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The Problems that face

Urban Utopias

David Musrie Spatial/Interior Design Level 3

February 2005 Negotiated Theory – Visual Culture

Tutor: Pam Shaw

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Contents List

Research Methodology……………………………………………………………………3

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..4

Chapter I…………………..Urban Utopias and their Origins…..………..……………5-12

Chapter II…………….……The Rise of The Functional City……………………….13-18

Chapter III…………………From Paper to Reality……………………….…………19-29

Chapter IV…………………The Decline of Society……….………………………..30-35

Chapter V…………….……What Can We Do?……………………………………..36-38

Conclusion……………………………………………………...…………………….39-41

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….42-44

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Research Methodology

For any student wishing to participate in architectural design it is important to understand

the principles of why our cities have been shaped in their form. To do this, extensive

research must first take place in order to find out the key facts, contributors, and

arguments that have taken place throughout history in the world of architecture. Many

different utopian visions have been forged by architects/town planners/theorists from

diverse backgrounds and different eras; these visions will either defend or contrast

previous ideas in order to form the ideal city. To successfully fulfil this task an eclectic

form of research must be carried out. Books found from the university library catalogue,

using search engines on the World Wide Web, questioning professionals who may have

previously researched this topic, and searching through journals/magazines/newspapers

shall be relied upon to gather information. I shall welcome the opportunity that the

question of why and how cities are shaped in their current form may inevitably change, to

create a more stimulating debate.

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Introduction

Challenges face the urban planner of today to seek the ideal city of tomorrow. Different

groups throughout the history of architecture have influenced future generations. The

aims of this document are to outline the difficulties that have been encountered and to

propose an outcome from the information gathered.

In aiding the town planners of today to successfully achieve the utopian goals, this

document will reach a conclusion by establishing the history of industrial cities and why

the utopian visions were forged; whilst taking an analytical view of the works of CIAM.

The document also addresses the rise of Modernism in Britain and in addition discusses

theories to help overcome problems within society and the present movements in force to

address the current problems.

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Chapter I Urban Utopias and their Origins

‘Industrialization’ is a key factor discussed within this chapter, for this period throughout

Europe has been acknowledged as the birthplace for the need to overcome inherent urban

problems. The Industrial Revolution demanded mass-production of iron, steel and glass;

and the need to transport it nationally and internationally. This evolved city’s landscapes

and catered only for the capitalists’ development for ease of circulation and transport,

with no consideration for the profound social impact it was to embark. In William Curtis

book ‘Modern Architecture’ (1996) he acknowledged that the rapid expansion of industry

meant that “industrialized regions had grown with uncontrolled speed as the peasantry

had flocked to the urban areas for employment and had been housed in the most squalid

conditions.” (Curtis, W pg 241). To describe the ‘Industrial City’, James Donald (in his

book ‘Imagining the Modern City’) makes reference to cotton manufacturing in

Manchester, (and an account written by physician James Kay-Shuttleworth (1804-1877)

called ‘The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the

Cotton Manufacture in Manchester’ in 1832) this account highlights the social conditions

at the time of the cholera epidemic that hit across Europe the same year. Kay-

Shuttleworth’s first hand experience revealed:

“He whose duty it is to follow in the steps of this messenger of death [cholera], must

descend to the abodes of poverty, must frequent the close alleys, the crowded courts, the

overpeopled habitations of wretchedness, where pauperism and disease congregate

round the source of social discontent and political disorder in the centre of our large

towns, and behold with alarm, in the hot-bed of pestilence, ills that fester in secret, at the

very heart of society.”

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The ‘1832 Reform Act’ reveals the corruption of the government in favour of the

capitalists’. In a web-based description of the 1832 Reform Act it discusses Earl Grey

(1764-1845) reign as Prime Minister:

Between 1770 and 1830, the Tories were the dominant force in the House of Commons.

The Tories were strongly opposed to increasing the number of people who could vote.

However, in November, 1830, Earl Grey explained to William IV that he wanted to

introduce proposals that would get rid of some of the rotten boroughs. Grey also planned

to give Britain's fast growing industrial towns such as Manchester, Birmingham,

Bradford and Leeds, representation in the House of Commons.

Figure 1.1: W. Heath's cartoon: How to Get

Made and M.P. (1830) Hulme, located one mile south of Manchester was subject to mass production of houses

to ‘cater’ for the needs of workers in the 1820s. Private speculators and builders were

able to purchase an acre of land and build as many houses as he could fit on the site.

“Hulme was a vast camp for cheap labour, a large number of them from Ireland. They

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were drawn in by the unquenchable demand for workers in the textile mills in and around

the city centre, and engineering works in nearby Old Trafford, Cotton was king, and

Manchester flourished as the commercial capital of the North” (Ramwell, R pg 1). The

areas for living had to be close to the workplace because of limited public transport, and

the hours worked were too demanding for workers to travel far by foot. Utopians were to

create a social reform through their planning ideas.

Ebenezer Howard (1850-1928) wrote a utopian vision to problems of overcrowding in

cities. His influential model utopia of the twentieth century became a blueprint to

alleviate the stresses of the Industrial city. The model for dealing with overpopulation

(decentralization) is also apparent internationally; Amsterdam, where individuals driven

by socialism established the first housing association to build for the working classes

(1917). Amsterdam born Michel De Klerk (1884-1923) instigated ‘Spaarndammerbuurt’

in North-western Amsterdam; a district boarded by a railway line, assigned to house the

working class, which also consisted of a school and post-office was isolated from the rest

of the city thus creating a self-contained community.

