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Transcript of The Fragmented Theories of Nationalism and the Concept New of Defragmentation_Saed Kakei
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The fragmented theories of nationalism and the new concept of defragmentation
By: Saed Kakei, Ph.D. Student,
Theories of Ethnicity and Nationalism
Professor Dustin Berna, Ph.D.
Nova Southeastern University
Department of Conflict Analysis & Resolution PhD Program
June 20, 2012
The fragmented theories of nationalism and the new concept of defragmentation
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Introduction
During the last two hundred years that followed the fall of the Bastille in 1789 and ended with the
fall of Berlin Wall in 1989, two sociopolitical phenomena have profoundly altered the nature of
human actions like never before in history. Each of these two phenomenacommonly referred to
as the principles of national self-determination and sovereignty is correspondingly occupying
one side of a political coin generally known as nationalism with which a human populations claim
to a territorial ownership is fundamentally valued. Yet, to provide a thorough understanding of
nationalism and its impacts on our contemporary institutions, this paper begins with descriptivedifferences and the similarities between the doctrines of national self-determination and
sovereignty on the one hand, and their sequential repelling which formulates the sentimental sense
of nationalism on the other hand. Then, a comparative analysis of some of the predominant
definitions of nationalism will be provided to determine why nationalism, politically and
sentimentally, does not have a comprehensive definition as of yet. The final section of this paper
argues that the modernist concepts of fragmentation and fusion are amongst the significant causes
of promoting nationalism. Therefore, a preliminary concept of Defragmentalism based on the
scientific elements of critical theory will be suggested to solve and reconcile conflicts stemming
from nationalism.
The principles of national self-determination and sovereignty
Before discussing the differences and the similarities between the doctrines of national self-
determination and sovereignty, there is a need to explain the meaning of the word national as
part of the self-determination phrase.
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Just as nationalism has yet to be comprehensively theorized, self-determination, as a
modern political principle, is still lacking a theory of its own. 1 If any, this can be argued among
other political reasons, against the vagueness of international law due to its lack of a generally
competent judiciary, and a powerful executive effect (Janis and Noyes, 2006, p. 1). Also, it has to
be noted that the key normative feature of many international disputes is the tension between
peoples right to national self-determination, the norms of territorial integrity indoctrinated by
rules of sovereignty, and foreign intervention.
According to the international normative theory, there are generally two kinds of
international norms. One is designed to foster order and stability in the system, and the other isconcerning justice. As one international law scholar explains, norms are standards of behavior
defined in terms of rights and obligations (Krasner, 1982, p. 86). These norms of behavior may or
may not be embodied in hard law or soft law. In some cases, the political understanding of a norm
is different from the legal principle. For example, while the UN Charter, in Article 1, paragraph 2,
states that one of the central purposes of the UN is: To develop friendly relations among nations
based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples (Janis and
Noyes, 2006, p. 881), it does not clearly specifies however who these peoples are. This
ambiguity has created two inconsistent interpretations of peoples throughout the academic
discussions. For instance, while Lea Brilmayer asserts that: Ethnicity primarily identifies the
people making the disputed territorial claim (Brilmayer, 1991, p. 178), Vita Gudeleviciute (2005)
finds that present international law does not recognize ethnic and other minorities as separate
peoples. The latter author adds that in cases where people lack representation by a sovereign state,
the unrepresented become a separate people.1 Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan at the University of Rochester have recently developed a macro theory of human motivation and personality termed as Self-determination theory (SDT) which has been elaborated andrefined as the theory of motivation which is mostly applicable to clinical and psychology related social sciences.For more information on this subject, please visit the SDT website at: http://www.selfdeterminationtheory.org/
http://www.selfdeterminationtheory.org/http://www.selfdeterminationtheory.org/ -
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Needless to say more on this, Andrew Hurrell (2007) notes that national self-determination
is a political ideology asserting that the nation can be distinguished from the state, that nations
and states should be coextensive in their boundaries, that every nation should have a state
corresponding to it, and that any state that does not express a nation or national idea is potentially
illegitimate (2007, pp. 125). He goes on to note that: NSD can also be seen as an international
political norm which confers political and moral rights on national groups or on those speaking in
their name and which encourages and legitimizes demands for the redrawing of state boundaries
(2007, pp. 126). It is this essence that motivates mostly involuntary members of a distinct people
or unrepresented nation to conceptualize their political goal for a legitimate national identity inthe form of an ideological nationalism. This formula or phenomenon is often defined in terms of
common historical origin, ethnicity, and/or cultural ties.
