THE DE MONARCHIAOF

DANTE ALIGHIERI

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.'THE JDE MONARCHIA

OF

DANTE .ALIGHIERI// '- . . ~ - \

EDITED WITH TRANSLATION AND NOTES

BY.

AURELIA HENRY

Solen Roma, me iI buon mondo feo,Duo Soli aver, che l'una e l:altra stradaFacean vedere, e del mondo e di Dec,

PURGATORIO, XVI. 106

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BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY<€be LiitlerJjbe lflU;;, €amhribge

1904

.1

COPYRIGHT 1904 BY AURELIA HENRY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Publisl .. d Septembef' lQ04

TOMY MOTHER

,THIS LITTLE VOLUME OF FIRST FRUITS IS

AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED

•

PREFACE

THE De Monarchia is easily accessible in Latineditions, but an English version is practically un-obtainable, at least by the American student ofDante. To be sure, it has twice been done intoEnglish, once by Mr. F. J. Church (Macmillan,1878), and again by Mr. P. H. Wicksteed(Hull, 1896). If the former translation hadnot been long out of print, and the latter had notbeen published for private circulation only, thepresent volume would have less excuse forbeing. But with the growing interest in Dante,and the increasing number of Dante studentsin this country, the demand for ready access toall the poet's work becomes imperative. It isin response to this demand of the Americanstudent of Dante in and out of college that thistranslation has been undertaken.

In the notes which accompany the text thetranslator has had in mind chief!.y the needs andinterests of the literary student. Although thepurpose of the annotation is to make the treatise

V11l PREFACEclear in whole and in part by explanation andcitation, it includes the effort to indicate at everypossible point the relation existing between theDe Monarchia and the Divine Comedy, the Con-vito, and the Letters. Many of the notes maybe of little use to the student of civil governmentor to the general reader, but it is believed theirvalue to the literary student will prove sufficientreason for their presence. The source of Dante'stheories is noted wherever practicable, his debtto Aristotle, to the Hebrew Scriptures, and toThomas Aquinas needing most frequent men-tion. In the cross-references to Dante's otherworks the translator has endeavored to pointout as exhaustively as possible the recurrenceof favorite ideas, and even of favorite figures ofspeech, as in the case of the metaphor of theseal and the wax. I

The references to Aristotle, and quotationsfrom him, are almost without exception basedon the Bohn translations of Aristotle. Biblicalreferences are to the Authorized Version, exceptwhere indication is made to the contrary. In ci-

I. See Professor Cook's list of the passages, and referencesto Aristotle, in Mod. Lang. Now 15 (1900). 256 (511,512).

PREFACE .IX

tations from the Summa Theologiae, the Latin text(Bloud and Barral, Paris, 1880) has been used,save in the few cases where the translation of theEthics by Joseph Rickaby (New York, 1896) isindicated. In the quotations from the DivineComedy, the edition and translation of A. J. But-ler (Macmillan, 1891-92) has invariably beenmade use of; in quotations from the Conoito, thetranslation of Miss Katharine Hillard (KeganPaul, Trench & Co., 1889), and in those fromthe Letters, that of C. L. Latham (Houghton,Mifflin & Co., 1891).

The principal Latin texts of the De Monar-chia are those edited by Fraticelli, Florence,1860; Witte, Vienna, 1874; Giuliani, Florence,1878; and Moore, Oxford, 1894. The Oxfordtext has been followed without exception, thoughin a few cases variant readings have been givenin the notes. The earliest edition of the DeMonarchia was printed at Basle in 1559. Ithad been translated into Italian in the fifteenthcentury by Marsilio Ficino. There are twoGerman versions, that of Kannegiesser, Leipzig,1845, and that of H ubatsch, Berlin, 1872. Thetwo English translations have already been men-tioned. Of them it only remains to add that a

x . PREFACE

part of Church's translation is reprinted in OldSouth Leaflets, No. 123.

The Bibliography includes books likely to behelpful to the reader of the De Manarchia orthe more general Dante student.

In the notes I am indebted to many commen-taries and reference books. Moore's Studies inDante, First Series, was indispensable for classi-cal sources, Witte's Latin edition of 1874 formediaeval sources, and Toynbee's Dante Diction-ary for general reference.

I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. CharlesAllen Dinsmore of Boston for his kindly inter-est and assistance in this translation, and to Dr.Albert S. Cook of Yale University, from whomcame the first suggestion of the undertaking,and a continued encouragement and aid with-out which its completion would not have beenpossible.

A. H.

CONTENTSIntroduction

PAGEXV

BOOK IWHETHER TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECES-SARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE WORLD

CHAPTU

1. Introduction 3II. To what end does government exist among all

men? 5III. To actualize the whole capacity of the possible in-

tellect in speculation and action 8IV. To attain this end humanity requires universal peace 15V. When several things are ordained for one end, one

must rule and the others obey 18

VI. The order which is found in the parts of the hu-man race should be found in the race as a whole z%

VII. The relation of kingdoms and nations to the rnon-arch should be that of humanity to God zfVIII. Men are made in the image of God; but God isone %5

IX. Men, as the sons of Heaven, should follow in thefootprints of Heaven %7

X. In order to settle all disputes a supreme judge isnecessary %9

XI. The world is best ordered when in it Justice ispreeminent 31

XII. Humanity is ordered for the best when most free fO

xii CONTENTSXIII. He who is best adapted for ruling is the best di-

rector of other men 46XIV. What one agent can do is better done by one

than by many 50XV. In every sort of thing that is best which is most one 54

XVI. Christ willed to be born in the fullness of timewhen Augustus was Monarch 59

BOOK IIWHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE RIGHTFULLYAPPROPRIATED THE OFFICE OF MONARCHY

I. Introduction 67II. What God wills in human society is to be held as

right 70III. The Romans as the noblest people deserved pre-

cedence before all others 76IV. Because the Roman Empire was aided by mira-

cles it was willed of God 84V. The Roman people in subduing the world had

in view the good of the state and therefore theend of Right 88

VI. He who purposes Right proceeds according toRight 96

VII. The Roman people were ordained for Empire bynature 100

VIII. The decree of God showed that Empire belongedto the Roman people 104

IX. The Romans were victorious over all contestantsfor Empire 110

X. That which is acquired by single combat is ac-quired with Right 116

CONTENTS xiiiXI. The single combats of the Roman people 120

XII. Christ in being born proved that the authority ofthe Roman Empire was just 12f

XIII. Christ in dying confirmed the jurisdiction of theRoman Empire over all humanity 128

BOOK IIIWHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE ROMANMONARCH DERIVES FROM GOD IMMEDIATELYOR FROM SOME VICAR OF GOD

I. Introduction 135II. God wills not that which is counter to the inten-

tion of nature I37III. Of the three classesof our opponents and the too

great authority many ascribe to tradition If 0

IV. The opponents' argument adduced from the sunand moon If8

V. Argument from the precedence of Levi overJudah 157

VI. Argument from the election and deposition ofSaul by Samuel I58

VII. Argument from the oblation of the Magi 161VIII. Argument from the prerogative of the keys con-

signed to Peter 16fIX. Argument from the two swords 168X. Argument from the donation of Constantine I7f

XI. Argument from the summoning of Charles theGreat by Pope Hadrian 18I

XII. Argument from reason 183XIII. The Authority of the Church is not the source of

Imperial authority 187

xiv CONTENTSXIV. The Church received power of transference

neither from God, from herself. nor from anyEmperor 190

XV. The prerogative of conferring authority upon theEmpire is contrary to the nature of the Church 193

XVI. The authority of the Empire derives from Goddirectly 196

BIBLIOGRAPHYINDEX

209213

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

HE who was" the spokesman of the MiddleAges," who saw and told of his fellow-men andtheir destiny, uttered a message not for one cen-tury of time only, nor of one significance. Ineach of Dante's larger works, the Vita Nuoua,the Canuito, the De Monarchia, and the DivineComedy, this message is pronounced in one orall of its three phases, the religious, the philo-sophical, and the political. Because no authorever wrote with such singleness of purpose, northrough such diverse mediums carried to com-pletion a solemn intent, the series of his pro-ductions are bound together as inevitably as thelinks of a chain, lending to one another meaningand value. And because these productions areso similar in purpose, if various in manner ofexpression, we may call them a unified message,and may apply to them all the words of expla-nation the poet sent to Can Grande when hepresented to him "the sublime Canticle of theComedy which is graced with the title of Para-diso." "The aim of the whole and the part,"

XVlll INTRODUCTION

he wrote, "is to remove those living in this lifefrom a state of misery, and to guide them to astate of happiness."