Figure 1.2 Spaarndammerbuurt

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The idea of the Garden city was to create a self-sufficient community outside of the city,

a philosophy which evidently appears in Walt Disney’s plan of the ‘Experimental

Prototype Community of Tomorrow’ (1967). “EPCOT will be a working community with

employment for all. And everyone who lives here will have a responsibility to help keep

this community an exciting living blueprint of the future” (Disney, W 1967). EPCOT

was to encompass over 27,000 acres inhabiting just 20,000 residents. Howard was much

influenced by Russian Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921), who published in Britain in the

1890s. This is apparent because Kropotkin noted that the rapid growth of electricity

would encourage the possibility to decentralise industrial cities. When Howard published

‘Garden Cities of Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Social Reform’ in the 1890s, he was

said to follow the social ideas he had learned as a ‘Radical’ of the 1870s and 1880s. The

Radical belief was that democracy and co-operation was the way forward, that the

capitalists’ system of economic life of the nation was corrupt and inhumane; and that

political power was irrationally controlled by a few rather than the alleged national

democracy it boasted. In Robert Fishman’s account of life in this era, he states from his

findings “In the countryside the near-monopoly of landholding by large owners was

bankrupting agriculture. The farm worker, deprived of any hope of owning his own land,

was fleeing the land and swelling the urban slums. There he and his fellows were easily

exploited by ‘sweating’ employers whose sharp practices and monopolistic tactics were

driving the honest ‘little man’ out of business” (Fishman, R. pg 30). Howard’s idea of

the Garden City documented in 1898 was not to adjust the planning of existing cities, but

to ease the stress on such cities by decanting population to new towns further away from

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its descendant. This master plan would draw the farm workers from the slums back to

the countryside and Howard’s proposed social reform was to “create a new class of

yeoman smallholders” (Fishman, R. pg 30). This utopian view was to grasp the best of

both worlds as Howard saw them, the best possible way was to record the advantages and

disadvantages of both urban and rural life and retain the benefits of the two, which are

demonstrated in Howard’s diagram of the ‘Three Magnets’:

The Town

Advantages: “social opportunity, places of amusement, high wages, chances of employment, well-lit streets and palatial edifices.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) Disadvantages: “isolation of crowds, distances from work, high rents and prices, excessive hours of work, the army of unemployed, fog and droughts, costly drainage, foul air, murky sky, slums and gin palaces.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) The Country

Advantages: “the beauty of nature, wood, forest and meadow, fresh air, low rents, abundance of water, bright sunshine.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) Disadvantages: “lack of society, lack of work, land lying idle, long hours, low wages, lack of drainage, lack of amusement, no public spirit, the need for reform, crowded dwellings and deserted villages.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124)

Figure 1.3 Howard’s Three Magnets Diagram

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The Garden city would be a self-

sufficient community compiling

small businesses and agriculture,

encompassing 6,000 acres and

inhabiting 30,000 residents. It was

first conceived in Letchworth

(1903), 12 miles from the centre of

London and was funded by

philanthropists that carried Howard’s

utopian views. Letchworth has

recently celebrated its first centenary

and has successfully achieved in

becoming self-sufficient. The Heritage

Foundation owns and manages

Letchworth, and has been designed to

maximise the financial return from the

assets it holds in trusts and re-invests.

Swiss architect Le Corbusier (1887-

1965 born Charles Edoard Jeanneret)

is likewise a pioneer of town planning within the twentieth century. Le Corbusier and

Howard both had to contend with the coherent dilemma of the early twentieth century

that was “the old cities had become self-consuming cancers because they had

Figure 1.4 (Above): Walt Disney presenting his 24 minute video on the EPCOT. Figure 1.5 (Below): Howard’s Garden City in its context shows a link with the EPCOT.

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degenerated into a means of exploitation. The capitalist system had given control over

the environment to thousands of speculators and landlords, each seeking to increase his

profits.” (Fishman, R pg 265). Le Corbusier’s blueprint of how he envisioned the city of

the future has been encapsulated in his ‘Radiant City’. The diversity of the two planners

is already evident just by the title given to their utopian views; Howard’s ‘Garden City’

defines spacious rural living that alleviates the stresses of the city, where ‘Radiant City’

interprets bright and compressed urban living. Le Corbusier was fascinated by the rapid

growth of industry where Howard was concerned for the preservation of agriculture. The

‘Radiant City’ (1930-1935) was devised by Le Corbusier during his time spent in Paris.

Prior to the invention of the Radiant City America saw the birth of the skyscraper in

Chicago and then New York, the erection of steel and glass towers redefined the urban

landscapes all over the world. A combination of these technological advances and the

ideas of eclectic artistic groups over Europe were the beginnings of the ‘Modern

Movement’. Movements such as De Stijl, Art Nouveau, Expressionism and

Constructivism all felt that architecture was trapped in the past and needed liberating to

move with the trends of the new age, the ‘machine age’. Fishman (1982, pg 182)

describes Le Corbusier’s arrival in Paris (1916) as his wake up to reality. “It was

potentially the site of a magnificent urban civilization for the Machine Age, but in its

‘pre-mechanical’ state the machine was killing the city”.

Le Corbusier’s first commission was at the age of seventeen (1905), by the age at his

arrival in Paris he had eleven years experience as an architect without any formal training

(which is also inherent with Howard). Le Corbusier was involved in a number of large-

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scale, wartime projects including hydroelectric plants, arsenals, power stations, and

refrigeration plants. “He even set up his own consulting firm with high-sounding title of

the Society for Industrial Studies and Enterprises” (Fishman, R pg 183). His association

with mass-production is apparent in the design of the ‘Maison Dom-Ino’ housing, a

scheme designed to help ease the pressures of a city. In an article written by Dominic

Gallagher (2001) discussing Le Corbusier’s ethos behind these mass produced housing

schemes, he quotes: “Architecture would be as efficient as a factory assembly line. Soon,

Le Corbusier was developing standardised housing 'types' like the 'Immeuble-villa' (made

real with the Pavilion de l'Esprit Nouveau of 1925), and the Maison Citrohan (a play on

words suggesting the building industry should adopt the methods of the mass production

automobile industry), which he hoped would solve the chronic housing problems of

industrialised countries.” This is the idea that conceived the domestic tower block, the

building type endlessly used by Le Corbusier in years to follow. This philosophy is also

shared by another famous architect, Walter Gropius (1883-1969) founder of the famous

‘Bauhaus’ school for architecture and design (1919), who in 1923 defined in his text

‘Idee und Aufbau’ “the idea that workers in all the crafts should design for a better

world using the idea of machine production as a stimulus.”

