /87- Also see , Government o f Kenya, Kenya Census Enumerators Guide Book, (1979)* P- 70*
5 1 - Ib id .
5 2 . KNA, PC/NZA/3/ 5/ 31j K is ii P o lit ic a l Record Book, 1930-40. .
5 3 - Gavin K itching, Class and Economic Change in Kenya; The making o f an African P etite Bourgeoisie, 19Q5~1970j (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1980), p. 1-59*
5 4 - Most o f the informants, who were ca t t le traders and owners,assert that the prices a t the v illa g e and the loca l marketswere much lower than the given prices s in ce a bu ll could be \purchased fo r as low as f if te e n s h ill in g s .
5 5 - KNA, DC/KSI/3 /5 /31,' op .c i t .
5 6 . See KNA, PC/NZA/3/49/6, o p .c it ; and PC/NZA/3/49/5/4, on Veterinary South Kavirondo, 1925~28.
57 . Ibid. . .
5S- For example, see C. O degi, "Kenya’ s a r id and Sem i-arid lands Appraisal fo r u tiliza t io n into th e Coming Decade", Paper presented at The .*enyan Economic A s s o c ia t io n Workshop,
Nairobi (21-25/9/1987). •
132
5 9 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/1/3, on Tours and D iaries, South Kavirondo
d i s t r i c t , 1931- 34-
6 0 . I b i d . .
6 1 . I b i d . In ta c t the trenches s t i l l e x is t t o th is day p a r t ic u la r ly in the former Area A now part o f Alego and Kogelo su b -location s .
6 2 . Oral Interview with Stanslaus On’ gon’ ga Ofuo, at Kabuoro, 4 /9 /8 7 ; John Owuor, at Mariwa, 4 /12/87; Ngani Legadho, at K ichuri, 27/9/87 and Ochola Loda, at Kabola, 25/9/87-
6 3 . Ib id . •
6 4 - I b id . .
6 5 . I t i s probably fo r th is reason that most o f the successfu l ca t t le traders started th e ir careers as ca tt le walkers.
6 6 . E. Atieno-Odhiambo and D. William Cohen, Sti ategies o fSurvival in the Rural Economy: Studies from Western Kenya ,
op .c i t . pp. 21- 22.
6 7 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/ I 2/ 64) o p .c i t . .*
6 8 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/8/6, o p .c it . .
6 9 . Oral Interview with Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 1^/8/87-
7 0 . Peter 0. Ndege, op .c i t . p. 233-
71 . See KNA, PC/NZA/2/17/8, on Organisation o f Markets and produce1931-51- •
133
“ 2 - I b i d . .
7 3 . T h is information about Andrea Anindo, deceased, was rece ived mainly from h is business associates and members o f h is fam ily . Most resourcefu l was h is e ld e st s o n , John Owuor, h is w ife , Sarah Anindo and business colleague Eliakim Nyatuga. A rchival sources also proved help fu l.
7 4 - Oral Interview’ with John Owuor, at Mariwa, 4/12/87-
7 5 - I b id . .
7 6 . See E. Atieno-Odhiambo, "A History o f the Luo T hrift and Trading C orporation", in B.A. Ogot, (ed. ) ,■ Hadith 5,
Economic and S ocia l H istory o f East A fr ica , op .c i t . p. 260.
77 • Oral Interview with Ngani Legadho, at K ichuri, 27/9/87? *
7 8 . Ib id . .
7 9 - Oral Interview with Ochola Loda, at Kabola, 25/9/87-
8 0 . Oral Interview with Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 12/8/87- •81. ibid. :8 2 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/1/8, on Local Native Council, South Kavirondo,
Luo-Abasuba-Minutes and Agenda, 1931_35*d
8 3 . Oral Interview with Stanslaus On'gon'ga Ofuo, at Kabuoro,4/9/87. •
8 4 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/ I 7/ 3I , o p -c it . .
8 5 . J.M. Butterman, o p .c i t . p. 36.
I
- 134 - . *
T b id .
KKAj PC/NZA/2/17/8, on Organisation o f Markets and Produce,1931-51. •
Oral Interview wdth Karilus Onam, at Malunga, 6/10/87; Ganda O nditi, at Obama, 1 7 /8/87 and John Owuor at Mariwa, 4 /12 /87 . •
8 9 . Ib id . .. '
9 0 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/1/8, op .c i t .
CHAPTER FIVE
A DIVERSIFIED ECONOMY OF RONGO, 1940-1960
5 : 1 .INTRODUCTION
T h e period I 94O-I96O was d e c is iv e in the h istory o f the
economy o f Rongo. At the beginning o f th is period
" th o u s a n d s o f men from the d iv is ion were conscripted into the
army. Besides, there was increased demand fo r ca tt le
" t o m e e t the war "food requirements. Furthermore, competition between
l o c a l tra d ers and those from outside the d iv is ion reached i t s
c l u n a x . These developments were v it a l in the overa ll performance
t h e ca tt le economy in Rongo. This chapter analyses the impact
° f S e co n d World War on ca ttle economy. I t also explores the nature
° f t h e commercial r iva lry between the lo c a l traders and those from
o u t s i d e the d iv is io n . The main argument o f the chapter is that
b e tw e e n 1940 to i 960 the Rongo economy became more d iv ers ified than
o v e r b e fore and th is subsequently resulted in the re la tive d eclin e
o f t h e ca ttle economy. .
5 : 2 THE IMPACT OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR
The outbreak o f the Second World War had fa r reach ing
r e p e r c u s s io n s on th e c a t t le economy o f Rongo. C h iefs became u s e fu l
in s t r u m e n ts f o r th e m o b ilisa t io n o f human and m ateria l re so u rce s
t o m eet the in cr e a s in g demands o f the War."^ - One o f the im portant
r e s o u r c e s whose demand in crea sed trem endously was c a t t le . The
c o l o n i a l government requ ired la r g e q u a n t it ie s o f meat f o r th e
s o l d i e r s . T h is meant th a t c a t t l e had t o be obta in ed from a l l p a rts
o f Kenya. Oral evidence in d ic a te s th a t every ca ttle -ow n in g homestead
135
1.36-
i n r^ongo dispensed with some c a t t le fo r war requirements. Foi*
e x a m p le , Achola Ogawo o f Gamba dispensed with two ca ttle while
S y p td a n u s O kello o f Kolando v illa g e dispensed with one.^ Duado
gavi a v iv id picture o f a requ is ition incident in his
h om estea d . He observed:
I t was one early morning in 1940 when the Askaris came to my home accompanied by the ass is ta n t ch ie f. I knew they had come fo r c a t t l e . However, before I could show them th e bulloorlcpwaho take, the assistant ch ie f had shown them two fa t b u lls , ana the askaris were chasing the b u lls . I t was t e r r ib le . I pleaded with them t o leave the b u lls and take oth ers instead but they refused. 3 ,
I n a sense c a t t le owners lo s t some o f th e ir best animals during
s u c h i -equ isition s.
