The Seventeenth-Century Tokens of County Louth (Continued)

County Louth Archaeological and History Society

The Seventeenth-Century Tokens of County Louth (Continued)Author(s): Gerard RiceSource: Journal of the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society, Vol. 21, No. 2(1986), pp. 148-156Published by: County Louth Archaeological and History SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27729617 .

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The Seventeenth-Century

Tokens of County Louth By Gerard Rice

PART III : DUNDALK

?Continued from Vol. XXI, No. 1, (1985), 71]

A : Corporation Affairs

The presence of at least eight Old English Catholic token issuers in Drogheda out of

twenty-two emphasises the continuity in municipal government there between the pre-1640s and the post-Cromwellian and Royalist years. As we have seen there were many reasons for

this, among which was one key physical one. Drogheda, apart from the siege of 1649 under

Cromwell, was never captured and sacked throughout the Confederate Wars; and as we have seen also, the capture of the town by Cromwell, in spite of publicity which in turn suited

Cromwell, the Royalists and in the long term the old Irish tradition, did not involve a

substantial destruction of commercial and civic life. Proof of continuity is reflected in the survival of the municipal records from October 1649 a week or two after the Cromwellian

capture of the town.1

In contrast Ardee seems to have been deserted after Tichbourne's capture and sack of the town in 1642. Only at the end of the Cromwellian period was it populated by ex-soldiers who

were given the barony with Ardee at its centre in payment for overdue wages. Reflecting this break in continuity is the fact that the corporation minute books date only from 1661.2

For the Cromwellian years municipal government was evolving in Dundalk as it had in

Drogheda. After a military government a charter was given about 1656 setting up a Protestant

corporation staffed mostly by ex-soldiers who were short-term tenants in the town.3 The Cromwellian authorities, though they seized tenancies from the old owners of them, were

careful to let corporation properties on short leases, awaiting the settling down of local

government and life after the turmoil of the 1650s, and above all preserving intact the freehold of town property for the corporation itself.4 By 1659 Dundalk seems to have had a population of about 1,250?1,500.5 It had two bailiffs and a corporation. One presumes that life was not as normal as in Drogheda; the town had been sacked at least twice, in 1642 and in 1647. Yet it

was set to develop as did Drogheda until the appearance on the scene of Marcus Trevor in 1659.6

Henry Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant, at the end of the 1650s was forced to depend more

and more on the old Protestant settlers who had acquired land and property before 1641.

1. Rev. T. Gogarty (ed.). Council Book of the Corporation of Drogheda, Vol. 1, from the year 1649 to 1734

(Drogheda, ^1915). 2. The minute books of Ardee Corporation covering the period 1690 to 1841 together with the Ruxton transcripts

(1661-1768) are in the Louth Reference Library, Dundalk. 3. H. O'Sullivan, "The Trevors of Rosetrevor" (unpubl. M. Litt, thesis, T.C.D., 1985), 157. 4. T. C. Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland : English government and reform in Ireland, 1649-1660 (Oxford, 1975). 5. S. Pender (ed.), A Census of Ireland, Circa 1659 (Dublin, 1939), 466. 6. O'Sullivan, "The Trevors of Rosetrevor", 155, 156.

148



The Seventeenth-Century Tokens of County Louth 149

Though they were increasingly sympathetic to a royalist restoration, they were useful as a

counterbalance to the Anabaptist and Independent faction strong in the army and in

army-dominated towns like Dundalk. Marcus Trevor, sometime royalist in England up to

1646, parliamentarian in Ireland until Ormond's return in 1649, parliamentarian after the

conquest, and now in the late 1650s crypto-royalist, was able to use his usefulness to Henry Cromwell to get, before Cromwell resigned, a grant of the freehold of corporation property in

Dundalk which in fact had never been forfeited and so in law could not be alienated from the

corporation itself. Effectively, apart from four other smaller properties of land, Trevor owned

the town of Dundalk, depriving its corporation of the essential nourishment of corporate life which normally would have attracted talent, interest, and energy to corporation affairs, the

right to divide up among its members the leases of corporation property as they fell due usually after thirty-one years.

When the king, Charles II, was restored in 1661 Trevor revealed his true colours; he had

useful connections at the highest level in all circles; his military skills developed in England and Ireland for twenty years made him invaluable to a new royalist administration in Dublin

which was wary of the army that recently had been anti-king, and anti-Established Church; Trevor was in 1661 ennobled as baron of Rosetrevor and Viscount Dungannon.