Figure 1.5: Le Corbusier’s diagram of the Dom-Ino. With no internal load-bearing walls the interior space would maximise flexibility.

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Chapter II - The Rise of the Functional City

In 1928 Le Corbusier, alongside twenty-three other modernists from eight European

countries founded the first international congress for modern architecture ‘CIAM’

(Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne) at the Château of La Sarraz,

Switzerland. For nearly thirty years the great questions of urban living, space, and

belonging were discussed by CIAM members. The documents they produced, and the

conclusions they reached, had a tremendous influence on the shape of cities and towns all

over the world. “CIAM was deliberately intended to create an avant-garde within the

new, anti-traditionalist architecture that began to develop in the early twentieth century.

Its innovations had historical links to many earlier efforts to reform society through

architecture” (Mumford, E pg 2). The goals of CIAM were documented in a letter wrote

by CIAM’s secretary, Sigfried Giedion (1888-1968), to Dutch architect and town planner

Cornelis van Eesteren (1897-1988) soon after the first congress in La Sarraz. The aims

were:

• To formulate the contemporary program of architecture. • To advocate the idea of modern architecture. • To forcefully introduce this idea into technical, economical and social circles. • To see to the resolution of architectural problems

Le Corbusier was the most prominent member of CIAM. Prior to CIAM’s first congress

in La Sarraz Le Corbusier was enlisted to participate on an urban study committee

questioning the working-class housing in France. In his first pamphlet for the

‘Redressement Français’ Le Corbusier stated that “the density of central Paris should be

quadrupled, with 90 percent of the land left free for vegetation”. In Eric Mumford’s

book on ‘The CIAM discourse on Urbanism’ he identifies a restatement of Ebenezer

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Howard’s philosophy of the Garden City when Le Corbusier documented his idea of

Urbanism. Le Corbusier stated “laws would allow the assembly of large parcels of land

for redevelopment for common use and would permit the distribution of profits from land

development to the community” (Mumford, E pg 15). Although this established link

proves Howard’s influence on Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier was promoting a different

remedy; he emphasized the benefits of high density buildings within cities with

maximum space for vegetation and transportation routes.

After the examination of sample analytical maps used to compare cities and their political

implications, the concept of the ‘Functional City’ (1931-1939) was originated and formed

the agenda for the forth congress (CIAM4) held on board SS Patris in the Mediterranean.

CIAM4 (1933) was the first congress where the recently founded MARS (Modern

Architecture Research Group) group from Britain was represented, headed by Wells

Coates (1895-1958). CIAM4 was later titled ‘The Athens Charter’ by Le Corbusier. A

description of the Athens Charter has been acknowledged by ‘Archis’ (2004) in their

website column titled ‘Perversion of our Times’: “They were there to draft a definitive

Figure 2.1: Members of CIAM at the first congress in La Sarraz (1928)

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solution to the chaos and perversions of the Modern City... ...A manifesto, which

pretended to be a definitive account of the spatial problems of the contemporary

metropolis.” The manifesto looked at thirty-three key cities and created ideas for

planning based on the allotment and order of city functions. The division of lands was to

be reformed into zoned cities, encompassing high-density standardised dwellings and

different areas for work, home and leisure. This was to become modernism’s blueprint of

modern living and when published in 1943 it had a profound impact on public authorities

in post-war Europe.

Van Eesteren attended the pre-congress meeting in Zurich (1931) and he alongside his

Dutch group was assigned the duty of preparing the analytical presentation guidelines for

CIAM4. These guidelines were to be based on those already implemented by Van

Eesteren’s Urban Development Section (USD) of the Amsterdam Public Works

Department, where he had been chief architect since 1929. The research headed by

Theodoor Karel van Lohuizen (1890-1956) was to make a statistical based study of

demographics, economics, and technical aspects of Amsterdam’s future development.

The bulk of the work lay in statistics, but to display the results, analytical plans were

prepared to identify areas of workplace, housing and recreational spaces, and also shared

major transportation routes. Because of the political support for the Garden City methods

in Amsterdam, the specific strategies for housing in the Expansion plan were left vague;

suggestions for single family housing and widely spaced high-rises were made, but the

plan had made no commitment to the land it was to occupy. When the research was

completed and presented in the pre-congress meeting, spokesman for the German

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members of CIAM, Arthur Korn (1891-1978), openly criticized the guidelines for their

lack of analysis of production and class relationships, and questioned the whole concept

of the Functional City.

The concerns of Korn had

escalated and many doubters of

CIAM’s intentions had surfaced

by CIAM’s ninth congress in

1953. These doubts were

magnified at CIAM9, the same

congress where Le Corbusier

unveiled his large scale project

‘Unitè d’ Habitation’. Chief

among these doubters were

young British architects Alison

(1928-1993) and Peter (b. 1923)

Smithson, who led a breakaway from CIAM

in 1956 due to their concerns with CIAM’s

attachment to the 1933 Athens Charter. “They

saw a pallid version of the pre-war urban dream rising about them in the post-war

reconstruction of Europe. They felt tricked, torn between disbelief in the tired doctrines

of modern planning, and faith in the evocative power of the most poetic realizations of

earlier modern architecture” (Curtis, W pg 442). The Smithson’s concerns were

Figure 2.2: Le Corbusier on board SS Patris, talking through the analytical maps of Amsterdam as prepared by Eesteren and his team

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Figure 2.3: Alison and Peter Smithson’s ‘urban reidentification’ grid presented at CIAM9

expressed and documented on the Website ‘From Here to Modernity’ authored by

Dominic Gallagher (2001):

