THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLICE DETECTIVE …dspace.spu.ac.th/bitstream/123456789/1798/7/07.pdfThis...

ปีที่10ฉบับที่1เดือนมกราคม–มิถุนายน255375

ABSTRACT ThispaperexploresthedevelopmentofthedetectiveunitofthepoliceinSiamduringthereignofKing

Chulalongkornuptotheendof1932.Usingarchivalsourcesandrelevantsecondarysourcematerial,thispaperargues

thatpolicedetectives,whowereinitiallyemployedbythegovernmenttoinvestigateincidentsofbanditryandother

‘ordinary’crimeduringthe1880s,quicklybecameapoliticalintelligenceunitessentialtothecentralizationeffortsofthe

governmentsofbothKingChulalongkornandKingVajiravudh.Thistransformationtookplaceinlargepartbecauseof

thethreatofuncontrolledinformation,includingespeciallyrumors,whichproliferatedthroughoutthekingdomduringthat

period.Inthislight,itisthereforepossibletothinkofthegovernment’scentralizationeffortsunderKingsChulalongkorn

andVajiravudhthroughthelensofknowledgecreationandcontrolinadditiontothemoreconventionallensesof

modernizationandwesternization.

KEYWORDS:Politicalintelligence,Investigation,Detective,Rumor

บทคัดย่อ บทความนี้มีจุดประสงค์เพื่ออธิบายการจัดตั้งและความเปลี่ยนแปลงใน “กองนักสืบ” ของกรมตำารวจ ตั้งแต่รัชสมัยพระบาท

สมเด็จพระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัวถึงประมานสิ่นปี พ.ศ.2475 โดยใช้ข้อมูลจดหมายเหตุที่เก็บไว้ ณ หอจดหมายเหตุแห่งชาติ ตลอด

จนบทความหนังสือซึ่งตีพิมพ์แล้วและวิทยานิพนธ์ต่างๆบทความนี้เสนอว่ารัฐบาลตั้งกองนักสืบเพื่อควบคุมอาชญากรรมธรรมดาเช่น

โจรกรรมและอึ่นๆในช่วงทศวรรษพ.ศ.2430แต่ต่อมากองนักสืบเหล่านี้ได้กลายเป็นหน่วยงานสืบความเคลื่อนไหวทางการเมืองซึ่งพูด

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLICE DETECTIVE UNIT IN SIAM DURING THE KING CHULALONGKORN’S REIGN TO THE END OF 1932

การพัฒนาการของกองนักสืบของกรมตำารวจในสยามตั้งแต่รัชสมัยพระบาทสมเด็จพระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัวถึงสิ้นปีพ.ศ.2475

Samson Lim

Ph.D.Candidate

CornellUniversity,Ithaca,NewYork

E-mail:[email protected]

76 ศรีปทุมปริทัศน์ฉบับมนุษยศาสตร์และสังคมศาสตร์

ได้ว่าการจัดตั้งหน่วยงานด้านการสืบสวนนี้เป็นสิ่งหนึ่งที่สำาคัญมากในการปรับปรุงระบบการปกครองในรัชกาลที่5และรัชกาลที่6การ

เปลี่ยนแปลงหน้าที่ของกองนักสืบนี้เกิดขึ้นเพราะความอันตรายจากความรู้และข่าวลือต่างๆ ซึ่งมีอยู่แพร่หลายอยู่ทั่วราชอาณาจักรใน

สมัยนั้น เพราะฉะนั้นการปรับปรุงระบบการปกครองในรัชกาลที่5 และ รัชกาลที่6 เข้าใจได้ในทางด้านการสร้างและควบคุมความรู้

เท่าที่ใช้ความคิดทางด้านmodernizationและwesternization

คำาสำาคัญ :ความเคลื่อนไหวทางการเมืองการสืบสวนนักสืบข่าวลือ

PurposeThis paper outlines the development of the

investigativearmoftheThaipoliceforcetodemonstratehow

informationaboutcrimeandcriminalschangedfromanoral

topaper-basedmodeofproductionbetweenthereignof

KingChulalongkornandthe1930s.Indoingso,thispaper

aimstorecastthediscussionoftheadministrativereformsthat

beganinthelaterpartofthenineteenthcenturyintermsof

‘knowledgeproduction.’

Todate,moststudiesoftheadministrativereforms

initiatedduringKingChulalongkorn’sreignhavebeenframed

intermsofmodernizationorasastrategyagainstthethreat

ofcolonializationfromBritainandFrance.1Ratherthansimply

aquestionofexternallydrivenwesternization,modernization,

or even auto-colonialization, however, the administrative

changes that occurred in the late nineteenth and early

twentiethcenturiesmayalsobeviewedashavingdomestic

determinants, namely high crime rates and uncontrolled,

unsanctionedinformationsuchasrumorsandgossip.