The increase in demand o f ca tt le and the subsequent
launch ing o f the requ isition s by the co lo n ia l state seriously
a f fe c te d c a t t le prices not only in Rongo but also in other’
p a r ts o f the d is t r ic t .^ The ca ttle owners were forced by the
p re v a ilin g circinstances to s e l l their c a t t le inorder to avoidi.
them being taken by force .^ .This resulted in supply outstripping
th e demand in the lo ca l markets because the co lon ia l state tried■ . . 7t o meet most o f the war requirements through the requ isitions.
The archival records show that the p r ices*o f ca ttle were alarmingly
low so much so that i t became a iha.ior issue at a meeting o f the8bach Jol.ala Association in 1942* .That the loca l administration
acknowledged the fa c t and confessed th e ir impotence in solving the
137
"that p o in t in time i s a clear m anifestation that
c a t t l e p r ice s were very low.^ •
The demand f o r c a t t le products a lso increased tremendously
d u r i n g the war. Most important amon£ the c a t t le products was
g h e e . In 1944 a twenty kilogramme tin o f ghee was costing
f i t t y four s h i l l in g s in the o f f i c i a l markets in Rongo."^. In the
rr>a r 'l<etsywhick;.were not o f f i c i a l l y recognised the same quality and
q u a n t i t y o f ghee was so ld fo r s ix ty two s h illin g s and f i f t y cents.
H ow ever, p r ices elsewhere wei'e re la t iv e ly higher. In Tanzania aBy. % 1 ,p| 12
t w e n t y kilogramme t in o f ghee costed seventy sh illin g s . • The
g f .e e producers decided t o s e l l in the dearest market. Accordingly,
s o m e o f the ghee was smuggled to neighbouring Tanzania. This
b r o u g h t about acute ghee shortage in the whole o f South Nyanza
d i s t r i c t so much so that the government was complelled to set up. . . . 13a commission t o investigate causes o f th is shortage.
The commission reported that the shortage was mainly caused
b y smuggling.1 . I t recommended that the co lon ia l administration
o f f i c i a l s should not only curb smuggling but that the gj.ee prices
sh ou ld also be increased to make them com petitive with those in*1 r # ^ *v
Tanzania. . Acting on the advice o f the commission, the govemmet
increased the price o f ghee from f i f t y four sh illin g s to six ty
f i v e sh illin gs and th ir ty c e n t s .^ This increase had an immediate
impact on ghee supply in the loca l o f f i c i a l markets. The quantity, 17
ot ghee in the o f f i c i a l markets considerably increased.
138
th e c a t t le re q u is it io n s the Rongo ca ttle economy
by th e con scrip tion of* men fo r m ilitary service
th e Second World War. As in the cases o f ca ttle requ isition s,
Orxs<::r't p t io n s w e r e le ft almost e n t ire ly to the chiefs."*"^- This
t>ecam e one of th e ir major undertakings during the War. Nearly
e % e r ^ homestead re lea sed an ind iv idual fo r the m ilitary serv ice .
t o l l o v i n g excerpt from a report on the War recruitment in
--■ovrth Kavirondo d is t r i c t shows the general trend in Rongo in 1940-
beginning o f the year the report s ta tes :
In the la s t War the Jaluo contribu tion in men was considerable. Their present one has exceeded expectations. For ther East A frican m ilitary labour service they have contributed 1,200 recruits.
B y September 1940 the report in d ica tes :
Locally (South Kavirondo) the administration is now faced with recru itin g at the rate o f 400 per month for an in d e fin ite period and there i s probability of c a l l in g fo r more c a t t le as w ell as men in the near future to provide food fo r the c o r p s .^
However, t h is recruitment drive was not only in immense sca le■ i ' 22b a t was also fa r from being peacefu l. ■ In fa c t , high-handed
«r e th o d s were used so much so that many people in Rongo were forced
*H noho f l e e from th e ir areas in to Tanganyika. • Even those who
9 Arem ained behind liv ed in fear and in hiding.
These d isruptive e ffe c ts o f war forced people to adjust the
household d iv is ion o f labour. Women assumed tasks which were
h ith e r to performed by young men who had e ith er gone to war or fle d
- 139
1X1 homes t o evade con scrip tion . • This caused strain
“ ‘ 1 a v a ila b le la b ou r. The women and e ld er ly men could hardly
^ i t h tasks o f f o o d p rod u ction and management. The households
^ c ^ q u it e vu ln erab le t o f am ines.
I r i fa c t , b e s id e s the d irect e f fe c t s o f the war such as the
1 e cTJ-isit,ic>n o f c a t t l e and con scrip tion o f men, Rongo was also
e f f e c t e d by the famine o f Ladhri in 1 9 4 3 The famine was caused
t>y t w o main fa c t o r s . F irs t , the d iv is ion experienced a long27s p e l l o f drought th a t ruined th e ir crop . • More importantly, the
c o n s c r i p t i o n o f men contributed t o reduction in food production28d u e t o s ca rc ity o f labour in the agricu ltu ra l se c to r . « As
A g n e s Ofuona observed:
The p eriod 1942-43 was quite d i f f i c u l t fo r us. Many young people in th is v illa g e had gone to the war.Mbaka son o f On’ gare went to Tanganyika to avoid being conscrip ted . Only Tobias was in K is ii school.I had t o help Joram (husband) in many tasks, such as in look ing a fte r ca ttle and m ilking, when he was sick . Remember I had also to look a fte r ch ildren . Drought came but even then what we had in the gardens was not enough. Two people could not do much.
O fu o n a ’ s observation shows th a t th e c o n s c r ip t io n o f men from Rongo
d e s t a b lis e d th e p ro d u ctio n p rocess and p a r t ly co n tr ib u te d to thed
o u tb re a k of the fam ine o f L adh ri.