“Man may readily identify himself with his own hearth, but not easily with the town

within which it is placed. ‘Belonging’ is a basic emotional need - its associations are of

the simplest order. From 'belonging' – identity - comes the enriching sense of

neighbourliness. The short narrow street of the slum succeeds where spacious

redevelopment frequently fails." (The Smithson’s in 1956)

In post World War II years, massive problems confronted the Labour government. The

government believed in an opportunity to re-build the country shattered by long years of

conflict from scratch, rectifying the worst mistakes of the past. This era saw the rise of

the ‘Welfare State’ in Britain. Politicians in Britain linked modernist solutions to housing

problems. Planned estates and high-density tower blocks offered attractive alternatives to

the aging Victorian housing. Labour and Tory politicians encouraged councils to build

higher and faster, and 100,000s of homes were created as political parties tried to outdo

each other by promising to build even more social housing. These issues were concerns

to the Smithsons who had taken to CIAM9 (1953) a ‘study Grille’, a visual presentation

of their ideas for the benefit of other delegates. Presumably, it was an attempt to show the

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attendees the rigid orthodoxy of CIAM, and break the shackles of CIAM’s unrealistic

approach to finding urban solutions. It fitted the grid format that had been suggested by

Le Corbusier in 1949, but its contents were of a different spirit, containing not the ideal

universe but the reality of everyday life in the street. “…presented in a CIAM Grid

format, but half the regulation-sized panels were filled with Nigel Henderson’s

photographs of children playing hopscotch and a colourful and human figure, which

served as a kind of counterpoint to their nonorthogonal plan diagrams of the housing

scheme” (Mumford, E pg 233). The Smithsons called their method ‘urban

reidentification’, which focused not on zoning and circulation in the manner of the

Athens Charter, but on community. They tried suggesting ways to reconfigure the city

without losing the vitality of the working-class street. At CIAM10 the Smithsons and

there allies (known as ‘Team 10’), broke from CIAM for good. The ‘Golden Lane’

(1952) housing plan was their answer to bringing communal living to the high-density

housing blocks that were appearing more and more in Britain. “Alison and Peter

Smithson formed the most formidable British architectural partnership of the mid-

twentieth century. Fiercely intellectual, they proselytised the cause of Modernism

throughout the 1960s and 1970s, and were unafraid to criticise the prevailing orthodoxy

or bring new ideas to the Modernist blueprint” (Gallagher, D 2001)

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Chapter III - From Paper to Reality

In the 1930's Modernism was introduced to Britain by the arrival of a number of German

Jewish émigré architects and designers, who came to Britain following Hitler’s rise to

power. They included key figures in both CIAM and the Bauhaus movement such as

Walter Gropius, Moholy Nagy, Marcel Breuer, and Eric Mendelsohn. One of the first

additions to the rise of modernism in Britain was the ‘Lawn Road Flats’ (1934) in North

London, also known as the Isokon

Building designed by Canadian

architect Wells Coates. The

exterior was starch white and was

often referred to as an ocean liner.

It was a revolutionary introduction

to modern living for modern

professionals “…Coates’s brand of

modernism was associated with the

bright young people of the thirties…” (Edmonds, M. 2001), it simultaneously echoed Le

Corbusier’s philosophy; “…ingenious built-in storage to maximise space and functional

efficiency: the proverbial ‘machine for living in’…” (Miller, K. 2003). The complex

offered all comforts and promoted communal activities; shoe polishing service, window

cleaning, ‘everything done for you’, sundeck/roof terrace, and even a restaurant called the

‘Isobar’. One ironic factor was that the top floor comprised of a penthouse suite, was this

the utopian vision that all classes are equal? The Isokon Building was a complete

success, unfortunately its current profile shadows its once well-respected status.

Figure 3.1: Promotion for the Lawn Road Flats (1934)

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Numerous high profiled names lived here: Walter Gropius, Moholy Nagy, Marcel Breuer,

Barbara Hepworth, and even Agatha Christie, but by the 1970s it had ended up as local

authority housing. The once Isobar had been converted to create more flats, “the

building’s corridors are plastered with examples of graffiti-crudity: KILL THE PIGS,

yells one wall.” (Edmonds, M. 2001), and poor maintenance and under funding became

the recipe for its decay. Today, the Grade II listed building has been bought by Notting

Hill Housing Group to restore it to its glory with the help of Avanti architects, promising

apartments for today’s young professionals like teachers, doctors, and police.

In 1935, Britain conceived its first public building in the Modernist style through an

international competition for a new Pavilion for arts and entertainment on the seafront in

Bexhill on Sea. This was a triumphant event in bringing the joys of the new architecture

to the common man. Architect Eric Mendelsohn and Russian interior designer Serge

Chermayeff succeeded 230 entrants to the competition responding to the brief of

providing a modern solution to the building, their design for the ‘De La Warr Pavilion’

began construction in January 1935. The DLWP shows similarities in its appearance

with the Lawn Road Flats and offered functions such as ballroom dancing, a tea room, a

theatre, a deck for sunbathing; functions that carried the luxurious status of upper-class

were offered to the working-class people who chose to live and visit Bexhill on sea. The

completion of DLWP was both welcomed and criticized, and the true colours of a

conservative Britain were revealed as Jonathan Glancey discusses in his article in the

Guardian newspaper. “Modern architecture and design had come late to Britain. It was

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often seen as a foreign conspiracy. The row over the appointment of a pair of Jews” he

further ads “They were foreigners who had taken jobs from our boys” (Glancey, J. 2002).

The ‘Unitè d’Habitation’ (1947-1953) in Michelet on the outskirts of Marseilles, France,

was Le Corbusier’s attempt to overcome post war housing problems. Up to 1600 middle-

class professionals would take residence within the twelve storey vertical conrete slab,

not including the undercroft and roof terrace. Within this community lay 23 different

apartment types catering the needs from individuals to the family with four children.