In fact, from a reading of archival documents

itbecomesclear that the issuesofcrimedetectionand

intelligencegatheringwerenotonly‘discursively’connected,

theywereviewedasgrave threats to Bangkok’s ruleby

governmentofficials.Sowhileexternalpressurewasindeeda

criticalfactorinspurringchange,thispaperaimstobroaden

discussionsofThaihistorybyfocusingattentiononchanges

inthewaystateagentssoughttocontrolinformationand

produceknowledge.

Methodology Thisisahistoricalstudybasedondatacollectedfrom

primarysourcedocumentslocatedattheNationalArchives

ofThailand.Italsousesdatafromrelevantsecondarysources

includingunpublishedmaster’sdegreethesesfromuniversities

inBangkokandarticlesandbooksinbothThaiandEnglish.

Theperiodofstudycoveredinthispaperbeginsinthelate

nineteenthcenturyandendsjustaftertherevolutionof1932.

In analyzing these documents, this paper draws

onideasaboutinformationdisseminationandintelligence

gatheringfromChristopherBayly’sEmpireandInformation

(2000)andFoucault’sideasaboutknowledge,power,and

discourse(seeforexampleOrderofThings:2001).However,

thisisnota‘discursivestudy’perse.Itisadescriptionofhow

knowledgeproductioninThaisocietyhaschangedovertime

andananalysisofthestrategiesofstateagentsforcontrolling

1BooksasdiverseasDavidWyatt’sclassicThailand: A Short

HistoryandmorerecentcriticalhistoriessuchasMaurizio

Pellegi’sLords of Things,amongothers,followanunspoken

‘masternarrative’ofThaihistoricaldevelopmentwhichinevi-

tablyframetheperiodasoneofmodernizationoraquest

for‘modernity.’ThongchaiWinichakul’sSiam Mapped,isthe

onlyhistoricalstudytodatethatexamineschangesinthe

formof‘knowledge’(ofgeography)duringtheperiod.The

spurtoepistemologicalchangeinhisaccountisanexternal

threat(thatoftheFrench).Thisstudy,however,emphasizes

internalfactorsforepistemologicalchange.


information.Thefocusoftheanalysisisoneverydaypractices

–whatpeopleactuallydowhentheyaresaidtoproduce

knowledge.2Thequestionsthispaperasks include: “What

werepolicedetectivesactuallydoingastheyinvestigated

crimes,” “Whatdiditmeanforthepolice,inpractice,to

modernize,”and“Whateffectsdidthesepracticeshaveon

thewaystateagentsthoughtaboutcrime?”

Background: Crime and RumorsSiamesesocietyinthelatenineteenthcenturymay

becharacterizedbroadlyasonedominatedbytwothings

–rumors(aboutpolitics,localaffairs,economics,wars,etc.)

andcrime.

Informal Networks of Information3

Siam in the middle of the nineteenth and the

beginningofthetwentiethcenturieswasaplaceinwhich

public information was created and circulated primarily

throughinformalnetworkssuchasthosethatmaterializedat

marketplaces,templefairs,drinkinghouses,gamblingparlors,

andbrothels.Thepeoplecreatingandpassingoninformation

intheselocationswere ‘ordinary’peopleincludingtraders

andmerchants,fortunetellers,wanderingascetics,laborers,

prostitutes, andgangsters aswell as government officials

andlocalleaders.Informationininformalnetworkslikethese

generallytookshapeasgossip,rumor, ‘urbanlegend’,or

otherformsofunwritten,unpublishedchatter.Thissituation,

ofcourse,wasatypical for the time; information inmost

societies in the region was created and transmitted by

informalnetworkspartlybecausethetechnologicalmeans

foraformal,centralizedcommunicationsapparatuswasnot

available.

Thepointhere is that forastate in theprocess

ofcentralizationuncontrolled informationposeda serious

problem that had to be addressed. Historian Chalong

Soontravanich,forexample,notesthatanumberofroyal

decreeswereissuedasearlyasthefourthreignthaturged

peopletodisregardunverifiedstoriescirculatingthekingdom

about issues as varied as impending natural disasters,

marketcrashes,revolts,andwarswithneighboringcountries

(Chalong,1988:49-50).Thedecreesindicatethatnotonly

wererumorsprevalent,theywereindeedseenasdangerous

enoughforofficialstotakethemveryseriously.