In spite of his influence Trevor had to fight hard to keep his illegal gains. The corporation fought for its life. Significantly, at least two burgesses (Lambert and Wiltshire) mentioned in a

charter in 1673 and issuers of tokens in the late 1660s do not appear in the Trevor rent roll

from the early 1660s which has survived. Perhaps the issuing of the corporation token (with the

three doves or martlets?the arms of Dundalk) was an assertion of its position by the

corporation. Certainly, there was much backstairs activity and at times an appearance of

corporation victory before in 1664-6 Trevor's rights were recognised under the Acts of

Settlement and Explanation.7 When Trevor died in 1670 his widow, Ann, fought off renewed corporation claims that its

property had been illegally given by Cromwell to Marcus Trevor. She poured all sorts of abuse on "the disorderly corporation", stating that "if we can keepe our electing members for

parliament should be glad to have it noe corporation; that being once my husband's intent and to have it only with a constable who he would have made under him, to continue during

pleasure a year or (so), or as many as he pleased"; she called them a people "most of them not

only cross to a landlord but allsoe to any power yt should governe them".8

New rules were awaited to govern corporation affairs; they were applied in Drogheda in

1668 and were imposed on Dundalk in 1672. By then there were instructions to Dublin to

inquire into the legality of the Dungannon title over property that had in fact never been

confiscated and so was deemed illegally granted to Trevor in 1659.9 However, the charter

which replaced the Cromwellian one in 1673 while granting all normal rights to the corporation

(the two merchants absent from the Trevor rent roll and issuers of tokens about 1670 were

nominated burgesses, George Lambert and John Wiltshire) exempted the freehold of those lands formerly given to Trevor until such time as a trial between the Dungannons and the

corporation should determine the case finally. The trial, presumably because of the

strength of the Dungannon position on the ground at Dundalk, never took place.10 The king to provide a patrimony for one of his children by Nell Gwynne proposed taking

7. Ibid., 164 ff.

8. H. O'Sullivan, "The Cromwellian and Restoration Settlements in the Civil Parish of Dundalk, 1649 to 1673", C.L.A.H.J., XIX, 1, (1977), 39.

9. O'Sullivan, "The Trevors of Rosetrevor", 168 ff.

10. Ibid., 175.



150 County Louth Archaeological and Historical Journal

the property from the Dungannons in 1679 but Lady Dungannon and her son still held on,

perhaps by a mixture of influence in high places, and being saved by the king's death.11 Lady Dungannon eventually bought the other two estates that shared the town with her son, that of

the Cromwellian Reynolds and the Old English Sir John Bellew. In 1699 the entire state was

sold to become eventually the estate of the earls of Roden.12

Significantly the minutes of the corporation do not survive and the corporation, deprived of the essential nourishment of corporation life and interest in it by men of talent and capacity, the sharing out of leases on property coming up for renewal, atrophied and died, and became

in a way the corporations of Drogheda and indeed Ardee never were, the property of the

landowner. Of the names of the token issuers that of Lambert alone was heard of again;

significantly it was not as a landowner or as a merchant but when Lambert's son Ralph became

in succession rector of Kilskyre, dean of Down and bishop of Meath, in the Established

Church.13

Again though there are hints of the existence of a Catholic merchant class in the 1660s and

1670s (in 1671 there was a population of 2,000 people, one quarter of whom were

Catholic)?Archbishop Plunkett in 1671 warned the merchants of Dundalk who were

providing support and lodgings for a friar native of Dundalk, Columbanus Gernon, that he

was a supporter of Fr Peter Walsh and his Remonstrance14?still their names and activities

have not survived in the records, and though the issuing of a charter by James II in the late

1680s seems to imply the possibility of Old English Catholics being again in the corporation,

nothing has survived of them or their activities.15 Unlike their counterparts in Drogheda, they did not have control over long-term leases of corporation property enabling them to keep their

wealth and hence their position intact.

B : Biographies of Token Issuers

Of the six Dundalk tokens five have named issuers. Two seem to have been issued in the

1650s. One, that of Oates Crowther, has the date 1656, the other of Brantwayte Caesar has

stylistic affinities to the tokens of that decade. Two of them seem to have been struck in the

1660s; one of George Lambert has a device which links it to tokens issued between 1668-71

and perhaps was connected to at least six other tokens of County Louth from the same

workshop and dated to about the year 1670;16 the other, of John Wiltshire, seems to date from

the 1660s and perhaps from later rather than earlier in the decade. The last token survives only in a rubbing. The issuer's name, Fugill, appears in Stameen, outside Drogheda in the 1659

census17 and the token seems to be from the decade 1660-70. The token issuers were all

Protestants and there seems to be some evidence that points to a division of the issuers into

two groups. One in the 1650s of people in a modest way of business and the other of people like George Lambert in the 1660s who were self-conscious of their burgess status and in the

modern phrase, upwardly mobile. Another issuer, Wiltshire, had a lease, reasonably substantial, of 78 plantation acres.