Complete with an internal shopping street halfway up, a recreation ground and children’s

nursery on the roof, and a generous surrounding area of park land was made possible by

Figure 3.2: An image of the deck at the De La Warr Pavilion overlooking the sea

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the density of the accommodation in the slab itself. Apartments were also left

uninhabited to form a hotel on the middle floor; presumably this was an attempt to make

the complex self-sufficient. In an ingenious use of space, two-story apartments interlock,

so that an entrance corridor and elevator stop are only required at every third level. On

one side of the corridor occupants enter an apartment’s lower level; the other side of the

corridor occupants enter the apartment's upper level. As a result, apartments typically

combine bright, double-height sitting rooms on one level, with long, narrow bedrooms on

the other. “The elements of each are standardized, their combination varied. The

factory-produced units are slotted into the overall lattice of the building’s structural

frame as wine bottles might be in a rack. But the aesthetic result is neither repetitious

nor busy; banality is avoided, unity maintained, through judicious attention to

proportion, rhythm, human scale and sculptural control of mass” (Curtis, W pg 437).

Half a century later, Unitè d’Habitation is still inhabited by modest professions and

visited by many people because of its contribution to Modernism. Le Corbusier designed

five more Unitès (Nantes-Reze, 1957; Berlin, 1958; Meaux, 1959; Briey-en-Fôret, 1960

Figure 3.3: Typical Section through Unitè d’Habitation shows the intricate interlocking apartments

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and Firminy-Vert, 1968), but these were compromised and the vitality of Marseilles

remains the most dominant.

In 1954, Denys Lasdun (1914-2001) was commissioned to design a post-war modernist

building to house working-class people. ‘Keeling House’ otherwise known as the

‘Cluster Block’ is in Bethnal Green, London. Lasdun was affiliated with the Smithson’s

plea to stop the problems that were associated with high-density housing blocks.

Lasdun’s approach of Keeling House was to “offer families spacious flats leading off

from a central service core. Each flat would be surrounded by daylight and enjoy a

variety of views” (Glancey, J pg 210). As the Athens Charter had envisioned zoned cities

characterized by large, widely spaced apartment blocks and landscaped public places;

Lasdun envisioned that this blueprint could actually damage communities, neighbours

would be come strangers; so Keeling House was to recapture the forms of traditional

Figure 3.4: Unitè d’Habitation’s exterior showing undercroft and surrounding woodland

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housing that had been lost. It echoed the Unitè approach by its double-height living

space but Lasdun defended this connection by stating it was to reflect the double-storey

housing in Bethnal Green. “…turning the traditional Bethnal Green street on its end, re-

creating some of the indigenous features (backyards for washing etc) in the air, and

avoiding the bleakness of a tunnel-like corridor…” (Curtis, W pg 445). The qualities of

the Unitè were present, but Keeling House represented the neighbouring facades by

restating the scale and proportion of traditional window sills. Its splayed plan meant that

the four blocks deliberately looked onto each other, so recapturing the community spirit

at street level. A slow decline of Keeling House was due to insufficient funding by local

authorities “…despite its popularity with residents. Rightly, they felt that if moved

elsewhere they would never find such generous amounts of space and light again”

(Glancey, J pg 210). Today it has been regenerated by commercial developers and the

apartments are worth in the region of several hundred thousand pounds.

Figure 3.5: Exploded diagram of the communal central core at Keeling House

Figure 3.6: Plan of Keeling House

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Keeling House could not solve the whole housing problem, denser solutions were

required to house more and more working-class people. The Park Hill Estate (1961) by

architects Ivor Smith and Jack Lynn was a solution to house the many working-class

people in the industrial city of Sheffield, 2,000 in fact. Park Hill Estate again bears

similarities to Unitè d’Habitation, and its snake like form only rising to six stories to

encourage communal activity was heavily influenced by the Smithson’s Golden Lane

project. Again, more problems had arisen by proving innovations as ‘hot-spot’ areas for

anti-social behaviour to commence; the wide deck access was to encourage vibrant life

from the traditional street instead gave muggers easier escape routes.

It is frustrating to see this project subject to scepticism after the success of projects such

as Unitè d’Habitation, the clear distinction between working-class and young

professionals were proving to be the reason why the same category of buildings were not

working for diverse classes. This is also apparent with Trellick Tower (1972).

Hungarian Ernö Goldfinger (1902-1987) lived in Britain for most of his working life and

Figure 3.6 (Above): Arial view demonstrating the snake form of the Park Hill Estate, Sheffield

Figure 3.7 (Right): Picture of Park Hill Estate taken in 2001, after the notorious Grade II listing

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was involved with CIAM and MARS. He created the most controversial building in an

era of the Modern Movement that was frequently questioned by the general public.

The gigantic thirty-one story Brutalist monument, started construction in 1968, the same

year that a gas explosion had torn one side off ‘Rowland Point’; the British public were

faced with buildings either falling apart or being demolished, and there began a backlash

on Modernism that lasted almost thirty years. Again the adoption of form from Unitè

d’Habitation was employed, (access on every third floor) but this project was on a much

taller scale, at 322ft it could be seen for miles from its origin in Kensington and it could

not boast the green landscape that had surrounded its forerunner. Trellick Tower was yet

another social housing project to give residence to the working-class people of London,

Figure 3.7: Trellick Tower rising as a monument of the Modern Movement

III-27

again the cycle of problems linked to social housing faced Trellick Tower and its

Brutalist appearance was met by notorious press coverage. Women were raped in

elevators, children attacked by heroin addicts in the basement, and homeless squatters set

fire to flats. “Whilst architects like Alison and Peter Smithson were seriously questioning

the wisdom of modernist high-rise buildings, Erno Goldfinger was blaming the people

who lived in Trellick Tower for its problems- ‘I built skyscrapers for people to live in

there and now they messed them up- disgusting” (Gallagher, D 2001). Trellick Tower

became a listed building in 1998 because of its monumental stand as part of the Modern

Movement in Britain. Ten percent of Trellick Tower is privately owned by young

modern professions after its regeneration by Tenants' Management Organisation in the

1990s.