CrimeTheotherdominantaspectoflifeatthattimewas

crime. Newspapers and government documents indicate

thatdailylifethroughoutthekingdom,bothinBangkokand

in theprovinces,was rifewithbanditry, robbery,assaults,

illegalgambling,andmurder.Statisticsoncrime,whichthe

governmentkeptbeginninginthelate19thcentury,show

extremelyhighnumbersofarmed robberiesandmurders

around the end of King Chulalongkorn’s reign. A police

reportfromthetimeshowsasharpincreaseinthenumberof

criminalcasesbetween1910and1916.Ofthese,thenumber

ofmurdersincreasedtwiceasfastasothercrimes.There

were,forexample,496murdersin1910and1,124in1916.The

totalforthesix-yearperiodwas6,280(NAR6N4.1/125).One

2SeeBrunoLatour’s Science in Action(1988),inwhichhe

demystifies thescientific factmakingprocessby focusing

on what scientists actually do on a day- to-day basis.

AnneliseRiles’introductioninDocuments: Artifacts of Modern

Knowledge (2006)providesagoodoverviewofwhatan

approach focused on ‘epistemological practices’ entails.

Epistemologicalpracticeherereferstotheactionscarriedout

byvariousprofessionalsastheyworksuchastakingphotos,

writingreports,andcompilingstatisticaltables.

3Theterm‘informalnetworkofinformation’isderivedfrom

ChristopherBayly’sEmpire and Information(2000).Itrefersto

thecreationofinformationbynon-officialactorsincluding

merchants,traders,prostitutes,soothsayers,andothersandits

transmissionthroughad-hocnetworks.


policeofficerworkinginBangkokin1906describedtheperiod

bysaying:“Rarelyanightpassedinwhichwe[thepolice]

hadnottoturnouttokeeporder.TheflooroftheBangkok

[Police]Stationwasoftencoveredwithblood.Peoplecarried

knivesandswordsasamatterofcourse…”(Forty,1967:6).

Newspapers, including SiamRatsadon, Sri Krung, Bangkok

Times,KrungthepDailyMail,andothers,alsoattesttothehigh

levelofcrimeinthekingdom,aseachdaytheirpageswere

filledwithreportsaboutdacoity,brawls,andotherviolence.4

Intelligence Gathering before Reform

In responsetothesetwointerrelatedthreats, the

governmentinBangkokbeganinthe1880stolookfornew

waystocontrolpublicinformationandsuppresscrime.As

indicatedearlier,thegovernmentofKingMongkutattempted

todothisbyissuingdecreesexplainingthe ‘truth’behind

falseandpotentiallydamaginginformation(seeChalong:

2538[1988],above).Thesedecrees,however,oftendidlittle

goodasrumorsandotherformsofinformal,unsanctioned

informationcontinuedtofloatfreelythroughoutthekingdom.

Alternatively,governmentsundervariousreignssince

ancienttimeshavetriedtotapintovariousinformalnetworks

andtheinformationtheycontained.Todothis,theyrelied

primarilyonsemi-organizedbodiesofsecretinformantswho

couldfanoutintothekingdomtogather‘intelligence’from

locals.Theseinformantsweresometimesagentsofthestate

andsometimeslocalsactingasspiesforthegovernment.In

Thaithetermusedforthesepeoplewassailap(สายลับ).

Theuseofsecretinformants,despitebeingemployed

throughoutmuchofhistory,wasneverreallystandardized

anddependedontheprowessandcooperationof local

leaderssuchaskamnan(DistrictHead/กำานัน)andphuyaiban

(VillageHead/ผู้ใหญ่บ้าน).Theselocalleadersinturnrelied

ontheirconnectionswithpeoplelivingwithintheirareasof

responsibilityincludingmerchants,patronsofbarsandopium

dens,bandits,andnakleng(LocalTough|นักเลง).Inother

words,informantswereoftenpartoftheinformalnetworks

that the government sought to gain control over. The

kingdom’spolice,includingboththekongtrawaen(Policein

Bangkok|กองตระเวน),establishedin1860,andthetamruat

phuthon(ProvincialGendarmerie/ตำารวจภูธร),establishedin

1897,alsoreliedoncivilianinformantsincludingnaklengand

knowncriminals.SincethetimeofKingMongkut,forexample,

civilianinformantsandquasi-professionaltamruatmut(Secret

Police/ตำารวจมืด)wereemployedinBangkokandsomekey

provincialtownstogatherinformationaboutChinesesecret

societiesandtoinfiltratethenumerousbanditgangsroaming

thecountryside,bothofwhichweregrowinginnumberand

inambition.Unfortunatelyforgovernmentofficialsandlater

thepolice,theuseofcivilianinformantsprovedwasoften

unreliableand local leaders, sometimescooperatingwith

bandits,couldbecomeathreattocentralpower if their

following,andthusinformationbase,grewtoolarge.

Whentryingtogetinformationaboutneighboring

countries,thegovernmentalsoemployedsecretinformants.