Those towns which issued a municipal token as did Dundalk seem to have prevented or

11. Ibid., 176.

12. Statement of Title of the Right Hon. Robert Earl of Roden to the Manor, Town and Lands of Dundalk, and other

Lands in the County of Louth, in Ireland. (Dublin, n.d.). 13. The Lambert Pedigree (Genealogical Office. MSS 384, 208).

14. John Hanly (ed.), The Letters of Saint Oliver Plunkett 1625-1681 (Dublin, 1979), 73, 242.

15. J. D'Alton and J. R. OTlanagan, The History of Dundalk (Dundalk, 1864), 167.

16. cf. G. Rice, "The Seventeenth-Century Tokens of County LoutrT, C.L.A.H.J., XXI, 1, (1985), 57 ff.

17. Pender, A Census of Ireland, 481.




made unnecessary the production of personally issued tokens for some years after the issue.

Perhaps the issue of Dundalk was an effort to assert the status of the corporation against Trevor who was trying to abolish it.

DUNDALK CORPORATION: The corporation of Dundalk issued a token in 1663.

Unlike the other municipal token issues of sizeable towns like Kilkenny, Kinsale, Cork,

Waterford and Limerick, the Dundalk issue was a very small one. There was only one set of

dies used and very few tokens have survived. Though the issue seems to have pre-empted the

issuing of private tokens for a few years in Dundalk, it was likely to have been occasioned by the struggle between Marcus Trevor and the corporation for control of the town.18

CAESAR, BRANTHWAYTE: Robert Branthwayte was appointed "Agent and

Receiver" in Ireland of the earl of Essex in 1637. He was J.P. for the county of Monaghan where the Essex estate lay. In 1638 one William Cesar "of Caricke in the County of Monaghan, . . . Inholder" was granted a forty-year lease of property for ?8 per annum. His inn, apart from

the castle, was the only house with a slated roof, windows, and chimneys in Carrickmacross. It

was on the Castleblayney road some distance from the village of Magheross, a collection of

hovels around the old church, where the Irish lived. By 1641 William was dead and his widow

Margaret was owner of the inn, a centre where the Protestant settlers had their meeting and

social life. It was there in January 1642 that the Ulster rebels arrested a group of settlers and

judging from the account in the T.C.D. Depositions murdered a few of them. Branthwayte

Caesar, presumably the eldest son of the inn, did not appear in Dundalk in the census of 1659

and appears for the first time in the Hearth Money Rolls of 1664 when he occupied a house of

one hearth and was called Brandworth. One, Arthur Caesar, occupied a house of two hearths

as did thirty-two others; there were four of three hearths, one of four ? the Widow Cashel,

from an old Norman family prominent in the pre-1649 corporation, one of five hearths

(Viscount Dungannon) and one of seven hearths. Brandworth Caesar was in business in a

small way, perhaps in an inn as Fugill seems to have been. It is difficult to be certain even

about the decade of issue of the token; the absence of the name from the census of 1659 may

argue mere lack of importance on Caesar's part not absence from the town; yet stylistically the

token seems to be from the 1650s.19

CROWDER, OATES: Oates Crowder issued his token in 1656. He first turns up in the

parish registers of St John's in Dublin where his children, Dorenzo (29 April 1639), Mary (8 November 1640) and Ris (Nov. 1642) were baptised. He is listed in a parish cess of 1646 as in

Copper Alley where he paid four shillings?about the middle-range sum for the area. (A

neighbour listed in the same cess was a Lady Derenzie hence perhaps the unusual name of his

son). By 1659 he was one of the two bailiffs for Dundalk. The Trevor rent roll mentions a Mr

P. Crowder and a Mr Crowther; perhaps the latter was this man or a relation. He does not

appear in the Hearth Rolls, perhaps he was an innkeeper or some such who used the tokens

exclusively in his own business. Three varieties are known, indicating a substantial issue, all

dated 1656.20

FUGILL: This token issuer and his token present something of a mystery. Of the one

known example only a rubbing remains. The only member of the Fugill name in Dundalk, that

18. O'Sullivan, "The Trevors of Rosetrevor", 164 ff.

19. E. P. Shirley, Some Account of the Territory or Dominion ofFarney (London, 1845), 126 ff.; P. Livingstone, The

Monaghan Story (Enniskillen, 1980), 112; J. R. Garstin, "Hearth Money Rolls, 1663-1664", C.L.A.J., VI, 4,

(1928), 187.