*
In order t o m inim ise the e f f e c t o f th e fa m in e , the government
in terven ed with ,a tem porary sh ort term r e l i e f and d is tr ib u te d maize
s e e d s to the r e s id e n t s o f Rongo. Furtherm ore, th e a g r icu ltu ra l
p rod u cer p rices were in c r e a s e d .^ Encouraged by th ese developments
140
n* o s t . c attle owners s h ifte d to agricu ltu ra l production.
s h o u ld be noted though that the Second World War had
>° S -L :' i ve e f f e c t s on the Rongo ca tt le economy. Those who
"the war returned with th e ir savings which they used to trade
o r e s ta b lish ca t t le herds. Meanwhile some ex -so ld iers
^ "to pursue other careers in the co lon ia l establishments.
^ e s e "tre n d s are v e i l illu s tra te d by the careers o f Ojola Gwili.,
J o n a. Othuona and Surriba Ochieng. •
O j o l a Gwili returned with h is savings from the Second World
***ajr' ^ n d purchased ca tt le and an ex-plough. He organised his4bL-.
economic a c t iv it ie s around his farm in Mahena and became a mixed
f a r m e r . . In con tra st, Anyona Othuona used h is savings to
p u r c h a s e ca tt le from the lo ca l v illa g e s which he then sold at
t ib e l o c a l markets such as Awendo, R io s ir i , Nyamahia and Maroo.
I n "tim e he .joined a team o f established ca tt le traders and from
1 9 4 8 lie became a trader in his own r ig h t . He a lso established
a s o l i d base as a ca ttle owner and became involved in crop. 3 3
p r o d u c t i o n . Meanwhile, Sumba Ochieng purchased ca ttle and an
o x -p lo u g h which he l e f t under the care o f h is father, Ochieng* * 34O yem be, while he pursued a career in the p o lice force .
These careers show that the ca ttle economy was somewhat
s t im u la te d through the investment o f the e x -so ld ie rs ’ savings.
T h e y also show that ca ttle was s t i l l considered an important
f o r m o f investment in Rongo. However, the increased in terest in
141
I**'© d u c t ion s ig n a lle d a threat t o the maintenance o f large
1X1 d i'v is ion . F inally , Rongo was becoming more
o m i c a l l y s t r a t i f i e d in terms o f investment p r io r it ie s
P a a r t x o ^ ila r ly a fte r th e Second World War. .
A ccord in g ly , by I 945 there were various economic groups in
-h ie d i v i s i o n which included mixed farmers, traders, workers in
c o l o n i a l establishm ents outside th e d is t r ic t who had ca tt le in -
- hi ea jr r u r a l homes in Rongo and the entrepreneurs who used
s c cu m u la tion s from trade in ca t t le and re la ted products to invest
1X1 v 'ar'i o u s sectors o f the Rongo economy. Out o f a l l these
e c o n o m ic groups th e lo ca l traders who used accumulations from
l 11 ca ttle and ca t t le products became involved in economic
o o n f X x c t s with the traders from outside the d iv is ion , p articu la rly
h h e A sia n middlemen, in the 1940’ s .
5 *• 3 CONFLICT OF ECONOMIC INTERESTS IN RONGO
The 1930’ s were characterised by the emergence o f an
entrepreneu r c la ss in Rongo. This c la ss had d iv ers ified th e ir
investm ents and su ccessfu lly came to grips with the co lon ia lo r
c a p i t a l i s t economy. . Consequently there developed very s t i f f
com p etition between them and the Asian middlemen. «
The Asians owned the wholesale shops at the trading centres3 6in Rongo and stocked among th e ir merchandise separator to o ls .
They sold these separator to o ls to the owners o f ghee separators at
r e la t iv e ly high prices and th is cut deep in to the p ro fits o f the
142
lo c a l traders. The owners o f ghee separators assert that they
were forced to pay low rates t o the milk producers in a b id to
maintain th eir p ro fit margin. Under the co lon ia l ca p ita lis t
economy of Rongo the market chain o f command was such that any
p r i c e unbalance at any stage o f the marketing process, was bound
t o a ffect the producer. This i s what by and large characterised
t h e marketing o f ca tt le and re la ted products in Rongo and shows
how Rongo had become integrated in to the co lon ia l economy.
The Rongo producers sometimes bypassed African middlemen
sold d ire ctly to the Asians at the trading centres who
rep orted ly paid them better p r ice s . The African middlemen
argued that the Asians paid the producers comparatively better
p r i c e s to push them o f f the business. ^ I t i s because o f th is
a c t iv i t y o f the Asian middlemen and the growing symbiosis between them
and the African producers that precip itated the African middlemen
t o demand monopoly in the purchase o f a l l produce from the lo c a l
producers. . * ’’
The co n flic t in g economic in terests between the loca l and theA
A sian traders resulted in a r iv a lry that dominated the economic
s ce n e of Rongo in the decade ending 1950* The a ct iv it ie s o f the
A sian middlemen fu e lled the economic wrath o f the loca l tra d ers -
wiio sought assistance from the state through a lobby Association,
The Buch J oh ala A sso c ia t io n .^
37
An analysis o f the leadership, membership, ob jectives and
demands o f the A ssociation in d ica te that i t mainly catered fo r the
in te res ts o f the lo ca l ca ttle owners, c a t t le traders, ghee traders
and butchers. From 1940> the A ssociation was headed by Nyamunga a
c a t t l e owner and trader in h is own r i g h t . T h e Association had
among i t s most active members Andrea Anindo, Ismail Owiro, Ngani
Legadho, Eliakim Nyatuga and Elk an a Ouso whose commercial
a c t iv i t ie s have been documented in the previous chapter.
. • * —The A ssociation requested the government to allow the lo ca l
c a t t l e traders to s e l l d ire c t ly to the Meat Control Board at the
markets in the d is t r ic t . They also requested fo r purchase o f
separator t o o ls at reasonable p rices . The Association a lso sought
t o bypass middlemen by s e llin g ca tt le products d irectly to Kisumu.
The A ssociation also wanted to engage in transport business and
requested to be allowed to buy a passenger’ s lorry and be given
monopoly on the roads from K is ii to Karungu and Homa Bay to Awendo
o r to M igori.
The demand fo r monopoly in the purchase o f crop produce and
tran sport services do o ffe r insights in to the developing trends
in the general economy o f Rongo. Some c a t t le traders were now
showing more in terest in the purchase o f crop produce than in
c a t t l e trade. Furthermore they show the rea l economic concern
a t d iv e rs ifica t io n with specia l attention to more profitab le sectors
a s transport. In a sense these two demands suggest a s h ift of
emphasis from ca ttle and related a c t iv it ie s to re la tiv e ly more
econom ically rewarding enterprises.