OneexampleofthisisthekongMon(MonIntelligenceUnit/

กองมอญ),whoseprimarypurposewastomonitortheactivities

oftheBurmesearmyintheborderregionsbetweenthetwo

countries.Theuseofaparticularethnicgroup,suchasthe

4Therecausesofhighcrimeratesareoutsidethescopeof

thisshortpaper.However,severalcontributingfactorshave

beensuggestedelsewhere.First,thegradualendofboththe

slaveandcorveelaborsystemsunderKingChulalongkorn

hasbeencitedashavingsentafloodofunemployedmen

intoarapidlychangingeconomicsituationforwhichthey

wereunprepared.Second,significantincreasesinChinese

immigrationledtoanincreaseintheactivityofsecretsocieties,

whichthenfomentedunrestamongtheChinesepopulation

throughoutthekingdom.Third,ithasbeensuggestedthat

a‘cultureofbanditry’existedinruralareas.Dacoityinthis

culturewasnotviewedasacrime,butasanaturalpartof

society.Thereisevidencethatvillageleadersevensupported

banditsorparticipatedinrobberiesinsomeareas.


Mon,asinformantsbeganasearlyasthereignofKingNarai.

TheMon,whosepopulationwasrelativelylargeinborder

areas,wereenlistedspecificallybecausetheycouldtravelto

andfromBurmaandtapintoexistingnetworksofinformation

therewithoutattractingundueattentionfromtheBurmese

authorities(Thawisak,2520[1987]:26).

ThekongMonwaseventuallydisbandedunderKing

ChulalongkornbecausethethreatofwarwiththeBurmese

was relatively lowby the1880s. Inaddition, thecostsof

keepingtheunitoperationalbecametooexpensive.Assuch,

thekongMonwasdissolvedandtheMoninformantswere

transferredtoregularpolicepostsinthekongtrawaenafter

1892(NAR5-6(PL):20-21).

Administrative Reform and Detection Theuseofsecretinformants,assuggestedabove,

wasnotintendedtoeliminateorcontroltheproblemofrumors.

Infact,secretinformantswerepartoftheinformalnetworks

thatcreatedrumorsinthefirstplace.Thegovernmentwas

itself,then,justonepartofalargernetworkofinformation.

Asthekingdommovedtowardstheturnofthenineteenth

century,however,incidentsofcrimeincreaseddramatically,

makingthetaskofgatheringinformationevenmorecritical.

Thecentralgovernment,frustratedwiththeinabilityoflocal

officialstoensurepeaceandsafety,thusbegantolookfor

alternativemethodsforcollectingintelligence.Onestrategy

wastocreateanorganized ‘detective’unitwiththesole

responsibility of collecting information about crime. The

followingsubsectionsoutlinethedevelopmentofthisunit.

KongSortNaem(DetectiveUnit/กองสอดแนม)Inthe1890s,aneffortwasmadetostandardize

andincreasetheefficacyofthegovernment’sinformation

gatheringabilitiesthroughthecreationofaformalpolice

detective unit called the kong sort naem. This unit was

proposedbyA.J.A.Jardine,theBritishInspectorGeneralof

PoliceonloantoSiamfromBritishBurma,in1890aspart

ofthegeneralrestructuringofthekongtrawaenunderKing

Chulalongkorn.Thepurposeofestablishingakongsortnaem

wastocreateamorereliablesourceofinformationthanlocal

villageheadsanddistrictlevelofficials,whowereoftenin

cahootswithlocalbandits(seePhirasak,2551[2008]).Itwas

alsoanefforttofreethestatefromrelyingongangstersand

criminalsforinformation.

Inthebeginning,Jardinewantedoneortwoofficers

fromthekongsortnaemlocatedineachtambon(District/

ตำาบล)toactasalocalinformant.Forthisunit,officerswho

showedagoodunderstandingoftherulesandregulations

ofthepoliceandwhowerebelievedtobetrustworthyand

reliablewerechosenfromthekongtrawaentoworkinthe

kongsortnaem,whichwasputunderthecommandofthe

kromkongtaisuanthot luang(MajorCrimeInvestigation

Department/กรมกองไต่สวนโทษหลวง)(NAR5N8.1/1).The

officerwouldreporttoeitherthelocalnaiamphur(District

Leader / นายอำาเภอ) or phon trawaen (Policeman / พล

ตระเวน)andwouldreceiveasalaryofbetween15-20baht

permonth(NAR5N8.1/1).Theunitstartedoffsmall,as

Jardine’splanwasimplementedonlyonatrialbasisand

inafewtamboninBangkok.Overtime,theprogramwas

expanded to other tambon in Bangkok andbecame its

owndepartment.Becauseitwasdifficulttotellwhowas

anauthorizedinformantofthegovernmentandwhowasa

criminal,officerscarryingoutundercoverdutieswereissued

adocumentwithanofficialstatesealandthesignatureof

thechiefofficerofthekongtrawaentoprovetheiridentityif

necessary(NAR5N8.1/47).

In1899,Jardineaskedforpermissiontoexpandthe

kongsortnaemandhaveitplacedunderhisdirectcontrol.