20. J. Mills (ed.), St. John the Evangelist, Dublin, 1619-1699 (Dublin, 1906), 32, 24, 55, 38, 49, 276; Pender, A

Census of Ireland, 466; O'Sullivan, "Cromwellian and Restoration Settlement", C.L.A.H.J., XIX, 1, (1977), 42

ff.




of a widow, Alice Fugill, appears in the records of the Prerogative Court; her will was probated in 1674. The name appears in the census of 1659 where John and his father, Thomas Fugill, (one

Josua Fugill is mentioned as living in England) were recorded as "notables" at Stameen just on

the south side of the town of Drogheda. In 1659 with two Old English citizens Thomas Fugill is recorded as protesting at his exclusion from the right to trade freely in Drogheda. He was a

justice of the peace in Drogheda in 1654 and 1655. In 1658 the corporation granted "a furry parke in ye Greene Batter, lately in possession of Thomas Fugill Esq" to Edward Martin.

Fugill evidently was excluded from Drogheda; perhaps he found Dundalk more congenial. The device on the token, three tuns (one Sarah Bennet issued a similar token in Chester in

1668) indicates that the Dundalk issuer was an innkeeper. It seems stylistically to belong to the second half of the decade of the 1660s.21

LAMBERT, GEORGE: He came from an upwardly mobile family. His father, Thomas, ordained in the Established Church by the bishop of Llandaff in 1625 became rector of

Dromiskin in 1633. He was flexible enough to pass scrutiny by the Cromwellian authorities who found him "competently qualified for the work of the Ministry and of blameless conversation" and so at a salary of ?100 per annum "appointed him (1658) to preach the

Gospel at the publique meeting-place att Dromiscin to the inhabitants thereabouts". When he died in 1661 he left to his children "all my debentures now stated for my services as Chaplain in

His Majesty's Army in Ireland". George, his second son, who incidentally got "one stone jug fixt with silver and gilt, now in the trunk on the table" with bed, bedstead and the residue under his father's will, became free of Drogheda Corporation in 1659 having served his

apprenticeship with Jonas Ellwood, a prominent Protestant merchant of the town. By 1661 he was a merchant of Dundalk. He occupied one of the thirty-three houses of two hearths in the 1660s having been entitled gentlemen in the census of 1659. By 1673 he was one of the

eighteen burgesses for life appointed under the new charter presented by Charles II in that

year. Significantly he does not appear in the Trevor rent roll or in that of the Reynold's estate. It seems likely he was one of the opponents of the Trevor control of the corporation property.

He seems to have moved to Lisburn where he died in 1689. He had married Alice, sister of William Smith, bishop of Kilmore and daughter of a Captain Ralph Smith, High Sheriff of Antrim in 1680. George's son Ralph tapped sources of goodwill in political circles in London

by making himself useful to them. He became rapidly and in turn rector of Kilskyre near Kells, Co Meath (1703), precentor of Down (1703-06), vicar of Dundalk (1706-09), dean of Down

(1709-26) and bishop of Meath (1726-31). George Lambert issued his token about 1670; there is only one variety of it indicating a small issue.22

WILSHIERT, JOHN: Unlike all the other issuers (Fugill may be the exception), John Wilshiert (as it is on the token) or Wiltshire, probably of an army family, came to Ireland with Cromwell. A Captain Wiltshyre is recorded as buried 1 Sept. 1651 in St John's in Dublin. John was a titulado in Dundalk in the 1659 census and had a holding of 78 plantation acres in the

Reynolds estate in 1667. Along with a Lieutenant Anthony Wilshiert, a Mr Wiltshire had two

holdings (of only a few acres each) in the Trevor estate in the late 1650s. Perhaps this Mr Wiltshire is John the token issuer. He was named a perpetual burgess in the charter of 1673. The token has affinities with tokens issued in the late 1660s, yet could also have been issued in

21. "Fugill Token", C.L.A.J., X, 2, (1942), 155; Pender, A Census of Ireland, 481; Gogarty, Council Book, 28, 32,

33, 57, 71; Sylloge of Coins of the British Isles, No. 31, The Norweb Collection, Part I (London, 1984), Plate

XXII, No. 513.