The recognition by the student of this desireto know and to help his brother man, whichgives to Dante's writings a loftiness of tone andelevation of character that six centuries havefailed to obscure, is the preventer of much mis-understanding, and the first essential to appre-ciative interpretation. The keynote of philan-thropic endeavor Dante strikes early in theConuit», where he says, "I, knowing the miser-ablelife of those whom I have left behind me,and moved to mercy by the sweetness of thatwhich I have gained little by little, while not for-getting myself, have reserved for those wretchedones something which I have already for sometime held before their eyes." And again in theDe Monarchia the author determines to con-cern himself" in laboring for posterity, in orderthat future generations may be enriched" by hisefforts. The message that Dante felt calledupon to deliver to the world is, then, virtuallythe same in the four works we have mentioned,but in the Pita Nuova the religious aspect isparamount, in the Conuira the philosophical, in

INTRODUCTION XIX

the De Monarchia the political, while the DivineComedy concerns itself with the message as awhole. We might say that each of the first threewritings has its own melody, a simple motif;in the Comedy the three themes combining swellinto a movement of wondrous and complex har-mony. And we might sum up the thought ofthe entire message in the words of Matthew:"Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and hisrighteousness, and all these things shall beadded unto you."

Lowell, recognizing the ministering spirit ofDante, has said: "There is proof upon proofthat he believed himself invested with a divinemission. Like the Hebrew prophets, with whosewritings his whole soul was imbued, it was backto the old worship and the God of the fathersthat he called his people; and not Isaiah him-selfwas more destitute of that humor, that senseof ludicrous contrast, which is an essential inthe composition of a sceptic."

Or, to put the matter more concretely, Dantehad looked abroad on medieval society, hadengaged in the practical affairs of Italy, hadgrown to feel that he understood conditions bet-ter than other men, and so believed that he was

xx INTRODUCTION

called of God to point out to men the rightroad. He beheld the two institutions that hadfor centuries striven to unite all Europe in acommon interest - the Empire that had beenrevived under Charles the Great, and the Churchthat had attained to supremacy under GregoryVII - and he realized how sadly each had failedof its ambition. He saw, further, that despitethese efforts there had come about in Europethe formation of nationalities, each differing inlanguage and character, each having its ownpeculiar government, each torn by internecinestrife, and each at times warring with the oth-ers. And he, together with other thinkers ofthat period, longed for unity among men, forunity that seemed never to be made a reality.Yet Dante believed and proclaimed that sucha unity could come about, but in one way only,through a regeneration of society and a unitingof political interests under one hea~independentof the Church. This is the political aspect ofDante's message.

But the De Monarchia, though jt embodiesDante's political ideals, can be read understand-ingly and sympathetically only when thesepolitical ideals are related to those of his reli-

INTRODUCTION XXI

gion as set forth in his other works. These inturn depend upon his theory of the universeand of moral order. To make this matter clear,we will state briefly the fundamental principlesupon which Dante constructed his theory. Forhim the universe begins and ends with God:it begins with God the First Cause, the PrimalMotor, the Maker, the Alpha of all things; itterminates in God the Ultimate End, the GreatArbiter, the Chief Good, the Omega of all things.The earth, on which dwells man, is at the cen-tre of the created universe. About it are thenine moving heavens, according to the Ptole-maic astronomy, comprehended in the tenth,the Empyrean, the heaven which is at perfectrest because therein dwells God and DivineLove, and nothing is left for this heaven to de-sire. The Empyrean "is the sovereign edificeof the universe, in which all the world is in-cluded, and beyond which is nothing; and it isnot in space, but was formed solely in the PrimalMind." I Not less fundamental than the unitaryconcept of the universe is that of the duality ofman's nature. This duality is not only in man'snature, but in all things pertaining to him, his

J. Confl. 2. 4. J.

XXIl INTRODUCTION

mode of existence, his mode of acquiring know-ledge. That is, man is endowed'with a twofoldnature, a perishable and an imperishable, a souland a body. He therefore lives for two ends,happiness on earth and happiness to be attainedin heaven. Earthly beatitude is reached by theright ordering of temporal affairs; heavenlybeatitude is made possible by Papal guidancein matters of the spiritual realm. Moreover, hislife is active or contemplative, governed by rea-son or faith, enlightened by philosophy or reve-lation. Armed with these two ideas, we canapproach the work under consideration.

Starting from man's dual nature, the De Mo-narchia sets forth the manner in which the earthlyhappiness of the human race may be acquired bythe right ordering of temporal affairs, the over-lordship of a sole Monarch, the presence in theworld of a Universal Empire. The body ofthe work is divided into three books, in eachof which is expounded one side of the questionat issue: first, the necessity of Universal Em-pire is proved; second, the right of the Romansto imperial authority; third, the direct bequeath-ing by God of this authority to the Romanswithout the mediation of the Church. In the

INTRODUCTION xxiii

first chapter the author says, "The knowledge oftemporal Monarchy, one of the most importantand most obscure of subjects, is brought forthfrom its hiding-place and explained for the goodof the world."

The first book of the De Monarchia pro-nounces that that which is the purpose or endof the human race is "to actualize continuallythe entire capacity of the possible intellect, pri-marily in speculation, • . • secondarily in ac-tion ;" that "in the calm and tranquillity ofpeace the human race fulfills most freely andeasily its given work;" that" universal peace isthe best of those things ordained for our beati-tude; " that "to the shepherds sounded fromon high the message, not of riches, nor pleasures,nor honors, nor length of life, nor health, norbeauty, but peace:' I Peace can come, Dante in-sists, only when there is one Monarch to ownall, to rule all, to embrace in his dominion allkingdoms and states, to harmonize opposingprinces and factions, and to judge with justice·all temporal questions. And let us not forgetthat Dante's passionate plea for peace arisesamid the uninterrupted turbulence and strife ofthe never-to-be-pacified I taly of his day.

I. De Mon. 1.4.

XXlV INTRODUCTION

In taking up in the second book the ques-tion of Rome's foreordination for supremacy,Dante makes use of what was in his day a start-ling premise-that, in the same manner in whichthe Jews were the chosen race for receiving anddispensing the religion of God to the peoples ofthe earth, so the Romans were the race chosento receive and dispense the knowledge of lawand justice. And in the proof at various pointsevidence is adduced as indisputably correct fromRoman as well as Jew, from Virgil and Ovid,Lucan and Livy, Matthew, Mark, and Luke.History and poetic fiction have equal consid-eration and equal weight. To question hisauthorities never occurs to Dante. Especiallyfrom Virgil, (( our divine poet," he takes his ideaof the Roman Empire - from Virgil, who in hisAeneid and Georgics sang of Rome, the con-queror and civilizer of the world; Rome, oforigin divine, of antiquity great, of duration eter-nal, of jurisdiction universal. That Dante's rea-soning throughout this second division of thetreatise is often based on unauthentic statements,that therefore some of his proofs are of no last-ing value, it is unnecessary to emphasize. Norless strange than those that precede it is the

INTRODUCTION xxv

final statement, the climax of the argumentof the second book, that Christ by His birthunder the edict of the Emperor Augustus, andby His death under the vicar of the EmperorTiberius, confirmed the universal jurisdiction ofthe Roman Empire.

It is easy to object to the conclusions of theDe Monarchia thus far, and to say that the end ofman's being and God's foreordination of the Ro-man supremacy were fine subjects for theorizing,but that they could not carry any remedy forthe evils in mediaeval Italy. It is easy to answerto them that peace was practically impossiblewhen the Roman and Teutonic elements of soci-ety were not yet fused in the peoples of Europe;that the Roman Empire in its ancient sense haddied when Romulus Augustulus laid down thesceptre in 476; that Dante entirely misappre-hended the spirit of the ancient Roman suprem-acy; that, except under emperors of extraor-dinary talents, the Holy Roman Empire eversince its revival had been" a tradition, a fanciedrevival of departed glories;" and that, despitethe endeavors of Imperialists and Papists, prac-tically all power was in the hands of the nationsas such, so that during Dante's life the Empire

xxvi INTRODUCTIONwas growing more German, and the Papacy moreFrench. As Mr. Bryce says, (( In the days ofCharles and Otto, the Empire, in so far as itwas anything more than a tradition from timesgone by, rested solely upon the belief that withthe visible Church there must be coextensive asingle Christian state under one head and gov-ernor." Yet in the first two books, whateverquaint absurdities be present, Dante promulgatesthe doctrine of international peace, a doctrinethat even the twentieth century does not despise.