Thissuggestionwasnotapprovedbecauseitwasfeltthat

theunitwasnotshowinganypositiveresults(NAR5N8.2ก/

6).Themainprobleminsettingupaninvestigativepolice

unitwas thedifficulty in finding trustworthyandcapable


men.Despitetheproblemsfacedbythedetectiveunit,the

kongsortnaemdidcontinuetooperate.However,theydid

lessinvestigativeworkastheirdutiesshiftedtoincludethe

registrationofChinesesecretsocietymembers,prostitutes,

andpawnshops(Thawisak,2521[1987]:267).

KongPhiset(SpecialBranch/กองพิเศษ)In1902,afterJardinereturnedtoIndiaattheendof

histerminSiam,EricSt.JohnLawson,anotherBritishpolice

officerfromBritishBurma,tookoverastheheadofthekong

trawaen. Lawson held thepost for twelve years, “during

whichtimemany improvements,extensions,andchanges

were made. Among the more important of them was

foundingoftheSpecialBranch,aninstitutionverymuchof

thenatureoftheLondonCriminalInvestigationDepartment,

theintroductionofthesystemofidentificationbyfingerprints,

andtheopeningofschoolsforthetrainingofbothofficers

andmen.HealsopublishedapolicemanualinSiameseand

English,whichfilledalong-feltwant”(Forty,1967:34).

LawsonfeltthatthisnewSpecialBranch,adetective

unitalongthelinesofthatfoundatNewScotlandYardin

England, was critical to fighting crime because it was

necessarytohavegoodinformation.Togetitthepolicehad

tobeabletotapintotheinformalnetworksofinformation

thatranthroughoutthekingdom.

Lawson’s proposal for the kong phiset was

approvedon10May1902.Theunit’sresponsibilitiesincluded

investigation, especially in complex or mysterious cases

beyondtheabilityoflocalcivilofficials(e.g.thenaiamphur)

orpolicetosolve.Theunitcouldalsoinvestigateandcompile

reportsforsendingacasetotrial.In1903,Lawsonreported

that the Special Branchwas composed of one assistant

superintendentofpolice,onechiefinspector,sixinspectors,

fourheadconstables,eighteensergeants,andninety-one

constables.Inadditiontotheinvestigationofcomplicated

criminalcases,theSpecialBranchsupervisedtheoperations

ofthepawn-shops,theenforcementofthePawn-brokerslaw,

andthearrestofprofessionalcriminals(NANR5N/102:19).

TamruatPhuban(CriminalInvestigationDivision/ตำารวจภูบาล)

WhiletheSpecialBranchwaspartofthemetropolitan

policeandoperatedmainlyinBangkok,asimilardetective

unitwasproposedfortheprovinces,wherebanditryposed

anincreasinglydifficultanddangerousproblem.In1904,ata

meetingofsuperintendentcommissioners(ข้าหลวงเทศาภิบาล)

undertheMinistryofInterior,aproposaltocreatea‘secret

police’ throughout the provinces was suggested “which

wouldstrengthenthecommuneandvillageelders’effortsto

maintainlawandorderinthecountryside”(Tej,1968:224).This

suggestionwasrejectedonthegroundsthatmenrecruited

tobesecretpolicewouldthemselveslikelybecomethugs

andbandits(Tej,1968:224).5Twoyearslater,PrinceDamrong,

thenMinisterofInterior,authorizedplain-clothespolicemen

thathecalledyokrabattamruatphuthon(provincialpolice

detective/ยกระบัติร์ตำารวจภูธร)tosecretlycollectinformation

on‘thugs,bandits,andreceiversofstolengoods’inmonthon

NakhonChaisi(ThesaphibanJournal,4.22(1908):143).

Thisunitprovedasuccess,leadingPrinceDamrong

toexpandthereachoftheunitbysettingupthetamruat

phubanasasortofcriminalinvestigativeunit(CID)orkrom

naksup(กรมนักสืบ)inSeptember1913(Damrong,2002:62).

Thisunitwasplacedwithinthekromtamruatphuthon,which

wasthenstillseparatefromthemetropolitanconstabulary

operatinginBangkokundertheMinistryofLocalGovernment

(กระทรวงนครบาล).6

Thetamruatphubanwasintendedatfirsttohelp

thetamruatphuthoninvestigatecrimethroughtheuseof

new, ‘scientific’methods.Thisunitoperatedfortwoyears

5Thisfearmayhavestemmedfromthefactthatlocalleaders

includingkamnan,phuyaiban,andpoliceoftencooperated

withbanditstoperpetratecrimes.SeePhirasak(2008).


beforeitwasdisbandedinOctoberof1915aspartofthe

reorganization of the police under the Ministry of Local

Government.Damrongnotedthatpartoftheunit’sfailure

wasbecausetherewerenoqualifiedteacherstoinstruct

officers(Damrong,2002:62).