To imbalance and ultimately discredit the right of the disenfranchised people to self-
determination, a second phenomenon plays an equal critical role in the development of
nationalism. Often referred to as civic-nationalism, this phenomenon is an approach taking by
previously colonized enfranchised members of a nation-state concerning the unity of their polity
with which their newly constructed statehood identity is preserved or expanded to exercise
complete authority over domestic and international affairs (Miscevic, 2010, p.1). In other words,
they are justifying the violation of their disenfranchised peoples right to self-determination
according to the UN Charter, Article 2, paragraph 4, stating that: All Members shall refrain in
their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any state (Janis and Noyes, 2006, p. 882)
The territorial integrity or political independence of any state often correlated with the
international principle of sovereignty of states designed to protect not only the identity of a nation-
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state, but also to protect the vital economic interests of the colonial powers and their contemporary
successors. Consequently, nationalism is regarded by the disenfranchised people as a crucial
sociopolitical sentiment to achieve and sustain a form of self-determination recognized as a
legitimate national identity. This national identity may include systems such as cultural rights,
autonomy, federated, confederated or even an absolute secession. On the other hand, there is the
politically constructed nationalism used by the enfranchised people as a legitimate philosophy to
strengthen their state sovereignty by suppressing the national identity demands of their
disenfranchised population. This type of nationalism which it may be termed as quasi-
nationalism has many commonalities with patriotism and assimilation.Ironically, while the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, and the International
Court of Justice (ICJ) rulings stipulate that there is no contradiction between the principles of
national self-determination and territorial sovereignty of states, predominantly western realist
theorists argue otherwise. For example, Pavkovic with Radan (2007) provide that the realist theory
of international relations stipulates that territorial sovereignty is more important than national self-
determination. This theory was translated into a pivotal foreign policy pursued by the major
powers during the Cold War era. In fact, it has been adopted by the neorealist theorists and
politicians alike. For example, under the pretext of regional conflict, the United States government
not only has been coercing the Kurds in Iraq not to secede and declare their long overdue state of
Kurdistan, but also helping the Turkish government to deny the Kurds their the most basic self-
determination form to be expressed as recognized cultural rights.
The least outcome of such a coercive foreign policy is the obvious domestic entrenchments
of both the disenfranchised and the enfranchised nationalists creating the ideal ground for enduring
ethnic and well as cultural conflicts. Internationally, however, it will reinforce the realists notion
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of anarchy in which international solidarity not only is seen as polarized but also fragmented where
clusters of extreme nationalists do not hesitate to perpetrate terror on the one hand and acts of
ethnic cleansing and genocide on the other hand. To clarify this point, the existing definitions of
nationalism need to be deconstructed first to so that their fragmented concepts are underlined for
the ultimate defragmentation.
Comparative analysis of theories of nationalism
Generally, nationalism has three separate interpretations. The first one is known as the
primordialist perspective that is based on the evolutionary theory. Among the few universalist
theories of nationalism, the primordialist theorists assume that group identities do exist in all
societies based on blood, race, language, religion, region, and etc. According to Clifford Geertz
(1973), while group identities are ineffable, they are also coercive ties resulting from a long
process of crystallization. In other words, ethnic identity is deeply rooted in the historical
experience of human beings. Geertz elaborates this primordialist position providing three major
concepts for his theory. These concepts state that: primordial identities are natural or given; that
they are ineffable, that is, cannot be explained or analysed by referring to social interaction, but are
coercive; and, that they essentially deal with sentiments or affections. These Greertzian concepts
seem to exclude the possibility of sociological analysis which examines the origins, changes and
dissolutions of ethnic groups, especially in light of the more modern processes of fusion of ethnic
groups through intermarriage and sociopolitical assimilation.
According to Josep R. Llobera (1999), most of the issues associated with the primordialist
interpretations of nationalism disappear if nationalism is understood in a more malleable, less
biologically-determined, way (Llobera, 1999, p. 4). He furthers that the sociobiological
methodology begins with the assumption that nationalism is the outcome of the extension of kin
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selection to a wider sphere of individuals who are defined in terms of putative or common descent
and that this methodology insists that nationalism combines both rational and irrational elements
that is a primitive mind with modern techniques (1999, p.7).