Figure 3.8: Trellick Tower (in the distance) seen for all the bad things

III-28

Since the 1960s, many theorists have expressed their vision on how the urban

environment should function properly in respect to the problems that arise within social

housing projects. Chief amongst these theories are Oscar Newman (1935-2004),

followed by Jane Jacobs (b. 1916), and Alice Coleman. Newman was an architect,

curator of the Institute for Community Design Analysis, Crime Prevention Through

Environmental Design (CPTED), author of the book ‘Creating Defensible Space’ (1996),

and built his theories through statistical analysis. In an extract from Creating Defensible

Space, Newman explains the concept “They restructure the physical layout of

communities to allow residents to control the areas around their homes… Defensible

Space relies on self-help rather than on government intervention, and so it is not

vulnerable to government’s withdrawal of support. It depends on resident involvement to

reduce crime and remove the presence of criminals. It has the ability to bring people of

different incomes and race together in a mutually beneficial union.” (Newman, O pg 9).

This concept evolved when Newman was a teacher in Washington and witnessed the

construction of Pruitt-Igoe (1950-4). Pruitt-Igoe was a public high-rise project to house

single parent, welfare families and followed the principles of Le Corbusier and CIAM,

leaving the ground floor space as communal activities and access corridors on every third

floor which entailed laundry, disposal chutes, and communal rooms. Many problems

were identified by Newman (never occupied by over 60%, graffiti, vandalism, human

waste) as he compared Pruitt-Igoe to a similar, older row house complex occupied by an

identical population across the street called Carr Square Village. He identified that the

environment in which people are housed has a profound effect on the way that they react

III-29

to their surroundings. Newman found that in creating spaces that were unidentifiable

(neither public nor private), residents took no pride in such spaces.

Figure 3.9: Pruitt-Igoe shortly after construction (1955)

Figure 3.10: Pruitt-Igoe being demolished 10 years later

Figure 3.11 (Left): Statistics identifying the increase in crime parallel to the increase in floors of a building Figure 3.12 (Above): Statistics identifying the increase in crime with the decrease in number of adults in the household

IV-30

Chapter IV - The Decline of Society

The notorious widespread of anti-social behaviour (its elements defined by the Home

Office website as: noisy neighbours, abandoned cars, vandalism, graffiti, litter and youth

nuisance) has been proven to take place within the domestic environment; within our

streets and apartment blocks, and within urban spaces. Within our urban parks and

developments, there is a universal concern over behavioural patterns, park users and

offenders. There are many foreseeable factors that discourage potential use by

participating in social activities within these urban venues, the two most apparent are the

use of drug addicts and homeless people. Research has taken place by Behnaz

Aminzadeh & Dokhi Afshar, from the Department of Environmental Design (University

of Tehran, Iran) to administer solutions to solving the potential ‘hot spot’ areas that

attract offenders within existing urban parks. Their findings are documented in the

‘Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 9, No. 1, 73–87, February 2004’ and combine a number

of theories regarding ‘behavioural consequences of the environment for residents

defensiveness and offenders target selection’. The first theory, belonging to Newman

quoted in 1972 considers that “creating an appropriate territory, a feeling of belonging

and dedication to space, visual surveillance of the outside space and rehabilitation of

physical conditions were the solutions to this problem”. It is apparent from Newman’s

statement that he feels public spaces should be one that creates a sense of ownership to its

users, consequently appreciation to a shared environment to maintain its sincerity and

innocence. He also states a solution found to resolve the problem - that the space must be

given open supervision presumably from passers by; this would provide an unconscious

vigilance thus creating a stable reassurance for its users. The latter of Newman’s theory

IV-31

is supported by Jane Jacobs’s comments relating to the redundancy of policing on city

streets, she declares “the public peace – the sidewalk and street peace…is not kept

primarily by the police, necessary as the police are. It is kept primarily by an intricate,

almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people

themselves, and enforced by the people themselves.” (Jacobs, J. pg 39). Here Jacobs

enlightens the need for a certain minimum density of pedestrians theoretically because a

well-used street is likely to be safer and more appealing than a quite street. A

contradiction can be drawn to Newman’s theory by examining changes to City Hall

Square, in downtown Sacramento. Here trees that created large areas of shade and

detached the park from its hectic, urban surroundings were eliminated to repel frequent

alcohol drinkers that were offending park users. Apart from destroying the attractive

element of the park that drew people there in the first place, the solution caused the group

of drinkers to congregate in the shade of the remaining trees. This example demonstrates

the fine line inherent in urban planning and the careful selection required to successfully

create urban spaces. A valid point made by Diane Ghirardo when talking about the

degrading form of public spaces characterized “what we might call public spaces are

increasingly left to the poor and the marginalized, conceptualized as uncontrolled and

potentially dangerous areas, while elite and segregated type of public space has taken

shape for other, more privileged classes” (Ghirardo, D. pg 106). It seems that shopping

arcades and centres that are equally public spaces are predominantly used by the

‘privileged classes’ and are perhaps seen as their urban space because of the lack of

security and reoccurring offences made in urban parks. A closer eye can be kept on who

enters such spaces as described by Newman because of the ‘feeling of belonging’;

IV-32

occupiers of the shopping outlets inherit a tendency to segregate classes to give a sense of

well-being to the true consumers of the complex. Another extract from Behnaz

Aminzadeh & Dokhi Afshar research is that of Madanipour (1996) who says “The

presence of offenders is one of the most important reasons given for a reduced attraction

of urban spaces to the public, especially women;” he further states “when not used by

women these spaces gradually become the territory of a specific group”. As an urban

space should be a place where diverse classes amalgamate, more social activities must be

introduced to seek refuge for those anxious of the environment which in turn would

encourage activity between classes. As stated by Madanipour, there is a hindrance within

social interaction which exposes the elusive bond between park users which is a major

factor in Newman’s theory; this attracts the offenders as no challenge is made to their

presence within such areas.