Despite being disbanded, talk of setting up a

permanentundercoverpoliceunitcontinued. In1918, for

example,theideaofsettingupasecretpolicewithinthe

kromtamruatphuthonandproceduresforareformingthe

police investigationunitweremooted in thedepartment

andwithintheMinistryofLocalAdministration.Inaletterto

theMinisterofLocalGovernmentdated13February1919,

Lawson,whowasexploringthepossibilityofcreatinganew

secretpoliceunitinSiam,describedtheworkingsoftheBritish

secretpoliceasapossiblemodel(NAR6N4.1/2).

Nothinghappenedimmediatelyandtheoldkong

phisetcontinuedtooperate.Then,inthelate1920s,talkof

settingupanewsecretpoliceunitgainedsteam.On16

May1928,a letterfromPrinceBoriphat(สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรม

วงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าบริพัตรสุขุมพันธุ)์, then theMinisterof Interior,

toKingPrajadiphokaskedforapprovaltosetupakong

tamruatphuthonklang(centralinvestigativeunitofprovincial

police/กองตำารวจภูธรกลาง)tohelpcatchbanditsinlocations

throughoutthecountry(NAR7MT11/5).Thereasonputforth

wasthatcrimeduringtheperiodwasextremelyhighand

wasnotlimitedtodistrictboundaries.Areportdated15May

1928byLuangPhrayaPhetinthara(หลวงพระยาเพชร์อินทรา),

forexample,showedthatthenumberofmurdersandarmed

robberiesinthefiveyearsbefore1928was6,734or1,347per

year.Thetotalpopulationatthattime,henoted,wasabout

10,000,000,makingthemurderrate134per1,000,000persons.

Bycomparison,Burmain1924hadapopulationof13million

andonly817casesofmurderandarmedrobbery,orabout

56casesperonemillionpersons.Theprincethusaskedfor

aspecialunit,asortofSiamese‘FBI’,tobeestablishedto

tacklethesehighcrimerates(NAR7M11/5).

TamruatPhubanIIBehind the increased interest in fighting crime,

thegovernmentwasalsoconcernedaboutthenumberof

rumorswithclearpoliticalimplicationscirculatingBangkok.In

theyearsleadinguptotherevolutionof1932,thekingdom

wasawashwithnewsofpotentialcoupsandotherdisasters

(Somphong,2551[2008]:124).Thelocalpapers,whichhad

mushroomed in number over the 1920s, were filled with

editorials and news reports critical of the government’s

handlingofcrimeandwerealsooftencriticalofthemonarchy

(seeforexampleCopeland:1993).Rumorsandavocalpress

coupledwiththeglobaleconomiccrisisofthetimecreateda

realsenseofimpendingdoom.Assuch,thetamruatphuban

wasresuscitatedbyPrinceDamrong,thistimeunderKing

Prajadiphok,sothatin1928,twonewinvestigativeunitsof

police,theaforementionedtamruatphuthonklanganda

newtamruatphuban,werecreated.Thetamruatphuthon

klang,asmentionedabove,hadthepowertoinvestigate

criminalcasesinandoutsideofBangkok,includingissuing

warrantsandmakingsearchesandseizures.

The new tamruat phuban, on the other hand,

hadamandatethatextendedbeyondfighting ‘ordinary’

crimes.Itwasaunitdesignedespeciallytogather,keep,

and disseminate information with political import for the

government. The tamruatphubanwasorganized into six

divisions:thekongwithiyakan(กองวิทยาการ)orthescience

section,thephanaekprathutsakam(แผนกประทุษฐกรรม)or

criminalrecordsdivision,thekongprappram(กองปราบปราม)

orthecrimesuppressiondivision,thekongekasankanmuang

(กองเอกสารการเมือง) or the political documents section,

6Thisministrywasestablishedin1892asawaytofacilitatethe

administrationofBangkok.ItincludedthePortHealthDepart-

ment,theBangkokRevenueDepartment,theDepartment

ofBangkokPolice,andtheSanitationDepartment.Itwas

mergedwiththeMinistryofInteriorunderKingVajiravudh.


the kong ekasan nangsu phim (กองเอกสารหนังสือพิมพ์) or

newspapersection,andthekongthabianphimlainiumu

(กองทะเบียนพิมพ์ลายนิ้วมือ)orfingerprintdivision(Somphong,

2008:125).Thekongekasankanmuang,whichinvestigated

political matters and communists, and the kong ekasan

nangsuphim,whichsiftedthroughnewspapersandother

documentsforpoliticalnews,werethefirstdivisionsofthe

policededicatedsolelytothedetectionofpoliticalcrimes,

signalingaclearchangeinthemissionofthestate’snew

detectives.