22 Rev. J. B. Leslie, History of Kilsaran (Dundalk, 1908), 238, 333; Pender, A Census of Ireland, 466; Garstin, "Hearth Money Rolls", C.L.A.J., VI, 4, (1928), 187; D'Alton and O'Flanagan, History of Dundalk, 164; Lambert Pedigree, 208.




the preceding decade. There are two varieties known, one having a misspelling in the name

may have been recalled or melted down for reasons of vanity.23

C : The Tokens

As is usual in the Irish series the tokens of Dundalk are quite scarce. Of the town token

only one type is known, as is one type of the Lambert token. Two types of the Wiltshire token

survive but one has an error in th? name and perhaps vanity called for replacement. There are

five types of the Crowder piece and five of the Caesar one. Some of the types of the latter

are so crude and different in quality from others that it seems as if at least one, if not more, must be a forgery. Of the elusive Fugill token there is only one specimen, now lost, of which a

rubbing survives. Four of the Caesar tokens have a regular relationship between the obverse

and reverse; one of them does not. All the rest of the Dundalk tokens, with the possible

exception of the Fugill piece, have regular relationships between obverse and reverse. They all

seem to have been struck on brass and are all penny tokens.

1. O : : DVNDALKE The outer circle is made up of coarse stops; inner circle is made up of fine stops; the inner device is martlets or doves.

R CORPORATION. 1663 The outer and inner circles are as on the obverse; the inner device is . I . with above

. D.

Macalister 292; Fletcher 603; Williamson 419; U.M.; two specimens in the N.M.I.

cabinet; private collection. 1.96 g. The relationship between obverse and reverse is regular.

2. O . BRANWAYTE . CEASAR . OF The outer circle is made of coarse stops; there is no inner circle; the device is a

double-headed eagle displayed. R DVNDALK . MERCHANT #

The outer circle is as on the obverse; there is no inner circle; the device is BDC, above . i* ., below . 1 . .

Macalister 293A; private collection. 1.07 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

3. O . BRANWYSE CEASAR OF The outer circle is made up of coarse stops; there is no inner circle; the device is a coarse version of the double eagle displayed on No. 2.

R DVNDALK * MARCHANT The outer circle is made up of coarse stops; the inner circle is a line; the device is BDC with above and below 1 .

Macalister 293B; Fletcher 606; Williamson 421; three specimens in the N.M.I. cabinet. .85 g.

The relationship of obverse to reverse is variable.

23. Mills. .S7. John the Evangelist, 112. 130; Pender, A Census of Ireland, 466; O'Sullivan, "Cromwellian and Restoration Settlements', C.L.A.H.J., XIX, 1, (1977), 42 ff.; D'Alton and Flanagan, History of Dundalk, 164.



County Louth Archaeological and Historical Journal

O #BRANWAYTE . CEASAR . OF The outer circle is made of diamond stops; there is no internal one; the device is a

double-headed eagle displayed. R DVNDALKE JfeC . MARCHANT

Outer circle made of diamond stops; the inner circle is roped; the device is B. C. with. >f?. above.

Fletcher 604. ?.07 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

O # BRANWAYTE . CEASAR . OF .

The outer circle is made up of diamond stops; there is no internal one; the device is a

double-headed eagle displayed. R # DVNDALKE . MARCHANT

Outer circle made of diamond stops; the inner circle is roped; the device is B. C.

Private collection. 1.05 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

O # BRANWYTE. CEASAR. OF The outer circle is of coarse stops; there is no inner circle; the inner device is a

double-headed eagle displayed, smaller than that on No. 2.

R DVNDALKE > . MARCHANT The outer circle is of coarse stops; the inner circle of finer stops far apart; the inner

device is BDC with. *{? above and . 1 . below.

Fletcher 605; Williamson 420. 2.21 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

O * * a bird OATES CROVVDER The inner and outer circles are made up of coarse stops; the inner device is

D

it I ̂ with 1656 below. R MARCHANT. DVNDACK . .

The outer circle is made up of diamond stops; the inner circle of fine stops; the inner

device is a harp with six strings. Macalister 294; Williamson 427. 2.10 g. The obverse to reverse relationship is regular.

O v OATES . CROVVDER The outer circle is made up of diamond stops; the inner circle of stops; the device is

as in No. 7.