But the invaluable part of Dante's politicalmessage, and the pith of the De Monarchia, liesin the third division, where are discussed therelations of the Empire and Papacy, and whereDante publishes his belief in the separate exist-ence of the Church and State. Having recog-nized the presence of two chief governmentalelements in Europe, having accounted for theirpresence by the design of God to meet the re-quirements of man's dual nature, and having ac-knowledged that these two elements are wrong-fully at constant war the one with the other,Dante proceeds to show that they are both fromGod for the good of man, but with functionsdistinct and different. Especially does he prove

INTRODUCTION xxvii

that the one in no way depends for its right toexist upon the other. The Papacy, he maintains,is a spiritual power, sovereign over the soulsand the spiritual welfare of men, and the Em-pire is a temporal power, sovereign over thelives and bodily welfare of men. If Empire andPapacy exercised their authority in their ownrealms, the world would have no more war, thanwhich there is nothing more to be desired inthis world.

So much for the argument of this treatise,which has been called" the creed of Dante'sGhibellinism." This designation is only true inpart, for, as Cacciaguida prophesies in the seven-teenth canto of the Paradiso, ((To thee it shallbe honorable to have made thee a party by thy-self." And Dante, though a Ghibelline, was notso in all details of his political creed. Muchthat this party did was beyond the pale of hissympathy, and he rebukes them harshly morethan once in the Divine Comedy. Seeing that theyhave used the Imperial ensign and influence incontests where there was no question of Empire,he writes, " Let the Ghibellines work, let themwork under another ensign, for he ever followsthat amiss, who separates Justice and it." I

I. Par. 6. 103.

xxviii INTRODUCTION

The names Guelf and Ghibelline stand forthe two parties that in the name of Pope andEmperor fought so strenuously on the soil ofItaly for political supremacy. On the one side,the highest power, the right of investiture, wasclaimed by the Emperor, who was the nomi-nal leader of the Ghibellines; on the other,the Popes, since the eleventh century and thestrengthening of Papal control under GregoryVII, had persistently claimed that right [or theChurch, and the Guelf party fought to estab-lish this claim. But it must be borne in mindthat in the Italy of the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies these party names were often used onoccasions and in disturbances where the princi-ples for which they stood had no place, andwhere the purpose and end of the strife werepurely selfish and personal.

In general, however, the tendencies of thetwo parties were clear enough. The Imperialpower, looking back toward its greater day, re-membering that the Roman Emperor had oncebeen Pontifex Maximus, and that authoritymust stay with the few, and those by precedentthe nobles of ancient name, arrogated to itselfall power, and maintained in all contests the

INT~ODUCTION XXIX

cause of the nobles against the commons, theclaims of antique titles against those of new-won wealth. The Church, moved by the truedemocracy of Christianity, as well as by theselfish wish to keep her hand on the pulse ofthe nations, and to prevent a centralizing in-fluence in northern Italy, maintained the causeof the municipalities, fostered the independ-ence of the cities) discouraged unity of actionand aim among them, and at times sought torelease whole nations from allegiance to theirking.

The clearest statement of the claims of theChurch in the fourteenth century is found in theUnam Sane/am of Boniface VIII, published in1302. Boniface put his theory into practicemore than once, and sometimes with amazingsuccess. It is said that, seated upon the throneof Constantine and arrayed in crown) sceptre)and sword, he announced himself to the throngsof pilgrims that flocked to Rome at the jubileein 1300) as "Caesar and Emperor." He arbi-trated difficulties between Edward of Englandand Philip of France, and finally declared thelatter excommunicate and offered his throne toAlbert of Hapsburg, then Emperor.

xxx INTRODUCTION

The Imperial rights are best enunciated in theDe Monarchia, which, as we shall try to show,was written in all probability to help establishover Italy, independently of the Church, a right-ful ruler in the temporal affairs of men, a rulerpictured as ideal in an ideal condition of society.The Golden Bull issued by Charles IV at Frank-fort in 1356 takes up constitutional and legalpoints that our treatise never pauses to consider.We learn much, besides, of Imperial rights fromthe rulings of various Emperors. The career ofsuch a man as F,!ederick I I in the preceding~ shows how much the Empire could de-mand and how much obtain under a powerfulleader. That of Henry VII in the fourteenthshows that the time had gone by for Imperialdominion, and how much the Empire couldask and how little obtain even under the leader-ship of a great man.

So Dante's De Monarchia is Ghibelline, in-asmuch as it denies to the Church supremecommand in temporal things, and recognizes auniversal Monarch in temporal affairs; but it isa purer Ghibellinism than that of the partyat large, for he saw Church and State only asseparate powers, viewed Pope and Emperor as

INTRODUCTION XXXI

equal in rank but as wielding authority in differ-ent realms; and under this twofold rule he pro-phesied, with enthusiasm his party could notshare, that the human race would live in the calmand tranquillity of universal peace.

Turning from the treatise for a momentto a consideration of Dante himself, there issomething of deep pathos in the thought that,from the solitude of an exile brought upon himby the warring of his countrymen, he should socontinually and earnestly plead for peace - thatits blessings, now denied to him and to all thehuman race, might come upon the world. Howfar he traveled in search of " the best of thosethings ordained for our beatitude," we learn inanother work. He declares to the spirits inAnte-Purgatory, " If aught that I can do pleasesyou, 0 spirits born to bliss, do ye say it, and Iwill do it for the sake of that peace which makesme, following the feet of a guide thus fashioned,seek it from world to world." I And though hecould not bring peace to' self-willed Italy, hefound it for himself in unquestioning obedi-ence to the will of God, and sang forth his tri-umph and joy in the immortal line, "In His

I. Purge 5. 61.

XXXll INTRODUCTION

will is our peace." It is not strange that a sym-pathetic and imaginative mind should havedrawn the famous picture of the seeker of peaceamong the mountains, at the Monastery ofSanta Croce del Corvo. Though Fra Ilario'sapocryphal letter is so well known, I quote thedescription given therein: ((Hither he came,passing through the diocese of Luni, movedeither by the religion of the place, or by someother feeling: And seeing him, as yet unknownto me and to all my brethren, I questioned himof his wishings and his seekings there. Hemoved not; but stood silently contemplatingthe columns and arches of the cloister. Andagain I asked him what he wished, and whomhe sought. Then, slowly turning his head, andlooking at the friars and at me, he answered'Peace: "

The date of the De Manarchla is uncertain'as far as historical evidence is concerned, andany attempt to establish unquestionably the timeof its composition is met with insurmountableobstacles. To be sure, the earliest biographersof Dante mention the work, and Boccaccio givessome interesting notes of its history, but Boc-caccio is also the only one of them who attempts

INTRODUCTION xxxiii

to assign a period for its composition. Hewrites in his Life of Dante: 1_

"At the coming of Henry VII, this illus-trious author wrote another book, in Latin prose,called the De Monarcbia. This he divided intothree books, in accordance with three questionswhich he settled therein .••• This book, sev-eral years after the death of its author, wascondemned by Cardinal Beltrando of Pog-getto, papal legate in the parts of Lombardy,during the pontificate of John XXII. The rea-son of the condemnation was this. Louis, Dukeof Bavaria, had been chosen King of the Ro-mans by the electors of Germany, and came toRome for his coronation, against the pleasure ofthe aforenamed Pope John. And while there,against ecclesiastical ordinances he created popea minor friar called Brother Piero della Corvara,besides many cardinals and bishops; and hadhimself crowned there by this new Pontiff.

" Now inasmuch as his authority was ques-tioned in many cases, he and his followers,having found this book by Dante, began tomake use of its arguments to defend themselvesand their authority; whereby the book, which

I. Earliest Lives of Dante, tr. James R. Smith, p. 69.

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

was scarcely known up to this time, became veryfamous. Afterwards, however, when Louis hadreturned to Germany, and his followers, espe-cially the clergy, began to decline and disperse,the aforesaid Cardinal, since there was none tooppose him therein, seized the book and con-demned it in public to the flames, charging thatit contained heretical matters.