Inoneofitsfirst,andperhapsmostcritical,missions,

the reestablished tamruat phuban, under the leadership

of French-trained criminologistMomChaoWongnirachon

Thewakun(หม่อมเจ้า วงศ์นิรชร เทวกุล),sentoutamoleto

investigate rumorsaboutapossiblecoup. Thismolewas

successful inobtaining informationon the identityof the

plot’sleaders.MomChaoWongnirachonThewakunandthe

director-generalofthetamruatphuthonatthetime,Phraya

Athikonprakat (พระยา อธิกรณ์ประกาศ), then notified the

PrinceBoriphat,whoreportedlydidnotbelievethatthecoup

makerscouldsuccessfullypulloftheirplans.Hesubsequently

askedthattheinvestigationbestopped(Somphong,2008:

125-6).On24June1932,therumorsprovedquitetrue.

TamruatSantiban(SpecialBranch|ตำารวจสันติบาล)Soonaftertherevolution,theoldpoliceforcewas

purged of its former leaders and restructured under the

namekromtamruat(policedepartment|กรมตำารวจ)with

onedirector-generalincommand.Thekromtamruatwas

dividedintofourmaindivisions:thekongkamkap(central

command|กองกำากับ)orthecentralcommanddivision,the

tamruatnakhonban(metropolitanpolice|ตำารวจนครบาล)or

‘metropolitanpolice,’thetamruatphuthon,andthetamruat

santiban.Thetamruatsantibanhadthedutytohelpboththe

tamruatnakhonbanandthetamruatphuthon.Thenewkrom

tamruatwasputunderthecontroloftheMinistryofInterior.

The tamruat santibanwas the new investigative

unitcreatedtotakeoverfromthetamruatphuthonklang

andthetamruatphuban,bothofwhichweredissolvedafter

therevolutionandreplacedbythenewtamruatsantiban.

Thetamruatsantiban,locatedatThaTienalongtheChao

PhrayaRiver,consistedoffourunits:thekongsupsuanprap

pram (crime investigation and prevention division | กอง

สืบสวนปราบปราม),whichwasinchargeofcrimeprevention

andinvestigationbothinandoutsideofBangkok,thekong

sup ratchakan lap (secret investigation division | กองสืบ

ราชการลับ),whichkepttabsonpoliticalmatters,thekong

withiyakan(sciencedepartment|กองวิทยาการ),whichwas

responsible for dealing with fingerprints, criminal records,

checking evidence, describingmissing items, and issuing

noticesrelatedtocriminalsuspects,andthekongtamruat

saphasamit (excise tax police | กองตำารวจสรรพสามิต)

(Somphong,2008:127).Likethetamruatphubanthatcame

beforeit,thetamruatsantibanwasthusapoliticalaswellas

acriminalinvestigationunit.Itspurpose,likethatofvarious

detectiveunitsbeforeit,wastotapintotheinformalnetworks

of information throughout the kingdom inanattempt to

harnessandcontrolthepoweroftherumorandgossip.

Reform and KnowledgeWhatwasdifferentbetweenolderdetectiveunits

suchasthekongMonandkongphisetandthemorerecent

tamruat phuban and tamruat santiban? The preceding

outline of responsibilities and organization the respective

detectiveunitshintatseveralkeydifferences.First,inaddition

totheexpansionoftheirmissionfromfightingordinarycrime

tomonitoringpoliticalintelligence,severalproceduraland

conceptualchangestookplace.Namely,policedetectives

beganintheearlytwentiethcenturytomoveawayfromsolely

relyingonspiesandlocalinformantstofocusingonpaper-

based, documentary and ‘science-centered’methods of

investigation.


Transplanting techniques for criminal detection

fromEuropeandAmericatoSiam,toppoliceofficersand

governmentofficialsintheMinistryofLocalGovernmentand

MinistryofInteriorsawthepotential,asdidmuchtherestofthe

world,inthesenew,‘modern’investigativemethodsincluding

chemicalanalysis,ballisticsstudies,andmedicalautopsies

ofdeadbodiesontheonehandanddocumentationand

records-basedtechniquesforgeneratinginformationabout

crimeand criminals on the other. In the reigns of Kings

ChulalongkornandVajiravudh,however,scientificmethods

ofcrimeinvestigationwerehardlycommonplace.Infact,

thepoliceatthetimelackedtrainedofficersandproper

equipment (Damrong, 2002: 62).Manyofficers could not

evenreadorwrite,letaloneconductachemicalanalysis(NA

R6N4.1/56).Andwhileafingerprintdivisionwassetupinthe

policedepartmentasearlyas1902,thefirstuseoffingerprint

identificationatacrimescenereportedlydidnotoccuruntil

1931(LuangWisitwithayakan|หลวงพิสิฐวิทยาการ1931:235).7

Photographersandcameraswerealsohardtocomeby,as

thepolicedidnothavetrainedphotographersorequipment

until1932,whenaphotographyunitwassetupinthetamruat

santiban(NAR6N4.1/2).