Gun crime, gun culture and designer violence are also components within today’s world

of anti-social behaviour. The profile has been glorified in recent years within the

‘developed world’ through mediums such as fashion, films, music and video gaming,

although not to blame for the degrading of society these mediums of expression must be

guilty of nurturing the minds of offenders; in fact it should be such influences that

detoxify the minds of the guilty. A booklet compiled by Caroline Flint (2004) on behalf

of the United Kingdom Home Office called ‘Connected, together we can tackle gun

crime’ seeks advice from communities and the participants to gain more knowledge in

the causes of gun crime so that methods to intervene can be applied. Flint (2004) sights

the causes of gun culture as:

IV-33

The disintegration of communities and families The widening gap between rich and poor The failure of public services to combat both increasing deprivation in some communities and rising violent crime The failure of schools to give their students the necessary tools to be successful – such as lessons in life skills or conflict resolution – or to promote values and self-esteem The difficulties young men experience in finding a fulfilling job Racism – leading to discrimination – in schools, in other public services and in the workplace Not enough services or facilities for young people Too few positive (male) role models within the family or wider society The absence, among some young people, of positive values, self discipline, and respect for others; caring only about oneself Valuing what a person has, not what a person is, so that an individual’s identity and sense of self worth is linked to their material possessions. This in turn can lead to the desire for ‘instant gratification’ The desire for young men in particular to bond with their ‘homies’ or peers Feelings of fear, anger, frustration, apathy (often rooted in experiences of deprivation and disenfranchisement) Violent images in films and games, violent lyrics in popular music such as rap Sensational reporting of gun crime on television and in newspapers Guns and bullets can be bought easily and cheaply New technology, which supports illegal activity by linking gangs and criminals and making it easier to get hold of weapons. “The causes of gun culture are very wide-ranging. In order to deal with Specific issues of

gun culture and crime in each community, we need to identify the key contributory

factors, and assess how to influence them.”(Flint, C pg 2-3)

Looking at the possible origins of the gun culture is a way to identify who should be

targeted in the crack-down, but should not be relied upon to find solutions; this would

only help to intervene. Methods should be introduced to prevent a crime before it

happens, this would stop the daunting task of mopping up the pieces; if a crime is unable

to be executed it will inevitably discourage others from taking part. Take for example;

punishments when a crime is committed, a criminal can commit the same offence on

IV-34

numerous occasions before being punished, which shows that the British laws have

become too relaxed. The coverage in the media is another good example, as much as

victims and their families feel the need to broadcast their distressing times to the nation,

this should be replaced by what has been done to stop a fatality happen around the corner.

As callous as this may seem, the more media coverage, the more a potential offender will

be fuelled to perform a crime. In the same light, look at how much war coverage is

televised; day-to-day we are faced with imagery on national news channels involving

violence in the struggle to end conflict with the use of fire arms. An article from the

Telegraph newspaper compares the street crime rate in London and New York, Alasdair

Palmer discuss the police’s performance in dealing with rising crime rates and the

consequent statistics show a significant lapse in the methods employed by British police.

The two cities have a population of around seven million. In 1991, London’s crime rate

was low in relation to the European average whilst New York had the reputation of

“crime capital of the world” (Palmer, A 2005)

“There were more than 2,300 murders a year in New York in 1991 and well over 100,000

street robberies. London, by comparison, had 181 murders and 22,000 street robberies in

that year. Last year, there were 538 homicides in New York. That means the murder rate

has decreased by a factor of five over the past 13 years. London's murder rate has not

reduced at all over the same period: there were 186 homicides in the capital last year.

More astonishing still is the comparison in the statistics for street robberies. In 2003, the

last complete year for which records are available, there were just 24,334 street

robberies in New York – while in London, 38,490 people were robbed in the street.”

IV-35

Although the example discussed regarding problems in urban parks could be presumed as

a link between ‘class differentiation’ and different peoples’ perceptions of the acceptable

activities within urban parks, the evolving predicament and glamour of designer violence

can be connected and associated with the political, social and cultural differences,

disintegrating communities. It seems that the dilemma of anti-social behaviour is too

extensive to be resolved; this behaviour, its subsequent elements, and maturity within the

community have developed and replaced previously resolved issues. It is important to

investigate the problems that have previously arisen and been determined. To

accomplish this, we must first examine the issues that faced early designers and look at

the way in which a solution was devised.

V-36

Chapter V - What Can We Do?

The Athens Charter (1933) devised by Le Corbusier and CIAM had produced a

prescriptive view of how cities may develop, with high-density living and working areas,

connected by highly efficient mass transport systems. This has inspired current Town

Planners to produce a revised document to focus on the residents and the users of today’s

city and their needs. The New Charter of Athens 1998 (European Council of Town

Planners’ Principles for Planned Cities) and The New Charter of Athens 2003 (European

Council of Town Planners’ Vision for Cities in the 21st Century) both give informative

accounts of the problems and opportunities that now face European Cities. Firstly the

New Charter of Athens 1998 shall be discussed to determine what has been identified. A

conference titled ‘Towards the New Charter of Athens: From the Organic City to the City

of the Citizens’, was held in 1994 to discuss the effects of the Athens Charter 1933 on the

development of European Planning thought and practice. It was concluded that “citizens

should firmly be placed at the centre of policy-making”. In 1995, a conference held by

European Council of Town Planners (ECTP) unanimously confirmed that a new Charter

was needed to steer the development of European cities into the 21st Century. Contained

in the 1998 Charter, Part 1 (The Current Urban Agenda for Cities in their Environment),

are concerns highlighted by the European Commission involving many topics ranging

from Demographics to Choice and Diversity. It is relevant to emphasize the impact

Information Technology may have on European cities as documented within the 1998

Charter. In the topic headed ‘The Information Society’, future trends are prophesized by

looking at the revolution in information technology and electronic communications, and

the effect it is presently having on city’s functions: “…changes may be expected to

V-37

reduce the overall need to travel, to change the nature of the workplace, and to enhance

the capability of citizens to obtain information quickly and to communicate effectively…

…In terms of land use, the most radical effect may be to eliminate the need for large

scale offices and industrial structures, thus reducing the demands for space in cities…”

This section also highlights the negative effects that could be apparent within an

Information Technology revolution. A safeguard against social isolation may be relevant

because of the inherent division between information-rich and information-poor.