- 143 -
144
Central in the demands o f the A ssociation was the
t 1-i_mination o f Asian middlemen. The government only increased
the price o f ghee and re je c ted a l l the other demands arguing that
i t could not allow monopolies. The A ssocia tion was d is sa t is fie d
v>xth the action o f the government. Consequently, i t encouraged
i t s individual members to engage in transport business and other
p ro fita b le sectors o f the economy. A ccordingly , some o f them
to o k up the challenge and liv e d to economic expectations.
Ismail Owiro purchased a passenger’ s lo r r y , in 1945* which
fe r r ie d people between Awendo and Kendu B a y .^ I t was the only
passenger’ s lo rry on that route. Johana Nyamani previously a
c a t t le owner and trader was now purchasing p lo ts . He a lso
started growing sugar cane as a cash c r o p .^ Andrea Anindo was
now more involved in purchasing crop produce. He a lso jo ined
Luo Thrift and Trading Corporation which was involved in various
economic a c t iv it ie s excluding ca ttle t r a d e . T h e s e investment
trends and changing p r io r it ie s ty p ified most careers in Rongo
and show that c a t t le wTas no longer the leading sector o f the
Rongo economy.
$ : 4 POST-WAR I I DEVELOPMENTS IN CATTLE PRODUCTION-AND MANAGEMENT
Iji the post-war period the co lon ia l government had tw*o
options in i t s determination to ensure the proper breeding and
management o f the herds in Rongo. I t was e ith er to introduce
grade ca ttle or improve the loca l breeds through a r t i f i c ia l%
insemination s e r v ic e . ^ > The f i r s t option was re jected by the
145
colonial government. Two major reasons were advanced fo r the
reluctance of the government in introducing grade ca tt le in
Rongo and South Nyanza district in general.
First, it was argued that the en tire South Nyanza d is t r ic t
was overstocked and that the introduction o f more ca tt le would_ 48onJLy aggravate the overstocking in the d is t r i c t . • I t was even
suggested that the district needed to s e l l at lea st one hundredthousand head of cattle in order to maintain the required
equilibrium of land-livestock holding ra t io . • In order to
ensure that the excess cattle were disposed o f , destocking
campaign was intensified in the 1950’s. The government opened
several cattle auction centres in the d is t r ic t . In Rongo one
more auction centre was set up at Ranen.“* In 1958, over one
thousand head of ca tt le were auctioned at R o n g o . T h i s
represented only a small proportion o f ca t t le that were so ld .. 5 2Most cattle from Kamagambo location were auctioned at Rangwe.
In fairness to the co lon ia l government, the destocking
campaign was necessary i f herds in Rongo were to be kept under
proper husbandry methods. The demographic changes over the years,
in the division, and the increased crop acreages were causing strain
on grazing land. The population o f Rongp had almost trebled
between 1910 and 1958. While in 1910 the population o f Rongo
was about 1 5 ,400,by 1958 the population had risen to about
4 2 , 000 . 53 .
- 146
Indeed, the situation in some parts o f Rongo notably Area A
in South Sakwa was quite seriou s . This area comprised about
1 ,7 0 0 hectares. By 1950 the area had a c a t t le population o f about
24O4 . The human population was about 1457 The average number
o f ca t t le per household was about tw elve. Even i f the en tire
A rea A was l e f t to grazing alone each beast would have only 0.7 •
h ecta res which i s below 1 .5 hectares recommended fo r one beast
p e r annum in an area such as Rongo with an average r a in fa ll o f
o v e r 750 mm per year.~*~*. Although such comprehensive data fo r
"the whole d iv ision is lacking, ora l evidence indicates that the
s itu a t io n in South Sakwa broadly re fle c te d the general p icture
in the other parts o f Rongo."^
The co lon ia l state partly contributed to th is increased
pressure on land. The im position o f co lo n ia l rule and the delim itation
o f the loca tion a l and d is t r ic t boundaries cu rta iled the process
o f population movement which tra d it io n a lly had been one o f the
ways o f responding to the problem o f land sca rc ity . Furthermore,
■the p re -co lon ia l usufructural righ ts which guaranteed settlement,
g razin g and cu ltivation under the communal tru st o f land ownership
was undermined. One manifestation o f land scarcity was the increased
number o f land disputes during the 1950's . Various people were
demanding the introduction o f individual land tenure in order to
promote modern farming. One o f those who demanded the introduction
o f individual land tenure was Patroba Akech. He had the follow ing
t o say:
147. *
I asked fo r land demarcation because there were many land disputes in th is v illa g e . As an agricultural in stru ctor I wanted t o establish modem farming but th is was not p oss ib le because we owned land communally. I had t o consult my brothers before putting any part o f the land to use. They also had th e ir own in te re s ts . Because we had come o f age and the land was not enough, individual land tenure was the only so lu tion to the constant land disputes in the v illa g e . 5°,
Consequently, the ca tt le owners in Rongo devised means and
ways of coping with these pressures on land. One o f these ways
was herd dispersion . I t involved setting up various homesteads, in
d iffe ren t areas, each with i t s own herd.. This herd dispersion
became quite common among some large ca ttle owners. Makedi Obala
who was a wealthy c a t t le owner had two homes about two kilometres59apart in South Sakwa and a th ird one in Masailand. Another way
was the curtailment in the m obility o f c a t t le . Cattle were
restr ic ted to s p e c i f ic areas during grazing. This resulted in
overgrazing o f certa in areas. ^ Meanwhile some o f the ca tt le owners
who lived in South Sakwa bordering Masailand attained grazing
r ig h ts from the I s ir ia Masai. However, they were to give the
Masai goats and sheep as a token o f appreciation for the rights£ O
th ey were granted. •
Another reason advanced by the government fo r not introducing
grade ca ttle in African areas, Rongo included, was that serious
c a t t le diseases were s t i l l a major problem and husbandry methods
were not not good. In fa c t , the Swynnerton Plan o f 1954 made i t
c le a r that grade ca tt le would not be brought into the African
reserves u n til diseases such as East Coast Fever had been brought
148
-rider c o n t r o l . H o w e v e r , East Coast Fever was s t i l l prevalent
~~ t h e whole o f South Nyanza d is t r i c t by 1960 .^ -
Having ruled out the introduction o f grade ca ttle the
c o lo n ia l government embarked on the improvement o f the lo ca l
-ebu breed. By 1957 the government had mooted a plan o f
e s ta b lis h in g a ’ bu ll camp' to improve the stock in Rongo d iv is ion .