" In like manner he attempted to burn thebones of the author, and would have done so,to the eternal infamy and confusion of his ownmemory, had he not been opposed by a goodand noble Florentine knight, by name Pinodella Tosa, This man and Messer Ostagio daPolenta were great in the sight of the Cardi-nal, and happened to be in Bologna, where thismatter was being mooted."

But if Boccaccio unhesitatingly names theoccasion and approximate date of the De Ma-narchia, Lionardo Bruni (1368-1444), whowrote a biography of Dante somewhat later, dis-misses the treatise with brief but unfavorablecomment. "He also wrote in Latin prose andverse: in prose, a book entitled De Manarchia,written in unadorned fashion, with no beauty ofstyle." We will not stop to contradict Bruni's

INTRODUCTION xxxv

criticism, but merely note that his statement hasno chronological value.

Giovanni Villani, the first historian of Flor-ence, gives a most appreciative but far too briefaccount of the poet in his Cronica: I "He alsowrote the Monarchia, where he treats of theoffices of popes and emperors." That is all theinformation Villani vouchsafes on our subject.

If we could believe Boccaccio implicitly, anyfurther search for the date of the De Monarchiawould be idle; but Boccaccio has proved himselfuntrustworthy in many instances, and in thiscase, whether his statement rests on his own as-sumption, whether he took it from current tra-dition, or whether he knew whereof he spoke,we shall never be able to prove absolutely.However, we can to some extent strengthen orweaken Boccaccio's claim to belief by internalevidence in the writing itself. Unfortunately,there is a singular absence of such evidence inthe De Monarchia. This book stands uniqueamong the works of Dante in its impersonal na-ture, whereas his writings generally are markedby their strongly autobiographic character. In

1. See lib. 9, cap. 136; tr, Napier's Florentine History, bk.r, ch. 16; also Dinsmore, Aids to the Sllidy of Dante, p. 61.

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

it is no personal reference definite enough toindicate any certain time in the author's life;there is no unmistakable allusion to contempo-rary events; nor is there mention of any otherof his own writings either finished or planned.Nevertheless, the fact that the book is in Latinand is of polemical nature, the parallelism ofexpression between this and other works, theconfession of political experience in the firstbook, of changed political views in the second,and the indirect allusion to his own exile inthe third, are clues which various scholars havefollowed up with zest, and from which theyhave arrived at three differing conclusions asto the time of its composition.

Some Dante students think the work was writ-ten previous to Dante's exile, January '27, 130'2,most probably during his political life in Flor-ence; others believe it to be a heralding orcommemoration of the coming of Henry ofLuxemburg to Italy, and would place it between1308 and 1314; a third class consider it moreprobable that it is one of the last labors ofthe author, and assign it to some period between1318 and 13'2I.

Scartazzini has stated very clearly the points.

INTRODUCTION XXXVll

in favor of each of the three views, and com-mented on each in turn.' But before we reviewhis line of argument, let us notice some of themore general facts of this internal evidence.

That the language of the De Monarchla isLatin puts it at once into comparison with theuncompleted Latin writing De Pulgari Elo-quentia, But as the date of this second treatiseis as uncertain as the first, it can in no way helpus. The second treatise must have been in pro-cess of writing as late as 1308, while Villani andothers date it 1321. Next, is there any markedchange in opinion or power between this andDante's other works, any differences that wouldbetray immaturity of judgment, growth of in-sight, or even retrogression? No; as might bedrawn from our generalizations at the beginningof this introduction, the content agrees in allessentials with the author's other writings. Inthe maturity of its religious faith; in the know-ledge of classic and Hebrew authors; in theideal civil polity outlined; in the concept ofthe universe and moral order; in the theorywhich makes cupidity the basic sin of mankind,and free will his most divine gift, this political

I. Scartazzini, .A Companion to Dante, pp. 318 fr.

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION

document agrees with the Conuita and the Di-vine Comedy. So much alike are they that, espe-cially in the case of the Conuita, the order ofideas is at times the same. The phraseologyis in some places identical with that of Dante'sthree letters written during Henry's sojourn inItaly, those written '1'0 the Princes and Peoplesof Italy, '1'0 the Florentines, and cfo Henry rII.'

Now for Scartazzini's opinion. He gives sixreasons for the theory that the date was priorto the exile in 1302. (I) As in the rita Nuoua,some scholars see in the De Monarchia no allu-sion to Dante's banishment, in a failure to men-tion which it would differ from the Convito, theDe rulgari Elaquentia, and the Comedy. (2) Theopening paragraph is too modest for Dante,unless at the beginning of his literary career.(3) The reference made in the first canto ofthe Inferno to Dante's beautiful style must havebeen to the De Monarchia. (4) If written sub-sequent to 1302, the treatise would certainlycontain an allusion to the Unam Sanctam of thatyear. (5) The discussion of nobility a differsfrom that of the Convito,3 while the view in

I. Latham, Letters 5, 6. 7.3· Can«, 4· 3·

z. De Mun. 2. 3.

INTRODUCTION XXXIX

the Convito accords with that expressed in theParadiso.' (6) Were it not true that Dante'swork was written before or very early in thefourteenth century, his assertion would be falsethat the subject of Monarchy had been treatedby no one hitherto.

Scartazzini answers each of these objec-tions:-

(I) In De Monarchia 3. 3. 12, Dante says ofthose who" boast themselves white sheep ofthe Master's flock," that" in order to carry outtheir crimes, these sons of iniquity defile theirmother, banish their brethren, and scorn judg-ments brought against them." We can findno excuse for the bitterness of this statementunless the writing was after his exile, promptedby the sting of present pain.

('2) To boast of one's experience in public af-fairs, to undertake to enrich posterity from one'sstore of wisdom, as Dante does in the first par-agraph to the De Monarchia, Scartazzini thinkscan scarcely be called overwhelming modesty.Besides, the Convito and the De Vulgari Elo-quentia were not brought to their present stateof completion until the coming of Henry VII

I. Par. 16. 1 fr.

""'-.~.. ~.. -- ~

xl INTRODUCTION

in 131I, and Dante's literary achievement wouldnot be large until such time as these writingswere known. This would allow the De Mo-narchla a date as late as this in which to havemade its appearance, and yet precede them.But is it probable that both these works wouldfail to mention the De Monarchia, had it beencompleted prior to them? Besides, we mustnot forget that the author's change from Guelf-ism to Ghibellinism took place before this writ-ing, as is evident from the first chapter of thesecond book. And though it is impossible toassert at what time such a change took place, itcould not have been in the author's early years.

(3) The allusion to Dante's beautiful stylein the first canto of the Inferno, and to the fameit had brought him, is doubtless not to the DeMonarchic, but to the early and beautiful lyrics.

(4) The whole argument of the third book isvirtually a reply to the Unam Sanctam, thoughthat bull is not and could not well have beenmentioned by name.

(5) As for the alleged contradiction in thetreatment of the nature of 'nobility, it is evidentthat the writer's purpose was not the same inboth contexts. In the De Monarchia he is speak-

INTRODUCTION xli

ing of nobility that gives the possessor power,which is surely a hereditary nobility. In theConvito he speaks of nobility of soul, which can-not be hereditary.

(6) Dante's declaration that no' one else hadtreated of the subject of temporal Monarchysimply means that no one whose work wasworthy his consideration had done so.

Scartazzini treats, secondly, of the theory thatthe De Monarchia was written between 1318 and1321, passing rapidly over the facts advanced inits support. Of first importance are the wordsfound in so many of the manuscripts, I in thediscussion of free will, " Sicut in Paradiso Come-diae iam dixi." Were these words genuine, andnot spurious as the best students of the textsaffirm, we could be certain that the fifth cantoof the Paradiso was composed before this prosework. The interesting fact that Dante's theoryof the markings on the moon agrees with that ofthe Paradiso/ and not with that of the Convito,3is no indication that the later opinion was arrivedat in the very last years of the author's life, butmerely that it was later than that of the Convito.

I. De Mon. I. 12. 3. %. Par. %. 58 fr.3. eonv. %. 14··

xlii INTRODUCTION

The last reason in favor of a very late composi-tion is the similarity in diction and phrase withCan Grande's letter and various parts of theParadiso. The similarity cannot be gainsaid, buteven so the De Monarchia bears yet strongerlikeness to the language of the letters 7{'0 Henry1711, 7{'0 the Florentines, and 7{'0 the Princes andPeoples of Italy.