According to the 2003 Charter, optimizing efficiency of the knowledge-based economy

may result in more spare time for citizens, thus, “new types of economic activity may

result in less pollution, vibrant city centres, landscape enhancement, and more

biodiversity in the urban fringe and surrounding rural areas.” The 1998 Charter claims

its connections to that of 1933 Charter, similarities can also be drawn to the philosophy of

the Garden City. Part 1 Section 1.24 identifies the expansion of cities to suburban areas

thus forming networks and can be linked to the Garden City from this statement: “In

many areas, there may be positive advantages in recognising and developing the concept

of city clusters. A community of cities could be created, with each having clear identity

and purpose, linked by good quality mass transit systems.” The main revision to the

Charter of Athens is the relaxed level of involvement from the document. It clearly states

how trends may evolve but depends on the expertise of local planners to summarize a

rapid conclusion. The main issue that is apparent from the original Charter is its

ignorance with regards to shifting trends. The 2003 Charter states ‘the future is built at

every moment of the present through our actions’, a statement that is so true within Will

Alsop’s new approach to designing an entire community on the outskirts of Manchester.

V-38

‘New Islington’ is to replace the existing Cardroom Estate that was developed in the

1970s in the nationwide slum clearance. It is an innovative urban planning project to

unite all the joys of both the Garden City and the ideas of the Athens Charter. Alsop is

famous for his dedication to public sector clients and the development of run down urban

areas. New Islington promises to become one of the special places in the city and its

ingredients form the beginnings of the utopian dream envisioned many years ago. It

evidences the Garden City from its location and connection to the city centre, with the

expansion of both canals and metrolink lines it gives ease of movement to and from the

city centre. Also for the financial support required to make it a success: Ancoats,

Beswick, Openshaw, and Miles Platting have a future thanks to the City Council’s

dedication, the North West Development Agency, the ingenuity and commitment of the

local community and Brussels’ deep pocket as Howard envisioned the self-sufficient city.

The extension of the Rochdale canal creates the curved backbone for its orientation, with

green spaces and buildings branching off like fingers perpendicular to the curve thus

creating mixed use spaces. The mixed community shall be made from existing residents

of the Cardroom Estate and professionals seeking a place of residence close to the city

centre. The dwelling shall be one of the following: private rent, owner occupied, social

rent, or shared ownership. Many amenities shall be introduced to the New Islington

development such as: a primary school and play areas, a health centre with 8 GPs, 2

workshops, a crèche, an angling club and a village hall, a football pitch, 10 new shops, 2

pubs, 2 restaurants, cafés and bars and 3000 metres of canal side. The ten year project

will slowly introduce the 2,600 residents that make up its mixed genre community.

V-39

Conclusion

I have show that many unforeseeable factors contribute to the wider context of urban

planning. These factors range from history, economics, politics, demographics, culture,

sustainability, and social trends. The question of why are our cities are shaped in their

form has inevitably transformed into how – how can we create a sustainable, community-

based environment? Howard’s principles were employed to improve the lives of the

general working-class; he did in fact create an environment that was structured and

promoted self-sufficiency within communities. He opposed the fact that capitalists

controlled the land in which people worked and lived. In contrast, Le Corbusier was

passionate about the function of the industrial city; that the working-class should play a

major role within the overall development of industry. For this reason, I feel the

contributions made by Howard are more sustainable – his vision has proven timeless

because of his sympathetic approach to changing trends; this is because his aims would

let cities develop with the trends that are currently in force with his communities feeding

off the city, however; Le Corbusier’s vision was more economically minded, thus his

ideas are only workable within a certain period in time. As important as industry is to the

world, new developments are shifting industry towards the ‘undeveloped’ regions of the

globe; creating new purposes and trends for the more developed areas.

CIAM was required in the history of architecture to standardize it on a European scale

and to create new forms from the worn-out neo-classical styles that were around

previously. The rigid orthodoxy of CIAM was its downfall however; it should have been

prepared to shift with the times as the Modern Movement expected from the Victorian

V-40

traditions; instead CIAM firmly adhered to what it preached and this formed an internal

divide between the original members and the younger generation (no doubt for the better

in a wider context). It has been proven on numerous occasions throughout Chapter III

that dwellings to house working-class people did not work in Britain. From an

architectural point-of-view such buildings were triumphant, but when viewed from the

publics’ perspective they were branded as either ugly or unsympathetic. I couldn’t agree

more with Ernö Goldfinger’s comments blaming the people that lived within Trellick

Tower; although an approach like that of Will Alsop’s New Islington could well have

been the turning point the Modern Movement needed within the 1960s and 1970s.

Mixed community developments are an attractive alternative to the methods previously

employed; segregating classes seemed to be the answer but only kept the anti-social

behaviour from the safe environment of the privileged classes. The success of a mixed

community development would enrich spirit within the community; as Jane Jacobs’s

theory of ‘the public peace’ describes the policing of streets from the community itself

would play a vital part in the behaviour of citizens. The failure of New Islington may not

be as tragic as one expects; the more privileged classes would eventually find a more

pleasant environment to live in and New Islington would become yet another generic

social housing scheme (where it’s residents do not choose to live, they are simply located

here) that are now so common to the British public. The support and financial backing

that has been generated for the New Islington development is of great importance as we

have seen with projects such as the Lawn Road Flats. What the government must

recognise is that under funding will only escalate the problems; if the government were to

V-41

let New Islington reach the stage that the privileged classes were seeking housing

elsewhere, more monies should be made readily available to stop the decline as it would

result in a failed community, and the prospect that the new development that receives

New Islington’s funds could end up in the same state.

V-42

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