A cco rd ingly , a. ’ b u ll camp’ was established at Kuja in Rongo d ivision
in 1959* The lo ca tion a l cou n cils financed the pro ject, the
c a t t l e owners provided voluntary labour and the co lon ia l government68ga ve Sahiwal b u lls . Despite the establishment o f the camp, both
o r a l and archival evidence in d ica te that by the end o f I960 very
"few c a t t le owners had benefited from the scheme. In the whole of
Waundha sub-location only two ca t t le owners had benefited from the69 . "schem e while in Alego sub-location only one ca tt le owner. This
may be attributed to two main fa c to rs . F irs t , the vastness o f
"the d iv is ion . One camp could not e f fe c t iv e ly serve the en tire
d iv i s io n . Second, and more im portantly, there was very l i t t l e
attem pt to explain to the lo ca l ca t t le owners the importance o f
"the camp in improving the quality o f the s to ck .
The c a t t le husbandry p ractices in Rongo in the period a fter #
■the Second World War became quite demanding. In the period prior4.
■to t-he Second World War emigration o f persons to colon ia l
establishm ents outside the d is t r ic t had been among the fa ctors
a f fe c t in g the a v a ilab ility o f labour fo r c a t t le chores in
r u r a l Rongo. After the Second World War several thousands of70ch ild ren from Rongo were going to school. Most o f these pupils
• 71were in the age bracket o f seven to eighteen. Although these
149
children s t i l l performed certa in tasks during weekends and in the
evenings, th e ir parents and in some cases grandparents were forced72t o look a fter ca ttle during sch ool days. • Indeed, and as
Minge-Kalman has argued in another context, "as children a llo ca te
more o f th e ir time to education and le s s to the farm, the parents
make up fo r the foregone labour and o f fs e t the additional
education costs by a llo ca t in g more o f th e ir own time to fam ily
la b o u r ."^ ' .
The large ca ttle owners a lso adjusted accordingly. While
h itherto they engaged people who undertook duties o f herding in
return fo r accomodation, food and other f a c i l i t i e s , th is period
saw widespread development o f paid labour. Most herdsmen earned
between twelve and twenty sh illin g s per month in addition ton i
fo o d and accomodation.
While ca tt le production and management was bedevilled by a
number o f problems ranging from shortages in labour and
inadequate pasture to lack o f breeding f a c i l i t i e s , crop production
was gaining momentum in the economy o f Rongo. The d iv is ion was
increasingly becoming a prominent agricu ltu ra l zone as i s shown
in the annual reports from 1944 to 1960.^~^ The famine o f Ladhri
and the better agricultural producer prices after the Second
World War were instrumental in the s h ift o f emphasis from ca tt le
t o agricultural production.
150
The ca ttle owners in Rongo rea lised that crop production was
ct o n ly an important safeguard against famine but vas also capable o f
g e n e ra tin g just as much revenue as c a t t le and i t s products.
r -rth em iore , as opposed to ca t t le management , crop production did
not. t i e down labour fo r the en tire calendar year. As a resu lt o f
'th e s e considerations ca tt le owners started t o lay more emphasis
on a g r icu ltu ra l production.
By 1957 maize had already overtaken c a t t le , ghee and hides
and. sk in s as the principal export not on ly in Rongo but also in
th e e n t ire South Nyanza d is t r ic t . Indeed, as Table 5*1 clea rly
sh ow s , between 1957 and i 960 the value o f agricu ltu ra l exports
outweighed those o f animal exports. During the four year
p e r io d animal product exports were valued at £1,085*346 compared to
£ 1 ,6 6 2 ,44 1 fo r agricultural product exports . In i 960 alone the
T o t a l agricultural exports were valued at £381,165 as compared to7 A
o n ly £260,210 fo r animal exports (See Table 5 • 1 )'• • Although
s p e c i f i c quantitative data o f Rongo in th is aspect is lacking,
b o t h archival and oral sources ind icate that i t was the leading
d iv i s i o n in the production and marketing o f agricultural produce.
F o r example, in nearly a ll the annual rep orts o f the decade ending
i 9 6 0 , Rongo i s described not only as the lead in g agricultural
d iv i s i o n in the d is t r ic t but a lso the one th at received the highest
in com e from the sale o f m aize.^ This assertion is also supported by
o r a l sources. Most informants assert that they produced maize,7 8sesam e and fin ger-m ille t which they usually so ld . On these
grounds i t i s arguable that Rongo’ s con tribu tion to the to ta l
d i s t r i c t agricultural exports was quite substantia l.
151
J ab lf . ■; .1 .
^ALLTE of agricultural and animal exports trom south kyanza
DISTRICT 1957 - 1060
y e a r s 1957 1958 1959 i 960
AGRICULTURALe x po r ts ' £ £ ; . £ £
M a iz e 244,960 264,912 281,189 268,143Grx>undnuts 92,177 91,613 45,887 70,308Sesame 29,440 21,976 28,013 32,175F in g e r M illet 45,483 70,651 53,569 10,068Sorghum 180 894 312 471
TOTAL AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS 412,240 450,046 408,970 381,165
a n im a l EXPORTS £ £ £ £
H id e s and Skins 101,800 85,304 136,984 88,398G hee 76,000 .. 62,834 62,214 71,812S laugh ter Stock ( approx) 100,000 100,000 100,000 100,000
TOTAL ANIMAL EXPORTS 277,800 248,138 299,198 260,210
SOURCE: Extracted from Annual Report o f South Nyanza D is tr ic tI960, in KNA, DC/KSI/1/22, Annual Report fo r SK, I960.
152
The foregoing discussion con stitu tes a useful springboard
f o r id en tify in g the ram ifications o f the above developments in
"the co lon ia l economy o f Rongo and the ensuing fron tiers o f
change. F irs t , throughout the co lon ia l ru le , the state had
censured the ca tt le keepers more than the a g r icu ltu ra lis ts . As
a consequence, i t i s least su rprising that the colon ial s ta te ’ s
attem pts at encouraging crop production through d istribution o f
se e d s , and o f f i c i a l propaganda to the people o f Rongo to broaden
■their economic base, had by I 960 begun t o y ie ld some p ositive \
r e s u lt s . This, however, was at the expense o f ca ttle which prior
b o the dawn o f colonialism had been the mainstay o f the Rongo
economy. The sh ift o f emphasis from c a t t le to the economic
a c t iv i t ie s eroded the hitherto economic dominance o f ca tt le in
th e economy o f Rongo.