Despite these shortcomings, thepracticesof the

policewereindeedchanging,albeitinadifferentwaythan

mightbeexpected.Thatis,theybegantoputinformationon

paper.Intelligencetheycollectedfromtalkingtolocals(and

laterbyreadingnewspapers)became‘modern’knowledge

bythesimpleactofwriting(andlatertyping)itoutindaily

recordbooksoronstandardizedpoliceforms.PrinceDamrong,

forexample,wasconstantlyremindingofficialsintheMinistry

ofInteriortorecordandreporttheiractivitieswhenhewas

headofthatministry.Hepublishedcrimereportswithstatistics

intheMinistryofInterior’sjournal,Thesaphiban(เทศภิบาล),

7Afingerprintidentificationsectionhadbeensetuppriorto

1902intheprisonsdepartmenttokeeprecordsofprisoners’

fingerprints.

asanexampletoprovincialgovernors(ThesaphibanJournal,

10:56(1910):89-90,92,118).Hewasalsokeentostandardize

thesereportsandthuspublishedofficialformsforusebycivil

servants(ThesaphibanJournal,26.139(1922):67).

For the police and the government, then, the

problemofrumorscouldbebypassed(intheoryatleast)

bygettingthemoutofuncontrolled,informalnetworksand

turningthemintocontrollabledocuments.Thisnewpaper-

basedknowledgecouldthenbekeptinacentralpolice

archiveinBangkokaccessiblebyagentsofthestate.Itisno

coincidence,then,thattheCriminalRecordsOffice(CRO)

wasfirstcreatedandplacedunderthecontrolofthetamruat

phubanandlaterthetamruatsantibansincenotonlydid

acentralarchiveofcriminalrecordshelpthepolicefight

ordinarycrime,itwasessentialforcontrollingunsanctioned

information, the chosen weapon of political threats. This

‘formalization’ofknowledgecanbeseen,therefore,asa

keystrategyofthegovernment in itsdrivetoreformthe

administrationof thekingdomandcentralize itsauthority

overaphysicallyandepistemologicallydiversecountry.

Theprocessof‘formalization’ofknowledgewas,of

course,notsmooth.Policeatthetimewereoftenconscripts,

sometimespoorlytrained,andusuallyunderpaid.Thus,theydid

notalwaysfilloutformsorrecordeventsproperly.Sometimes

theywouldnotrecordacomplaintatalltoavoidhavingtodo

work.Somecriticsmayarguethisremainsthecasetoday.The

pointhere,however,isthattheadministrativereformsofthe

latenineteenthcenturyincludedanumberofnewknowledge

practicesthatdespiteproblemsinimplementation,didadda

newdimensiontowhatknowledgeactuallywasandhowit

couldbecreatedandcontrolled.

ConclusionFromthediscussionoutlinedabove,itcanbeseen

that the roleofpolicedetectivesandother investigative

agentsof the statewas to infiltrateandcontrol informal


networks of information, first to fight crime, then to fight

politicalopponents.Theformalizationofthedetectiveprocess

andofinformationnetworksthatemergedaspartofthe

centralizationeffortsofKingChulalongkorntransformedintoa

methodofpoliticalimportanceintherunuptotherevolution

of1932.Todaythetamruatsantibaniswellestablished.The

informationtheygatherisintegraltotheoperationofthe

bureaucraticpolitywhosepowerderivesfromitsabilityto

successfullyridethewavesofinformationthatitcouldnever

trulystampout.Theabilitytogatheranduseinformation,

andthus ‘knowledge,’canthereforebeseenascriticalin

effortstoconsolidatecentralpowerovertheprovincesand

canbesaidtobeanimportantframeworkthroughwhichto

understandthehistoryofSiamatthetime.

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>> Samson LimSamsonLim wasborninOakland,California,in1972.HereceivedhisB.A.degreefromtheUniversity

ofCaliforniaatLosAngelesin1990.HethencompletedaM.R.P.degreefromtheDepartmentofCity

andRegionalPlanningatCornellUniversityin1996.Afterthis,SamsonjoinedtheUrbanRedevelopment

AuthorityinSingapore,whereheworkedonurbanplanningprojects.Subsequently,heworkedinthe

fieldofenvironmentalreviewinSanFrancisco,CaliforniaandtheninrealestateinBangkok,Thailand.

Currently,heisaPh.D.candidateintheDepartmentofHistoryatCornellUniversity.Heexpectsto

completehisdegreeinMay2011.Hisresearchinterestsincludethehistoryofscienceandtechnology,

crimestories,andcriminalinvestigation,andtopicsrelatedtourbanstudies.

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