The third date suggested for the writing of thework under discussion is that of the comingof Henry VII to Italy as Emperor. And thereis much in favor of this last belief. From thepurely polemical nature of the De Monarchia itis apparent that it was brought into being bysome urgent and present motive. But even aslate as the Conuito, Dante wrote hopelessly ofthe condition of the Empire and those" whosat in the saddle." He calls Frederick ofSwabia"the last Emperor of the Romans, last, I say,as regards this present time, although Rudolphand Adolphus and Albert were elected afterhis death and from among his descendants." I

There was one time in Dante's life when amotive urgent and present existed, one timewhen he saw with perfect clearness that his

I. CORV, 4· 3· 3·

INTRODUCTION xliii

dream of Universal Empire was about to befulfilled, and in the intensity of his belief hespoke to the rulers of Italy words that glowedwith ardor and intense faith: "Behold, now isthe acceptable time in which the signs of conso-lation and peace arise, for a new day growsbright, revealing a dawn that lessens the gloomof long calamity •••• Henceforth let thy heartbe joyful, 0 Italy! who deserveth to be pitiedeven by the Saracens, but who straightway shaltbe looked on with envy throughout the world,because thy bridegroom, the solace of the earth:and the glory of thy people, the most clementHenry, Divine, Augustus, and Caesar, hastensto the nuptials." I And this man whose wayDante, like another John the Baptist, preparedin Italy; whose feet he ran to kiss as a mosthumble subject; whose actions he forbore notto rebuke or praise in words a father mighthave used, was Henry of Luxemburg, electedafter the death of Albert to the throne of theHoly Roman Empire,"

I. Letter 5. 2·3·2. Albert died May I, 1308. Henry was elected No-

vember 27, 1308; entered Italy, October, 1311; receivedthe iron crown of the Lombards at Milan on Epiphany,

xliv INTRODUCTION

As we have said, the three letters written byDante concerning this occasion are in their rea-soning and phraseology remarkably like the DeMonarchia, Especially is that To the Princes andPeoples of Italy like the second division of ourtreatise. Space cannot be given here for quot-ing such parallel passages, but they are indicatedin due place in the notes to the translation.

We may add to this evidence drawn fromimmediate purpose and similarity of languageBoccaccio's assertion to the effect that Henry'selection inspired Dante to attempt to bring fromits hiding-place the knowledge of temporal M on-archy, in order" to keep watch for the good ofthe world." In summing up the testimony forthe probable date of the De Monarchia, we wouldsay that the reasons for ascribing it to a timeprevious to 1302 are about as slight as thosethat place it at the end of the poet's life. Be-cause it is so distinctly a work of occasion, be-cause Boccaccio has pointed out that occasion,and no internal evidence can be found to dis-prove his statement, and, finally, because it isso akin to the letters of the occasion named, we

13II; Dante's letter to him April 16, 13 II; died at Buon-convento, August 24, 1313.

INTRODUCTION xlv

ascribe it to those years when Henry's accessionto the Imperial throne promised to bring man-kind to the calm and tranquillity of universalpeace.

And may we strengthen this conclusion by thewitnessing of Dante's epitaph, which, though ofminor import, should not be omitted? Thisepitaph was long thought to be of Dante's com-position, but now is believed to have been thework of Bernardo Canaccio about 1353, and isinteresting at this juncture merely for the factthat as first in the list of the poet's achieve-ments is named" the rights of Monarchy."

JVRA MONARCHIlE SVPEROS PHLEGETHONTA LACVSQV!

LVSTRANDO CECINI VOLVERVNT FATA QVOVSQVE

SED QVIA PARS CESSIT MELlORIBVS HOSPITA CASTRlS

AVCTOREMQVE SVVM PETllT FELlCIOR ASTRIS

HIC CLAVDOR DANTES PATRIIS EXTORRIS AB ORIS

QVEM GENV!T PARVI FLORENTIA MATER AMORIS r

Does it seem probable that if theDe Monarchiawere one of the first of Dante's productions,I. Lowell has translated this:-

The rights of Monarchy, the Heavens, the Stream of Fire, the Pit,In vision seen, I sang as far as to the fates seemed lit;But since my soul, an alien here, hath flown to nobler wan,And, happier now, hath gone to seek its Maker 'mid the stars,Here am I, Dante, shut, exiled from the ancestral shore,Whom Florence, the of all least-laving mother, bore.

xlvi INTRODUCTION

ranking with the rita Nuaua in its youthfulness,it would have been coupled over his grave withhis supreme achievement?

When we realize that the bud of Dante'shope was blighted, that his brave efforts depictedin the De Monarchia and the letters of the sameperiod were utterly vain, we feel that a sorrownot to be borne had come to him who had knownfor so many years cc how tastes of salt another'sbread, and how it is a hard path to go down andup over another's stairs;" we feel that a finalfailure had crowned him whose life was out-wardlyall defeat, and inwardly all victory. Ex-cept in earnestness of purpose and courageous-ness of spirit, Henry in no particular fulfilled theprophecies of Dante. cc Tumults and revoltsbroke out in Lombardy; at Rome the King ofNaples held St. Peter's, and the coronation musttake place in St. John Lateran, on the southernbank of the Tiber. The hostility of the Guelficleague, headed by the Florentines, Guelfs evenagainst the Pope, obliged Henry to depart fromhis impartial and republican policy, and to pur-chase the aid of the Ghibelline chiefs by grant-ing them the government of cities. With fewtroops and encompassed by enemies, the heroic

INTRODUCTION xlvii,

Emperor sustained an unequal struggle for ayearlonger, till, in A. D. 1313, he sank beneaththe fevers of the deadly Tuscan summer. HisGermanfollowers believed, nor has history whollyrejected the tale, that poison was given him bya Dominican monk in sacramental wine. WithHenry the Seventh ends the history of the Em-pire in Italy, and Dante's book is an epitaphinstead of a prophecy." I

Yet when it was all over, with what splendidcourage and unfaltering devotion Dante eulo-gizes the man in whom had died all promisedpolitical unity, and the hope of peace for blood-soaked Italy! The praise of the Emperor whohad failed is spoken by Beatrice in the Em-pyrean heaven, where she and Dante, risinginto the yellow of the everlasting rose, beholdthe host of those who sit in glory: "Look howgreat is the assembly of the white garments. Be-hold our city, how great is its circuit; beholdthere our stalls so full, that few folk hereafterare awaited. In that great seat on which thouhast thine eyes, by reason of the crown whichalready is placed over it, ere thou shalt sup atthis wedding-feast, will sit the soul, which on

I. Bryce, chap. 15.

xlviii INTRODUCTION

earth shall be Imperial, of the high Henry whowill come to set I taly straight before that sheshall be ready." Dante believed with a moremodern poet that, after all, " 't is not what mandoes which exalts him, but what man woulddo."

We conclude this inadequate considerationof the De Monarchia, its significance, content,history, and probable date of composition, bysaying that if on perusal the subject of the DeMonarchia seem antiquated and of small im-port, if many arguments adduced are based onunhistoric assumptions, if the style is marredby logical devices and bare syllogisms, never-theless it will be found to contain ideals of lifemore perfect than man yet boasts of attainingexcept in dreams. N ever has ideal civil politybeen imaged forth in more simplicity and beauty,and never perhaps has one been more utterlyimpracticable. Yet in some of its principles, inthe necessary disinterestedness of the supremeruler in political matters, in the mutual inde-pendence of Church and State, in its strongadvocacy of peace, it has rightly been comparedto the United States under its President, and tothe Netherlands under a supreme Stadtholder.

INTRODUCTION xlix

To quote Mr. Dinsmore: I (( His essential aspi-ration is that of many minds to-day, and we arebeginning to see its realization. The code ofinternational law is a source of universal order;the recent Peace Congress at the Hague, inestablishing an international tribunal, took along step toward extending the area of peacefor which the soul of Dante longed; in Amer-ica the Church is separated from the State, aprecedent which is exerting a wide influence inEurope."

Besides, the De Monarchia is an indispensablepart of the work of a man whose whole lifewas devoted to one end, and whose work was aunified expression of his great, unified life. Itis a manifestation of that gift in Dante whichMr. Bryce so praised in Hildebrand; that giftwhose manifestations the world cannot affordto lose, wherever they come into being; "thatrarest and grandest of gifts, an intellectual cour-age and power of imagination in belief, which,when it has convinced itself of aught, acceptsit fully with all its consequences."