Second, the Rongo economy had been the subject o f various
developments. The outflow o f labour from Rongo to other co lon ia l
establishm ents outside the d iv ision and development o f formal
sch oo lin g contributed to the erosion o f the traditional foundations
o f ca ttle production and management. Contemporaneous with the
developments was the gradual but consistent monetisation o f the
Rongo economy and the acquisition o f new ta stes . Thus as ^l'e
co lo n ia l period wore on and Rongo’ s economy became integrated
in t o the co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy the reliance on
co lo n ia l merchandise also gained momentum. For example the use o f
h id es and skins in cloth ing and bedding had by I 960 been
153
com pletely replaced by the new v a r ie t ie s o f cotton c lo th in g and
blankets. Furthermore the importance o f c a t t le as a store o f
value and medium o f exchange had been overtaken by the use o f79money. , This meant that c a t t le no longer had the pride o f
p lace in Rongo's economy.
Third, during the inter-w ar years and in the post-war
period c a t t le owners and traders in -ca ttle and c a t t le products
d iv e rs ifie d their investm ents. They used accumulations from the
trade to venture in to other enterprising economic ventures such
s s transport and purchase o f produce. This development contributedK i t ' /
t o the relegation o f ca t t le to the periphery o f Rongo1 s economy.
Finally the changes in stitu ted by the co lo n ia l sta te following
the adoption o f the Swynnerton Plan o f 1954 was undermined by a
number o f fa cto rs ranging from lack o f finance and the land tenure
system, which was s t i l l communal,to the prevalence o f c a t t le
diseases in the d iv ision and high, population density. As a
consequence the maintenance o f large herds become both an
expensive and a hazardous exercise .
Thus by i 960 ca tt le accumulation was no longer the so le
or even the most important yardstick o f o n e 's economic status.
At any rate the economic enterprises were quite varied in Rongo
such that the accumulation o f ca tt le per se no longer commanded
tl.e socio-econom ic esteem i t once ^n.ioyed. This i s mainly because
ca ttle economy had been transformed from a subsistence'based
E n te r p r is e t o a commercial venture moulded to meet the wider
demands o f th e market. The ram ification i s that one did not
n e e d t o own c a t t le to ben efit from i t s products. Taken in
" t o t a l i t y , by I 960, among most o f the economic enterprises in
R ongo c a t t l e made a comparatively small contribution to thegO■wealth of the households.
- 154 -
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE
KNA, DC/KSI/3/5/31, P o l it ic a l Record Book, K is ii , 1930-40. .
0 ^ a il Interview with Achola Ogawo, at Gamba, 30/8/87 and Syprianus Okelo, at Kolando, 25/11/87.
O r a l Interview with Duado Omiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87*
- - A l s o see KNA, DC/KSI/3/5/31. o p .c i t . . .
5 - O r a l Interview with Makori Laja, at K ichuri, 27/9/87> Gogi O c h ie n g j at Ligunga, 2/10/87 and with Duado Omiti, at K o lu o c h , 2 /9 /8 7 .
H > id . Also see , "African Investments" dated 24/11/40 in K N A ,, PC/NZA/2/12/64, on Dairy and Dairy Products, 1936-50. •
/ • C on ta in ed in Minutes o f Meeting o f Buch Johala at Bur a Ndhiwada-bed 24 /1 /42 , in KNA, PC/NZA/2/17/12, on Native Trade, 1942-47*
- 155 -
8 . I b i d . ,
9 - S e e , "African Investments" dated 24/11/40 in KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, O p . c i t .
1 0 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/ I 2/ I I 7 , on Dairy and Dairy Produce, 1944-50.
1 1 . I b i d .
1 2 . I b i d .
1 3 . I b i d . .
1 4 . S ee, "Report on Recent Reduction in Ghee in Nyanza Province ,in KNA/PC/NZA/2/ I 2/ I I 7 , O p .c it . •
156
15• I b i d .
j .6 * I b i d . .
'-7 - O r a l Interview with Karilus On am, at Malunga, 6/10/87 a n d with Samson Ndere, at Nyarago, 8/10/87*
- 8 . KNA, D C /K Sl/3/5/31, O p -c it . •
19 - F o r example in the Miyam lin eage every homestead releaseda n ind iv id u a l fo r the m ilita ry serv ice , Oral Interview with K a r i lu s On am, at Malunga and with Samson Ndere, at Nyarago
o n 6/ 10/87 and 8/10/87 resp e ctiv e ly .
2 0 . KNA, DC./KSl/3/5/31? 0p-c i t - *
2 1 . Ib id .* .
2 2 . O ral Interview w i t h Osinda N giya, a t K ich u r i, 4 / 1 0 / 8 7 ,
F rancis Mboro, at K oti, 3 /9 /8 7 , Barrack Manyala, a t Kowuor
2 9 / 8 / 8 7 and w i t h Agnes O fuona, at M is o r i , 7/12/87-
2 3 . I b id . .
2 4 - I b id .
2 5 - For the increase in the burden o f Women under co lo n ia lis m a lso see Ruth Nasimiyu, ’’Women in the C o lo n ia l economy o f Bungoma: Role o f Women in A g r ic u ltu re , 1902-1960 , in JEA
Volume 15, (1985), PP- 56-73-
2 6 . See footnote 22 above.
2 7 - I b i d .
157
2S- r b i d . .
C^aJL Interview with Agnes Ofuona, at M isori, 7/12/87.
P o r example in February 1940 nineteen bags o f maize seeds w e r e issued in Rongo d iv is ion . See KNA, AGR/KSM/1/84? On A ^ r ic n l ture Department quarterly Reports, South Kavirondo,
1 9 3 9 -4 5 . .
3 1 - I b i d .
3 2 . O r a l Interview with Ojola G w ili, at Mahena, 16/12/87.
3 3 - O r a l Interview with Anyona Othuona, at Kuja, l l / H / 87.
3 4 - O r a l Interview with S ila Ochieng, at Sare, 23/10/87 and withK a r ilu s Onam, at Malunga, 6 /10/87.
3 5 - S ee correspondence from C oop era tive Department to Ag.
PC. NZA dated 14/11/40 in KNA, PC/NZA/2/12/64, O j^ c it . -
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid. .
38 . Oral Interview with Eliakim Nyatuga, at Obama, 12/8/87 . •
39 - I b id .£
4 0 . KNA, PC/NZA/2/ I 7 / I 2, O p .c it . -
4 1 . I b id .
158
43.
4 4 .
4 5 -
4 6 .
4 7 .
4 8 .
4 9 .
5 0 .
51
52
T h e s e demands were presented to the government o f f i c ia ls % a r io u s m eetings between 1942-and 1944* See Ib id .
I b i d .
O r a l In te rv ie w with Ganda O nditi, at Obama, 17/8 /87.
O n al In te rv ie w with Samson Oluya, at Mariwa, . 14/12/87.