From a primordialist perspective, nationalism is an expression for diverse realities which
include the assertion of national identity, national pride and a love of country. It can also become a
xenophobic obsession to attain these realities by use of force, especially when in-group
ethnocentrism builds up towards the out-group agitations.
The second interpretation of nationalism to some extent comes from the Instrumentalist
perspective. Theories belonging to this interpretation are essentially referring to ethnicities rather than nations. However, some of their findings are often broadly encompass both ethnies and
nations. Unlike the primordialist theories of nationalism which predominantly consider ethnic
groups as the grand base of nationalism that has a deep history, instrumentalists believe otherwise.
Although they regard ethnic identity as flexible and variable, instrumentalists assume that ethnicity
is the result of economic and sociopolitical processes during which an ethnic groups content and
boundaries change according to the given circumstances. Also, unlike the primordialists who
consider individuals as extensions of kinship holding the ethnic group together, instrumentalists
contend this arguing that individuals not only they are not assigned permanently to an ethnic
group, but they can be members of more than one at the same time. To this effect, Llobera asserts
that some instrumentalists claim that ethnic membership is simply a ploy to promote economic
interests, and that individuals are ready to change group membership if that suits their sense of
security or their economic interests (1999, p.8). It is worth mentioning that some instrumentalist
authors such as Michael Banton (1983) and Michael Hechter (1988) pay significant attentions to
the role played by individual inclinations in ethnic affiliation. Both do base their arguments on two
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assumptions: one is that individuals act to maximize their personal gains and benefits; and, their
second assumption stipulates that current actions confine future choices.
The third yet most common interpretation of nationalism is that of the modernist
perspective which has a variety of typologies each reflecting one or multiple guises. However, for
all intents and purposes of this paper, only three major types of theories will be covered and they
include theories stemming from socio-cultural, economics, and socio-political backgrounds. But,
before going further, it has to be emphasized in general terms that almost all modernist theories of
nationalism maintain that nationalism has emerged as a consequence for the gradual transition of
the agrarian social communities into modern societies. Most of these theories, as mentioned here,focus specifically on the expansion of industrialization highlighting conditions or factors such as
economics, social, political, and cultural functionalities related to it, as the primary cause for the
progress of nationalism. Other theorists like John Armstrong and Anthony D. Smith contend that
nationalism was and still is a sentiment held by pre-industrialized nations and that there is
continuity between the old and the modern nations.
From the socio-communication perspective, Karl Deutschs pioneering study of
Nationalism and Social Communication (1953; 1969) emphasizes the centrality of communication
in the making of national communities. Deutsch explains that the functional definition of
nationality consists in the ability to communicate effectively, and over a wider range of subjects,
with members of one large groups more than with outsiders (Deutsch, 1969, p. 97). Deutschs
view point echoes loudly in Benedict Andersons Imagined Communitie s (2006). Among other
things, Anderson pays significant attentions to the issue of social communication. He defines the
nation in its early modern period as an imagined political community and imagined as both
inherently limited and sovereign (Anderson, 2006, p. 6). His argument about the origins of
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nationalism led him to focus on the tremendous impact of print capitalism. Anderson asserts that
"what, in a positive sense, made the new communities imaginable was a half-fortuitous, but
explosive, interaction between a system of production and productive relations (capitalism), a
technology of communications (print), and the fatality of human linguistic diversity" (2006, pp. 42-
3). He concludes his argument saying that the convergence of capitalism and print technology on
the fatal diversity of human language created the possibility of a new form of imagined
community, which in its basic morphology set the stage for the modern nation (2006, p. 46).
However, neither Deutsch nor Anderson was able to provide us with a comprehensive
understanding of nationalism. Although communication is considered as one of the significantfactors of human interactions, it is by no means has anything to do with how the members of a
community feel about their collective identity.
From the modernist economic perspective, Michael Hechters Internal Colonialism (1975)
provides us with his theory of cultural division of labour existing between the core and the
periphery. Hechter argues that the United Kingdom (UK), as a former colonizer, has developed a
system of stratification by means of which the dominant group at the core was in a position to
monopolize social positions, which had high prestige in the society, while the members of the
peripheral cultures were assigned social roles which were considered inferior (Llobera, 1999, p.