Without the De Monarchic the threefoldmessage of Dante would be incomplete; without

I. 'The 'Teachings of Dante, p. 56.I

1 INTRODUCTION

the De Manarchia it would be far less true thatfor us as well as for Italy Dante is the thirteenthcentury.

SOME OPINIONS OF THE DE MONARCHIA

. Allen, Fragments of Latin Christianity: " Thefond dream of universal sovereignty, its alliedideal Empire and Church, had its completed ex-pression and defense in Dante's treatise on theDivine Right of Monarchy."

Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, chap. IS: "Thecareer of Henry the Seventh in Italy is the mostremarkable illustration of the Emperor's posi-tion : and imperialist doctrines are set forth moststrikingly in the treatise which the greatest spiritof the age wrote to herald or commemoratethe advent of that hero, the De Monarchia ofDante."

Church, Dante, p. 94: "The idea of the DeMonarchia ••• holds a place in the great schemeof the Commedia ; it is prominent there also-an idea seen but in fantastic shape, encumberedand confused with most grotesque imagery, butthe real idea of polity and law, which the expe-rience of modern Europe has attained to."

'INTRODUCTION Ii

Hallam, Middle Ages, chap. 8, part 2 : ((Somewho were actively engaged in these transactionstook more extensive views, and assailed thewhole edifice of temporal power which the Ro-man see had been constructing for more thantwo centuries. Several men of learning, amongwhom Dante, Ockham, and Marsilius of Paduaare the most conspicuous, investigated the foun-dations of this superstructure, and exposedtheir insufficiency."

Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. 12, chap. 4:"The ideal sovereign of Dante's famous treatiseon Monarchy was Henry of Luxemburg. N ei-ther Dante nor his time can be understood butthrough this treatise."

Lowell, Dante, Riverside Edition, Vol. 4.p. 151: "I t is to be looked on as a purelyscholastic demonstration of a speculative thesis,in which the manifold exceptions and modifica-tions essential in practical application are neces-sarily left aside."

BOOK I

WHETHER TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECES-SARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE WORLD

..

THE MONARCHY OF DANTEALIGHIERI

CHAPTER I

Introduction.

I. ALL men on whom the Higher Nature I

has stamped the love of truth should especiallyconcern themselves in laboring for posterity, inorder that future generations may be enrichedby their efforts, as they themselves were maderich by the efforts of generations past. For thatman who is imbued with public teachings, butcares not to contribute something to the publicgood, is far in arrears of his duty, let him be as-sured; he is, indeed, not ((a tree planted by therivers of water that bringeth forth his fruit in

I. God is umigliornatura" ia Perg, 16.79: "To agreater power and a better nature, ye are free subjects."

Par. 10. Z8: u The greatest minister of nature, that stampsthe world with the goodness of heaven. "

Par. I3. 79: u But if the burning love disposesand stampsthe clear view of the prime virtue, all perfection is there ac-quired."

Cf. S. 'T. I. 66. 3 ; De Trinir, 3. 4.

4 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. J

his season," 2 but rather a destructive whirlpool,always engulfing, and never giving back whatit has devoured. Often meditating with myselfupon these things, lest I should some day befound guilty of the charge of the buried talent.'I desire for the public weal, not only to burgeon,but to bear fruit,' and to establish truths unat-tempted by others. For he who should demon-strate again a theorem of Euclid, who shouldattempt after Aristotle to set forth anew the na-ture of happiness, who should undertake afterCicero to defend old age a second time - whatfruit would such a one yield? N one, forsooth;his tedious superfluousness would merely occa-sion disgust.

2. Now, inasmuch as among other abstruseand important truths, knowledge of temporalMonarchy is most important and most obscure,and inasmuch as the subject has been shunnedby all because it has no direct relation to gain,therefore my purpose is to bring it out from itshiding-place, that I may both keep watch for thegood of the world, and be the first to win thepalm of so great a prize for my own glory.sVerily, I undertake a difficult task and one be-yond my powers, but my trust is not so much in

2. Ps, J. 3. 3. Matt. 25. 25.4' Num. 17· 8. 5. I Cor. 9. 2f; cf. Phi!. 3· 14.

CH. n] DE MONARCHIA 5my own worth as in the light of the Giver" thatgiveth to all men liberally, and upbraidethnot:' 6

CHAPTER II

To what end doesgovernment exist among all men ?

I. First, we must ascertain what temporalMonarchy is in its idea, as I may say, and inits purpose. Temporal Monarchy, called alsothe Empire, we define as a single Principalityextending over all peoples in time, or in thosethings and over those things which are mea-sured by time. I Concerning it three main ques-tions arise. First, we may ask and seek toprove whether it is necessary for the well-beingof the world; secondly, whether the Romanpeople rightfully appropriated the officeof M on-archy; and thirdly, whether the authority of

6. James I. 5. In COT/fl. I. 8. 2 God is called the" Uni-versal Benefactor."

COT/fl. 3.7.2: .. The Primal Goodness sendeth His boun-ties unto all things in an afiluence,"

I. COT/fl. 4. 4. I: ..Wherefore, in order to put an end tothese wars and their causes, the whole earth should be undera monarchy, that is, should be a single principality under oneprince, who, possessingeverything, and therefore incapable offurther desire, would keep the kings content within the limitsof their kingdoms, so that peace should abide among them."

6 DANTE ALIGHIERJ [Bit. J

Monarchy derives from God directly, or fromanother, a minister or vicar of God.

2. But as every truth which is not a firstprinciple is manifested by the truth of some firstprinciple, it is necessary in every investigationto know the first principle to which we may re-turn, in analysis, for the proof of all propositionswhich are subsequently assumed. And as thepresent treatise is an investigation, we mustbefore all else search out a basic principle, onthe validity of which will depend whatever fol-lows." Be it known, therefore, that certain thingsexist which are not at all subject to our control,and which we can merely speculate upon, butcannot cause to be or to do: such are mathema-tics, physics, and divinity. On the other hand,certain things exist which are subject to our con-trol, and which are matter not only for specu-

z. Each book of the De MOf1. is likewise founded on therock of a basic principle. See 2. 2; 3. 2.

COf1r1. 4- I5. 7: .. The third infirmity in the minds ofmen is caused by levity of nature; for many have so light afancy. that they fly from one thing to another in their reason-ing, and before they have finished their syllogismhave formeda conclusion. and from that conclusion have flown to another.and think they are arguing most subtly, while they have noprinciple to start from. and see nothing in their imaginationthat is really there."

Par. 2. 124: .. Regard me well, how I am going throughthis topic to the truth thou desirest."

CH. II] DE MONARCHIA 7Iation, but for execution.! In these things theaction is not performed for the sake of the spec-ulation, but the latter for the sake of the former,because in them action is the end. Since thematter under consideration is governmental,·nay, is the very source and first principle of rightgovernments, and since everything governmentalis subject to our control, it is clear that our pre-sent theme is primarily adapted for action ratherthan for speculation. Again, since the first prin-ciple and cause of all actions is their ultimateend,s and since the ultimate end first puts theagent in motion, it follows that the entire pro-

3. COl1f1. 4. 9. 2: "There are things which it [the reason]only considersand does not originate, ••• such as natural andsupernatural things, i. e. laws and mathematics; and actionswhich it considers and performs by its own proper act, whichare called rational, such as the arts of speech; and actionswhich it considers and executes in material outside of itself,as in the mechanical arts!'

4. "The word pofilia may be used either for a generalform of government, such as monarchy or democracy; or fora concrete organ of government, such as some specific mon-archy; or for some function of government as exercised bysuch an organ, i. e. the actual governing done by the monarch j

or for the ideal goal and purpose of government, i. e. theright ordering of a state." Wicksteed. It has seemed best totranslate this oft-recurring word in its various forms by " gov-ernment," "governmental," etc.

S. The identification of cause and end, or effect, is com-

8 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

cedure of the means toward an end must derivefrom the end itself. For the manner of cuttingwood to build a house will be other than thatof cutting wood to build a ship. So if thereexists an end for universal government amongmen, that end will be the basic principle throughwhich all things to be proved hereafter may bedemonstrated satisfactorily. But to believe thatthere is an end for this government and forthat government, and that there is no single endcommon to all, would indeed be irrational.

CHAPTER III

To actualize the whole capacity of the possible intellect inspeculation and action.