E «S . A tien o Oc^hiambo, "A H istory of. the Luo T hrift and T ra d in g C orp ora tion ,” in B.A. Ogot, (e .d .Q ,. Hadith S'
E conom ic and S oc ia l H istory o f East A fr ica , Op. c i t , p. 244*
S e e KNA, AGR/KSM/1 / 84, on Agriculture Department Quarterly R e p o r t s , South Kavirondo, 1939-45. .
T b id . O verstocking had been a matter o f concern to the c o l o n i a l s ta te s in ce the 1930’ s . - For example, see David A nderson, "Depression, Dust Bowl, Demography and Drought: The c o lo n ia l sta te and s o i l conservation in East A frica d u rin g th e 1930, s , ” in AA Volume 83, No. 322 (1984)PP- 321-344. •
I b i d .
KNA, PC/NZA/4/ 4/IO 4 } Annual R eport South Nyanza D i s t r i c t , 1958. .
I b id . d.
Oral Interview with Yongo Omua, a t Kamwango, 5/10/87, Okongo Kore, at Kakuku, 21/10/S7 and w ith Andego Anyango, at
Karende, 23/ 11 / 87.
.*•- 159 -
53* For 1910 population estim ate see KNA, PRB/116, "History o f South Kavirondo D i s t r i c t /1 KSl/28, Reel 6. The 1958 estim ate is extracted from appendix V in KNA, PC/NZA/4/4/104, Op. c i t .
54* See Pinney Report fin d in gs on Area A, in KNA, DC/HB/4/2, on Maasai Boundaries, 1955- 6 l .
55* M inistry o f Finance and Planning Kenya, Kenya Range and E colog ica l Monitoring Unit, Technical Report No. 116
(A p r il, 1985) , pp. 11-12.
56. Oral Interview with Achola Ogawo, at Gamba, 30/11/87; •Eliakim Omolo, at Kotieno, 21/9/87 and with Okwaro Obongo, a t Nyakuru, 2/ 9/ 87.
57* See KNA, DC/HB/4/2, oh Maasai Boundaries, 1955” 6 l.
58. Oral Interview with Patroba Akech, at Ng1ong1 a, 13/10/87.
59* Oral Interview with Ojola Gwdli, at Mahena, 16/12/87. Also see KNA, DC/HB/4/2, Op. c i t .
60. Oral Interview with Nicholas Abongo Nyengo, at Kanyimach, 12/11/87, Gabriel Owuor Okungu, at Ongo, 27/11/87 and with P lis te r Ngore, at Nyarago, 5/12/87-
61. Ib id . Also see David Anderson, "Depression, Dust Bowl,Demography and Drought: The co lon ia lconservation in East A frica during the Volume 83, No. 322 ( I 9S4) pp. 321-344-
state and socia lA
1930 's," in AA,
_ 160
62. Oral Interview with Mary Aluoch, at Mahena, 5 /12/87, and with Ngore Okore, a t Nyarago, 23/10/87. Also see KNA, * DC/HB/4/2, Op.c i t . The arrangement was b itte r ly opposed by the lo ca l co lon ia l adm inistration who insisted that Area A residents and th e ir c a t t le should be restricted to th e ir own land.
63. I b id . .
64. R.J.M. Swynnerton, A Plan t o in tensify the Developmento f African A griculture in Kenya (Nairobi, Government Printer,
1954) , p'- 2? . •
65. KNA, DC/KSI/l/22, Annual Report fo r South Nyanza D istrict., I960.
V66. KNA, PC/NZA/3/ 2/IO , on Agricultural Development, 1957-58.
67. KNA, DC/KSI/l/21, Annual Report f o r South Nyanza D is tr ic t , 1959-
68. * I b id . . •
69. In Waundha su b -location i t was only Eliazar Odipo and Patroba Akech, both .agricu ltura l instructors at the time, who benefited from the scheme. In Alego i t was only Okothe Adinda, then an assistant c h ie f , who benefited from the scheme. Oral Interview with Patroba Akech, at Ng’ ong*a, 13/10/87, and with Ojola Gwili, at Mahena, 16/12/87. Also see KNA, DC/KSI/1/22,O p .c it .
M #70. By 1958 Rongo d iv is ion had th irty primary sch ools. Each
Sub-location had at least a sch oo l. These schools had a to ta l enrolment o f about f iv e thousand p u p ils . Se KNA,
PC/NZA/4/5 /7, on Education, 1958- 60. .
161
71. Oral Interview with William A ng'ila , at. Nyamarere, 20/9/87, >Duado Oniiti, at Koluoch, 2/9/87 and with Agnes Ofuona, at M isori, 7 /12 /87- -
72. I b id .
^73. Wanda Minge-Kalman, "Household Economy during the Peasant to Worker Transition in the Sw iss,” In Ethnology, Volume XVII, No. 2. (A p ril, 1978) p. 185- •
74 • Oral Interview with Andego Anyango, at Karende, 23/11/87 and with Nyapara Oda, at Kanyawanga, 29/10/87.
75- For example see KNA, AGR/KSM/l/84, oh Agriculture DepartmentQuarterly Reports, South Kavirondo, 1939- 45 KNA, PC/NZA/3/2/10, on A gricultural Development, 1957_58, and PC/NZA/2/12/94 onAgriculture Produce, 1942-51•
* -76. While in the form ative years o f co lo n ia l ru le , p articu larly
during the three year period from 1908- 1 1 , ca tt le product exports accounted fo r s ix ty four per cent o f the to ta l revenue fo r the d is t r i c t (See Table 3 -2 ), during the three year period from I 958- 6O ca tt le product exports accounted for only th irty nine per cent o f the t o ta l revenue fo r the d is t r ic t (See Table 5*1)*
77- See footnote 75 above.
78. Oral Interview with Samson Oluya, at Mariva, 14/2 /87, Nyapara Oda, at Kanyawanga, 29/10/87, O.jola Gwili, at Mahena, 16/12/87 and with Osinda N’ giya , at K ichuri, 4/IO /87.
79* Also see J. Guyer, "Household and Community in African Studies," in ASR, Volume 24, Nos. 2/3 (June/September, lhS l) pp. 87-139*
80. KNA, DC/KSI/1/21, O p .c it .
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
This study has shown that ca t t le economy o f Rongo underwent
major changes during the co lon ia l p eriod . I t has shown how on
the eve o f colonialism ca tt le economy in Rongo was v iab le and
robu st. I t was the backbone o f the economy o f the d iv is ion . I t
has been argued that ca tt le accumulation was an economic necessity
and prerequ isite fo r sustained production and growth in Rongo*s o c ie ty . The study has highlighted the innovativeness o f ca ttle
owners in con tro llin g the spread o f endemic diseases and coping
with th e vagaries o f weather. The a v a ila b il ity o f labour and i t s
m ob ilisa tion during c r is e s , proper herding methods, se lective ,
breeding and veterinary measures as inocu lation and quarantines
were important methods employed by the ca t t le owners in the
p re -co lo n ia l period to sustain a healthy herd.