14). The more industrialization advanced in its uneven way, the deeper differences became more
emphasized, thereby leading the way for the emergence of ethno-nationalism as an apparent
response to a situation of dependence and exploitation. Although Hechter has amended his theory
several times, it was obvious from the start that it was overwhelmed with conspicuous anomalies.
Anthony D. Smith believes that Hechters theory is still "flawed by its reductionist assumptions
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that cultural cleavages and ethnic sentiments can be wholly derived from purely economic and
spatial characteristics" (Smith, 1983, p. XVI).
At this time, Ernst Gellner theory of nationalism came to light by the 1983 publication of
his seminal work known as Nations and Nationalism. From the start of the first page of his book,
Gellner begins defining nationalism as primarily a political principle, which holds that the
political and the national unit should be congruent (Gellner, 1994, p. 1). From thereon,
he maintains that nationalism is the inescapable consequence of an industrial society which
requires a mobile division of labour (1994, p. 34). In such a situation, Gellner tells his readers
that an individual becomes a nationalist not out of voluntary acceptance of shared values, but because of the structural requirements of modern industrialized societies. Consequently, the
structural requirements become social conditions enforced through high cultural social relations,
media and the public discourse, and other administrative requirements. In other words, Gellners
essential concept insists that nations are and should be invented. As provided earlier, however,
Anthony D. Smith does not deny the modern character of nations and nationalism, but he remarks
that "we find in premodern eras, even in the ancient world, striking parallels to the modern idea
of national identity [...] and we find movements that appear to resemble modern nationalism"
(Smith, 1986, p. 11).
Last, but not least, from the modernist socio-political perspective, John Breuilly and
Anthony Giddens are two prominent authors focusing on role of the modern state in spreading
nationalism. In his Nationalism and the State (1993), Breuilly defines nationalism as reference to
political movements seeking or exercising state power and justifying such actions with nationalist
arguments (Breuilly, 1993, p. 3). However, while he accepts the existence of nations and national
sentiments in medieval Europe, he denies the existence of nationalism in pre-industrial period.
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Like the previously discussed modernists here, Breuilly confines nationalism to the modern era and
considers it as an effect of the modern states progression within the new international system. As
for Giddens, he defines nationalism in the first of the two volumes of his A Contemporary Critique
of Historical Materialism (1981; 1985) as "the existence of symbols and beliefs which are either
propagated by elite groups, or held by many of the members of regional, ethnic, or linguistic
categories of a population and which imply a community between them" (Giddens, 1981, pp. 190-
91). From Giddens perspective, nationalism is associated with class domination in which the
irregular development of capitalism heavily impacts the "origins of oppositional nationalism"
(1985, p. 220).From the above summary of the modernist theories, it seems that, in general terms,
nationalism develops in societies associated with the industrialization capable of self-sustaining a
society with a central authority proficient to maintaining order and unity with a centralized
language(s) understood by a community of people (Conversi, 2000, p. 102). However, the
assumption that nations and nationalism emerge because of the irregular development of
industrialism cannot be established as a general proposition for two reasons. Frist, as Smith (1986)
asserts, nations precede nationalism. Second, the functional economic interpretations of
nationalism as claimed by Hechter (1975) and Gellner (1983) cannot be accepted as solid concepts;
and, therefore, they lack the needed generality for theory of nationalism.
Defragmenting the fragmented theories of nationalism
The comparative analysis of definitions of nationalism conducted above indicates a great
deal of fragmented knowledge about nations and nationalism. Each theorist has put forth a concept
fitting the guise which he or she is influenced by. The simplifications of the universalist theories
based on evolutionary perspectives seem to exclude the sociological analysis needed to examine
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the origins, changes, and dissolutions of ethnic groups, especially in light of modern processes of
ethnicities fusions through intermarriage and sociopolitical assimilation. The instrumentalist
interpretations are not adequate to deal with issues related to nations and nationalism. As for the
modernist interpretations of nationalism, they are mostly socio-communicational generalities,
narrow economically driven functionalist theories, or broadly sociopolitical concepts trying to
make sense of nationalism. As a result, one might ask: So, what should we do about them? A
simple postmodernist answer would be to have them all be deconstructed.