I. We must now determine what is the endof human society as a whole, and having deter-mined that, we shall have accomplished morethan half of our labor, according to the Philo-sopher in his writings to Nicomachus;' In orderplete in Letter II. 33: .. When the Source or First, which isGod. hath been found. there is nothing to be sought beyond(since He is the Alpha and Omega. which is the Beginningand the End)." See note I. De MOll. I. 13. For this no-tion of cause and effect see also Arist. Melopny. I. and DeCousis.

J. Eth, I. 7. ZJ: .. For the principle seems to be more

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA 9to discern the point in question more clearly,observe that as Nature fashions the thumb forone purpose, the whole hand for another, thenthe arm for a purpose differing from both, andthe entire man for one differing from all, so shecreates for one end the individual, for anotherthe family, for another the village, for still an-other end the city, for another the kingdom,and finally for an ultimate end, by means of Hisart which is Nature, the Eternal God brings intobeing the human race in its totality. And thislast is what we are in search of as the directivefirst principle of our investigation.

~. In beginning, then, let it be recognizedthat God and Nature make 3 nothing in vain;

than half the whole." Dante almost without exception refersto Aristotle as .. the Philosopher." In Cano, 3. 5. 5 he is.. That glorious Philosopher to whom Nature has most com-pletely revealed her secrets;" .. The master of human rea-son," Can», 4. z. 7; .. That master of philosophers," Can»,4. 8. S; .. The master of those who know," Isf; 4. I3 I.

For Dante's relation to Aristotle see Moore, Stttdits in Dante,Vol. I. pp. 9z-156. For the translations of Aristotle whichhe used, t. c, pp. 305-318. Throughout the De Mon. theEthksare called" the writings to Nicomachus," a title giventhem because they had been addressed by the philosopher tohis son of that name.

z. De Caeto I. 4. Dante uses a singular verb with twocoordinate subjects, thus, .. Deus et natura facit;" So infra,1.11.1.

10 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bre••

but that whatever comes into being comes witha definite function. For, according to the inten-tion of the creator, as creator, the ultimate endof a created being is not the being itself but itsproper function.' Wherefore a proper functionexists not for the sake of the being, but contra-riwise. There is, then, some distinct function forwhich humanity as a whole is ordained, a func-tion which neither an individual nor a house-hold, neither a village, nor a city, nor a particu-lar kingdom, has power to perform.' What this

3. Can», 3· 15.4: II Nature would have made it in vain.because it would have been created without any end."

Par. 8. 97: II The Good which sets in revolution andcontents all the realm thou art scaling makes its foresight tobe virtue in these great bodies. And not only the naturesare foreseen in this mind which is of itself perfect. but theytogether with their preservation. Wherefore whatsoever thisbow discharges falls disposed to a foreseen end. just as a thingaimed right upon its mark. If this were not so. the heavenwhere thou journeyest would so produce its effects that theywould not be an artist's works. but ruins. And this cannotbe. if the intellects which move these stars are not maimedand maimed the First. in that He has not perfected them.•••I see it is impossible for nature, in that which is necessary,to fail."

Cf. De Mon. 2.7. I; 3. 15. I; I. 10. I.4. Pol. I. 2. 5-8.Cen«. 4. 4. I: II The radical foundation of imperial ma-

jesty according to the truth is the necessity of human society.which is ordained to one end. that is a happy life; to which

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA II

function is will be evident if we point out thedistinctive capacity of humanity as a whole. Isay, therefore, that no faculty shared by manythings diverse in species is the differentiatingcharacteristic of anyone of them. For sincethe differentiating characteristic determines spe-cies, it would follow that one essence would bespecific to many species, which is impossible.So the differentiating characteristic in man isnot simple existence, for that is shared by theelements; 5 nor existence in combination, forthat is met with in minerals; 6 nor existence ani-mate, for that is found in plants; 7 nor existenceintelligent, for that is participated in by thebrutes; 8 but the characteristic competent to

no one is capable of attaining without the aid of others, be-cause man has many needs, which one person alone is unableto satisfy."

5. Cas», 3. 3. I : .. Simple bodies, the elements, havea natural love for their own place; wherefore earth always fallstoward the centre, and fire is drawn toward the circumfer-ence above."

6. Can«. 3. 3. z : .. The primary composed bodies, suchas minerals." Cf. Par. 7. JZ4: .. I see the air, and I seethe fire, the earth, and the water and all their combinationscome to destruction and endure but a little."

7. Con'll.3. 3. 3: .. Plants, which are the first of ani-mate things."

8. Cano, 3. z. 3: .. The sensitive soul is found with-out the rational, as in beasts and birds and fishes."

I2 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BiC. I

man alone, .and to none other above or belowhim, is existence intelligent through the possi-ble inrellect.? Although other beings possessintellect, it is not intellect distinguished bypotentiality, as is man's. Such beings are intel-ligent species in a limited sense, and their exist-ence is no other than the uninterrupted act ofunderstanding; 10 they would otherwise not be

9. For the origin of the idea see De Anima 3; Metaphys.IZ; Ethics I. 7. IZ: .. The work of man is an energy ofsoul according to reason. Man's chief good is an energy ofsoul accordingto virtue." For the mediaevalexplanation, s. 'T.I. 154.4, and 1.79. I. 2, 10.

C( Intellectus possibilis" or "passibilis," and .. intellectusagens;" that is, the passive, apprehending intellect, and theactive intelligence, are the two intellects of man. Cf. De Mon.I. 16. The emphasis here is on the fact that at no giventime is the potentiality of man's intellect realized.

10. Dante discusses the hierarchies, Coso, 2. 5, 6, andPar. 28, 29. Cf. S. 'T. I. 54-59. Coso, 2. 5. I: "Theseare substancesseparate from matter, that is intelligences, whomthe common people call angels;" I. t. 2. 5. 3: C( Their in-tellect is one and perpetual;" 4. 19. 2: .. Human nobility,as far as the variety of its fruits is considered, excels that of theangels, although the angelic may be more divine in its unity."That is, while the angelic nature is an uninterrupted realizationof the knowledge of which each order of these beings is capa-ble, man always approximates through a variety of ways tothe knowledge that is his heritage.

Par. 29. 70: .. But whereas on earth through your schoolsit is taught that the angelic nature is such as understands and

DE MONARCHIA 13

eternal. I t is evident, therefore, that the differ-entiating characteristic of humanity is a dis-tinctive capacity or power of intellect.

3. And since this capacity as a whole cannotbe reduced to action at one time through oneman, or through anyone of the societies dis-criminated above, multiplicity is necessary inthe human race in order to actualize its capa-city in entirety. Likewise multiplicity is neces-sary in creatable things in order to exercise con-tinually the capacity of primal matter. Wereit not so, we should be granting the existenceof unactualized potentiality, which is impossi-ble. With this belief Averroes II accords in hiscommentary on the treatise concerning the Soul:"Further, the intellectual capacity of which Ispeak has reference not only to universal formsor species, but, by a sort of extension, to par-ticular ones. Wherefore it is a common sayingthat the speculative intellect becomes by exten-

remembers and wills,. • • the truth is there below confused...Dante's tutus or flrmus is typified in angelic natures, his ma-teria or potentia in matter, while both form and matter arefound in created things.

II. Averroes was an Arabian philosopher of the twelfthcentury, and author of the famous commentary upon Aristotlehere alluded to. He is mentioned in Cano, 4. 13. 3, andplaced among the great thinkers in Limbo, Isf; 4. 14+

r a, "Ad libr, tertium Ed. Veneto 1552, p. 164." Witte.

14 DANTE ALIGHIERI [HI{. I

sion the practical, whose end is to do and tomake. I speak of things to be done, which arecontrolled by political sagacity, and things tobe made, which are controlled by art:3 becausethey are all handmaids of speculation, that su-preme end for which the Primal Good broughtinto being the human race." From this now

13. Metophy!. I. I: "An art comes into being when, outof many conceptions of experience, one universal opinion isevolved with respect to similar cases ...

14. Conff. 3. 15. 2: "In this gaze or contemplationalone is human perfection to be gained, that is, the perfectionof the reason, on which, as on its most important part, all ourbeing depends; and all our other actions, feelings, nourishment- all exist for it alone, and it exists for itself and not for oth-ers." L. c, 4. 4. I: "Peace should abide among them, •••which done, man lives happily, for which end. he was born."L. c, 4. 17. 16: " We must know that we can have two kindsof happiness in this life, according to two different ways, onegood, one best, which lead us thereto; one is the active life,and the other the contemplative." L. c, 4. 22. 5-10: "Theuse of the mind is double, that is, practical and speculative, andboth are delightful; although that of contemplation is mostso•••• Its practical use is to act through us virtuously, that is,righteously by temperance, fortitude, and justice; the specula-tive is not to operate actively in us, but to consider the worksof God and of nature; and the one and the other make up ourbeatitude and supreme happiness."