I t has been demonstrated howr the co lon ia l economic impact
on the trad ition a l ca tt le economy was gradual and uneven. In the
f i r s t two decades o f co lon ia l ru le , the co lon ia l administration
lim ited the movement o f ca ttle owners, opened trading centres,
developed infrastructures, imposed taxes, introduced new crops
and demanded labour fo r se tt le rs and other public works. Ihese
measures in stitu tion alized the outflow o f labour, reduction o f
land fo r ca ttle husbandry, the commoditization o f the ca ttle
products and monetisation o f the economy o f Rongo in general.
Despite the various changes which took place during the
co lo n ia l period, the ca ttle owners and traders in ca tt le and it s
CHAPTER SIX
lo2
163
products were able to respond to the new problems and challenges
through considerable innovation and adaptation. The work has
id e n tifie d a variety o f responses to the problems and cr ises
which a ffected ca t t le economy between 1900 and i 960. These
responses included the emergence o f hired paid labour among large
c a t t le owners, the s h i f t from ca ttle husbandry to crop production
and r e t a i l trade, the p artic ipa tion in new economic ventures lik e
ploughing and transport, and the adaptation o f new animal husbandry
techniques in th e ir quest fo r higher produ ctiv ity .
In the la st decade o f co lon ia l ru le , ca ttle was no longer the
mainstay o f Rongo economy. The Swynnerton plan gave no hope fo ri . . *
the rev iva l o f th is re la t iv e ly dwindling economy in the d iv ision .
The programme o f action set in the plan never gave any serious
consideration to the improvement o f the livestock industry in
Rongo. The ca tt le owners and traders in Rongo were quick to
re a lis e that there was unfavourable economic wind of change in
the d iv is ion . With decreasing land s ize s , lack o f adequate
labour fo r ca ttle chores and in su ffic ien t innovation from the
co lo n ia l government to cope with stress and cr ises in ca ttle
production and management, ca ttle was slowly relegated to the
periphery o f Rongo’ s economy. And th is is thed
sta te o f ca ttle economy that the co lon ia l government bequeathed
to i t s successor in 1963-4
This study set out to test three hypotheses with regard to
the ca ttle economy in Rongo. In re la tion to the f i r s t hypothesis,
"th is study has drawn attention to the r o le o f the co lon ia l state
th e ca t t le enterprise and argued that i t was not an even
econom ic arb itrator since i t s p o l ic ie s were sometimes discrim inatory
I t has been submitted that the statu tory p o lic ie s were determined
by th e economic conditions within and outside the Kenya Colony.
T h is explains the mixed fortunes o f Rongo ca ttle owners and
"traders at various times during the co lon ia l period.
From the la te 1930’ s the co lo n ia l sta te became worried o f
th e dangers o f overstocking. In the case o f Rongo, the work has
shown that overstocking was la rg e ly a co lon ia l creation . The
confinement o f the ca tt le owners within s p e c ific lo c a l i t ie s ,
encouragement o f crop production , introduction o f the plough, and
th e development o f wage se c to r and western education not only
deprived ca ttle o f it s t r a d it io n a l grazing land, and by so doing
created a r t i f i c ia l overstocking, but a lso deprived ca tt le o f much
o f the labour necessary fo r animal husbandry.
For the second hypothesis, the study has shown that the
development of trade and m onetisation o f the economy transformed
th e purpose but not the methods o f c a t t le production. The
development of trade resu lted in the in flu x of c loth in g materials
and blankets which displaced hides and skins fo r cloth in g and
bedding. The expansion o f the market fo r ca ttle products lik e
ghee, milk and meat was instrumental in the alienation o f producers
from the use o f these products. This was even encouraged by the
fa c t that the ca ttle owners and traders in ca ttle and related
produ cts had been drawn in to the co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy
and had no option but p artic ip a te in i t through such
.a c t iv i t ie s as ob liga tory tax payment. The ca ttle owners
were ra is in g c a t t le and producing ca ttle products mainly fo r the
market. This cond ition contributed to the erosion o f the
p r e -c o lo n ia l importance o f Rongo herds as the main provider of
p e o p le ’ s basic food requirements and other material aspects of
l i f e .
However, during the co lon ia l period there was very l i t t l e
m odernisation o f the c a t t le economy in terms o f stock se lection ,
breeding management, production techniques, fencing and pasture
improvement. Consequently, ca tt le economy in Rongo remained at
peasant le v e l though i t became more and more commercial oriented.
In re la tion to the th ird hypothesis the study has shown that
the com m ercialization o f ca ttle economy resulted in the emergence
o f lo c a l entrepreneurship in Rongo. Using lo ca l case studies, i t
has been shown that the impoverishment o f the lo ca l ca t t le owners
and traders was not a universal phenomenon. In an attempt to
s t i f l e returns to the ca t t le owners and traders, the co lon ia l
p o l ic ie s unintentionally ended in producing a new group o f lo ca l
entrepreneurs. The development o f these entrepreneurs who used
accumulations from th e ir trading in ca tt le and ca tt le products
as a springboard to launch successful business careers was one
o f the major economic developments in Rongo during the colon ia l
period .
166
I t has further been submitted that although aspects o f the
t r a d it io n a l ca tt le economy persisted under the co lon ia l ca p ita lis t
economy, they were not autonomous since they were subject to the
dominant co lon ia l ca p ita lis t economy. The work has a lso
d istingu ish ed between integration and penetration in the co lon ia l
c a t t le economy o f Rongo. Despite the fa c t that Rongo was
in tegrated to the c a p ita lis t economy i t s ca tt le economy,
p a r ticu la r ly the production techniques, were not fu lly penetrated,
restru ctured and modernised.
F in a lly , the findings o f th is study are important and may
t equa lly apply to other d iv ision s which have complementary livestock
and crop economies-. More importantly, i t i s a challenge to
h is tor ia n s to undertake such hitherto neglected studies so that
they may illum inate the dynamics o f the rural economies. The
fin d in gs from such studies can help economic planners to devise
appropriate and p ra ctica l p o lic ie s which can ensure balanced
economies in which livestock and crop production are not only
coherent but also complementary.
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