Well, despite all the positive promises of postmodernism, its deconstruction methodology
offer no valid answer for the extensive fragmentation of knowledge on nationalism. There existmore than five hundred textbooks and thousands of scholarly constructed texts attempting to
theorise nationalism, yet, as argued in this paper, none has been recognized as a comprehensive
theory of nationalism. Paradoxically, within this mess of fragmentation, there are at least two
forms of misconceptions regarding the nature of nationalism: an awakened beauty on the one hand,
and a blood-shedding beast on the other. Hypothetically, each one of these misconceptions can be
viewed as an unstable or Not Responding software application containing multiple files with
various sizes on a computer system. In such a scenario, the first thing we need to do would be to
close the application and re-run it later. If the problem persists, we assume that the application
requires a critical attention. Then, we run a diagnostic application on the computer to figure out the
problem. Sure enough, if there are no major security issues and system vulnerabilities, our
computer prompts us to defragment the fragmented drive that hosts virtually all of our files and
applications.
Fragmentation can occur when we need to store a very big file to the empty spaces on a
computer drive. It can also occur when we update an older file with more information that accede
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the space on the disk which the older file already occupies. Therefore, to process our command as
expected, the file system within the operating system quickly calculates our new information
against the available spaces on the disk. During this very fast process; and, if the intended data for
storing does not accede the overall empty spaces, then the file system breaks our data into smaller
chunks known as clusters to accommodate our data. The breaking of the data is called
fragmentation.
To put this positivist reality into a humanistic perspective, we need to contemplate
modernism to be similar to that of the file system. As humans, everything we do produces
information relative to the quality (good or bad) and the quantity (large/small) of any previousinformation. Once validated by respected authorities, the final information becomes knowledge
available for others to access. This process has been the norm ever since the beginning of the
enlightenment period.
As we entered the modern era, the amount of knowledge readily available for our operating
system, that is to say our brains, to process was astronomical in volume. Undoubtedly, because of
the very fast paced production of knowledge associated with the industrialization and the rapid
urbanization of societies, modernism, as our filing system, was and still is overloaded with tasks of
accommodating knowledge so fast that it left with no options but to fragment any new added
knowledge, especially with the onset of the twentieth century. This fragmentation not only
hastened the spread of nationalism all over the world, but also helped the realiststhose with an
international relations paradigmto argue for proving that violence, ethnocentrism, and
competition are features of the human natural, thus the need for finding actual responses to these
realities seriously required.
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Needless to say more, our modern history witnessed catastrophic devastations of at least
two major world wars associated with sentiments of nationalism in the twentieth century. More
recently, intrastate conflicts around the world point to the direction where the instability is closely
associated with nationalism. This leads us to define nationalism as an aggressive
offensive/defensive political philosophy that intends to attain and maintain the national interests of
the politically active nations in both state and non-state formations. Therefore, we have an urgent
need to resolve the instability caused by nationalism. To do this, we may need to start with
knowledge defragmentation, that is, the process of rearranging the scattered knowledge on
nationalism through a harmonious fusion. In the process, clusters of the so-called civic-nationalism should clearly be separated from other juxtaposed variations such as ethnic-
nationalism, ultra-nationalism, and pan-nationalism simply because of civic-nationalisms
strong incompatibility issues with nationalism. In fact, similar to religious-nationalism, civic-
nationalism has more commonalities with patriotism and assimilation than it does with the other
kinship based forms of nationalism. These anomalies may thoroughly be analyzed in a different
paper. However, for the purpose of this paper, defragmentation needs to be performed only for
kinship based nationalism. In other words, nationalism needs to be directly connected to the term
nation 2 which is bond by norms of kinship, language, and a shared history linked to a particular
territorial area.
Conclusion
This paper has argued that nationalism is the results of two sociopolitical phenomena
commonly referred to as the principles of national self-determination and sovereignty. As
2 According to Douglas Harpers online etymology dictionary (2012), the term nation came to English from the OldFrench word nacion , which in turn originated from the Latin term nationem (nom. natio ) meaning a nation, race, or stock.
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discussed in details, these phenomena are associated with modernism. The comparative analysis of
the three variable interpretations of nationalism (e.g. the primordialist perspective, the
instrumentalist perspective, and the modernist perspective) provided that the existing theories of
nationalism are inconclusive. One possible cause for this inconclusiveness is fragmented
knowledge on nationalism. Therefore, based on available positivist knowledge, defragmentation
may be the answer not only to rearrange the scattered knowledge on nationalism through a
harmonious fusion, but to solve the fragmented kinship base nationalism which it has been proving
to be a primary source for instability around the world.
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