R The reverse is as the reverse of No. 7.

Fletcher 607. 2.67 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

O < OATES CROVVDER As in No. 8.

R MARCHANT . DVNDACK The outer circle is made up of diamond-shaped dots; the inner circle is roped; the

inner device is a five-stringed harp.




Private collection. 2.40 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

10. O . 0(AT)ES . CROWDER The outer and inner circles and device are as in No. 7.

R The reverse is as in No. 7. Fletcher 608. 2.36 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

11. O As in No. 7. R J? . MARCHANT . DVNDACK.

The outer and inner circles are as in No. 7; the inner device is a harp of five strings. Fletcher 609; private collection. 2.61 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

PLEDGE? FUGILL Outer circle ?; no inner circle; device is two tuns over a third.

MT OF DVNDALKE * Outer circle ?: inner circle is a straight line; device is if 1 if .

D

A rubbing of this piece is in the collection of the County Louth Archaeological and

Historical Society.

I- # GEORGE. LAMBERT > OF The outer circle is made up of diamond stops; the inner circle is of fine stops with a line within it; the device is of a lamb trippant or ambulant, a device which appears on the arms of the Lambert family.

DVNDALKE . MARCHANT # D The outer and inner circles are as on the obverse; the inner device is ? 1 ^ . The flower device on either side of the 1 has one petal separated from another more fully than the others are from each other which indicates that this token was struck from dies made in London between 1667 and 1671.

Macalister 295; Fletcher 610; Williamson 423. 1.38 g.

14. O * IOHN . WILSHIERT OF The outer circle is made up of toothed stops; the inner circle of rectangular stops; the inner device is 1 + W with ^ + above and below.

R DVNDALKE MARCHANT : D The outer and circles are as on the obverse; the inner device is if 1 if. Macalister 296. 1.43 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.

15. O * IOHN . WILSHIERF OF The outer circle is made up of diamond stops; the inner circle of rough stops; the

inner device is as on No. 14. R . MARCHANT : DVNDALKE

The outer and inner circles are as on the obverse; the inner device is as on No. 12. Fletcher 611; Williamson 424 where the F on No. 15 obverse is taken for an E for which it is probably a mistake; private collection. 1.40 g. The relationship of obverse to reverse is regular.




ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My thanks are due to the curators of the various public collections with substantial

holdings of Louth tokens : Michael Kenny of the National Museum of Ireland, Marian

Archibald of the British Museum and Roger Heslip of the Ulster Musem; they gave me entry to their collections and permission to publish hitherto unpublished specimens. Thanks are also

due to Colm Gallagher whose extensive knowledge of the series was very generously put at my

disposal. Gerard Brady, Stephen Byrne, Noel Clarke, Francis Heaney and Emil Szauer have

also been helpful with information and with making tokens available for study. Thanks are due

to Noel Ross for information on the Fugill token and the background of Brantwayte Caesar; thanks are also due to Harold O'Sullivan whose invaluable thesis on the Trevors of Rosetrevor

provided most of the material on the corporate life of Dundalk in the 1660s and 1670s.

CORRIGENDA

1. The tokens from an unidentified London atelier struck about 1670 are: A. No. 16 of Drogheda plus Nos. 2 and 3 of Ardee which have a six-leafed flower with

the one petal flawed which is a characteristic of this workshop. B. Those with a cinque foil flower with a substantial space between two of its petals.

They are from the same workshop as those in A. They include Nos. 15, 16, 25 and 38 of Drogheda, 3 and 4 of Ardee and No. 13 of Dundalk.

C. It does seem as if No. 38 of Drogheda with the five-pointed mullet and roped inner border is from the same workshop.

2. Drogheda No. 26. The token of John Killogh has on the inner device of the reverse two

five-pointed stars instead of the figure 3 as stated in the text (C.L.A.H.J., XXI, 1, (1985), 61).

3. Footnote 29 under the biography of Allen of Ardee should properly belong to the

biography of Atkinson of the same town, i.e. it should be read as part of footnote 30. Footnote 29 should read Sylloge of Coins of the British Isles, No. 31, The Norweb

Collection, Part I (London, 1984), Plate XXII, No. 510 (C.L.A.H.J., XXI, 1, (1985), 68-9).

4. The number of the Jackson token should read No. 25 not No. 24 (C.L.A.H.J., XXI, 1,

(1985), 55).



The Seventeenth-Century Tokens of County Louth (Continued)

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