Purg; 27. 93, Dante dreams of Leah and Rachael, whotypify the contemplative and active life; "to see satisfies her,but me to work."

Perg, 28 realizes the dream of the active life in the person

CH. IV] DE MONARCHIA ISgrows clear the saying in the Politics that" thevigorous in intellect naturally govern othermen." 15

CHAPTER IV

To attain this end humanity requires universal peact.

I. I t has now been satisfactorily explainedthat the proper function of the human race,taken in the aggregate, is to actualize continuallythe entire capacity of the possible intellect, pri-marily in speculation, then, through its extensionand for its sake, secondarily in action. Andsince it is true that whatever modifies a partmodifies the whole, and that the individual manseated I in quiet grows perfect in knowledge andof Matilda, and Purg, 30 that of the contemplative in theperson of Beatrice. It is for abandoning the contemplative life,and" following false images of good," that Beatrice reprovesDante, Perg, 30• 131.

15. Pol. I. 2. 2: .. By nature too some beings command,and others obey, for the sake of mutual safety; for a beingendowed with discernment and forethought is by nature thesuperior and governor."

I. .. Sedendo et quiescendo." Dante often used the figureof the seated person to portray the life of contemplation.

S. 'T. 2-2. 18z. 2 : .. Contemplative life consists in a cer-tain stillnessand rest according to the text, • Be still, and knowthat I am God,'" Pi. 46. 10. Also S. To 1-2. 3. 4, 5.

Can«, 4. I7. 16: .. And Mary • • • sitting at the feet

16 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

wisdom.tit is plain that amid the calm and tran-quillity of peace the human race accomplishesmost freely and easily its given work. Hownearly divine this function is revealed in thewords, "Thou hast made him a little lower thanthe angels." 3 Whence it is manifest that uni-versal peace is the best of those things whichare ordained for our beatitude. And hence tothe shepherds sounded from on high the mes-sage not of riches, nor pleasures, nor honors,nor length of life, nor health, nor beauty; butthe message of peace. For the heavenly hostsaid, ((Glory to God in the highest, and on earthpeace among men in whom he is well pleased." ..Likewise, (( Peace be unto you" 5 was the salu-tation of the Saviour of men. It befitted theof Christ, took no heed to the service of the house••••For if we explain this morally, our Lord wished thereby toshow us that the contemplative life is the best, although theactive life is good." L. c. I. I. 4:·" Blessed are the fewthat are seated at the table where the bread of the angels iseaten. "

Purg; 27. 105: II My sister Rachel never is drawn fromher mirror, and sits all day."

2. Eccles, 38. 25 (Vulg.): .. The wisdom of a learnedman cometh by opportunity of leisure; and he that hath littlebusiness shall become wise."

3· PI. 8. 6; cf. Heb, 2. 7. Quoted C011r1. 4· 19· 3.4· Luke 2. 14.5. Lulu 24. 36; Joh11 20. 21, 26.

DE MONARCHIA

supreme Saviour to utter the supreme salutation.It is evident to all that the disciples desired topreserve this custom; and Paul likewise in hiswords of greeting,"

2. From these things which have been ex-pounded we perceive through what better, nay,through what best means the human race mayfulfill its proper office. Consequently we per-ceive the nearest way through which may bereached that universal peace toward which allour efforts are directed as their ultimate end,and which is to be assumed as the basic prin-ciple of subsequent reasoning. This principlewas necessary, we have said, as a predeterminedformula, into which, as into a most manifesttruth, must be resolved all things needing tobe proved.'

6. Rom. J. 7.7. Some of Dante's most eloquent exhortations in prose

and some of the most perfect music of his verse are touchingthat peace which he knew should make man happy on earth andblessed in heaven, that peace which he went to seek «fromworld to world," and which he found at last in complete obe-dience to the will of God.

Purg: 3. 7+: Virgil conjures the spirits «By that peacewhich I think is awaited by you all."

Purg, 5. 61: Dante here tells of «that peace, whichmakes me, following the feet of a guide thus fashioned, seekitfrom world to world."

Purg, 10. 34: «The angel that came on earth with the

18 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. J

CHAPTER V

lYhen several things are ordained for one end, one mustrule and the others obey.

I. Resuming what was said in the beginning,I repeat, there are three main questions askedand debated in regard to temporal Monarchy,decree of the many years wept-for peace ••• opened Heavenfrom its long interdict."

Purg; II. 7: .. Let the peace of thy kingdom corneto us."Purg, Z1. J 3: II My brethren, God give you peace," is

the greeting of Statius.Purg, z8. 91: II The highest Good, which does only its

own pleasure, made the man good and for good, and gave himthis place for an earnest to him of eternal peace."

Perg; 30. 7: II That truthful folk ••• turned them to thecar as to their peace."

Par. z. 1 I z: II Within the heaven of the divine peacerevolves a body in whose virtue lies the being of all that iscontained in it."

Par. 3. 85: II In His will is our peace."Par. z7. 8: II A life complete of joy and peace."Par. 30. 100: II Light is there on high, which makes visi-

ble the Creator to that creation which only in seeing Him hasits peace."

Par. 3 I. 110:St. Bernard II in this world by contempla-tion tasted of that peace."

Par. 33. I: II Virgin Mother ••• in thy womb was re-kindled the Love, through whose warmth in the eternal peacethis flower has thus sprung."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 19

which is more commonly termed the Empire,and it is my purpose to make inquiry concern-ing these in the order cited, according to theprinciple now enunciated. And so let the firstquestion be whether temporal Monarchy isnecessary for the well-being of the world. Thenecessity of temporal Monarchy can be gainsaidwith no force of reason or authority, and canbe proved by the most powerful and patent ar-guments, of which the first is taken on the testi-mony of the Philosopher in the Politics. Therethis venerable authority asserts that when sev-eral things are ordained for one end, one of themmust regulate or rule, and the others submit toregulation or rule! This, indeed, not only be-cause of the author's glorious name, but becauseof inductive reasoning, demands credence."

2. If we consider the individual man, weshall see that this applies to him, for, when all

I. Pol. I. 5. 3: .. Whatsoeveris composedof many parts,which together make up one whole, ••• shows the marks ofsome one thing governing and another thing governed."

Confl. 4. 4. 2: .. And with these reasons we may com-pare the words of the Philosopher, when he says in the Palitiathat when many things are ordained for one purpose, one ofthem should be governor or ruler, and all others should begoverned or ruled."

2. For Dante's idea of the deference due to authority, phi-losophical and imperial, see Confl. 4. 8. 9.

20 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK.I

his faculties are ordered for his happiness, theintellectual faculty itself is regulator and rulerof all others; in no way else can man attain tohappiness. If we consider the household, whoseend is to teach its members to live rightly, thereis need for one called the pater-familias, or forsome one holding his place, to direct and gov-ern, according to the Philosopher when he says," Every household is ruled by its eldest." 3 It isfor him, as Homer says, to guide and make lawsfor those dwelling with him. From this arisesthe proverbial curse, "May you have an equalin your house."" If we consider the village,whose aim is adequate protection of persons andproperty, there is again needed for governingthe rest either one chosen for them by another,or one risen to preeminence from among them-selves by their consent; otherwise, they notonly obtain no mutual support, but sometimesthe whole community is destroyed by manystriving for first place. Again, if we considerthe city, wh~se end is to insure comfort andsufficiency in life, there is need for undividedrule in rightly directed governments, and inthose wrongly directed 5 as. well; else the end

3. Pol. I. z. 6.4. Homer, OJ. 9. 114, quoted by Arist. Pol. I. z. 6.5. II Politia obliqua."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 2I

of civil life is missed, and the city ceases to bewhat it was. Finally, if we consider the individ-ual kingdom, whose end is that of the city withgreater promise of tranquillity, there must beone king to direct and govern. If not, not onlythe inhabitants of the kingdom fail of their end,but the kingdom lapses into ruin, in agreementwith that word of infallible truth, " Every king-dom divided against itself is brought to desola-tion." 6 If, then, this is true of these instances,and of all things ordained for a single end/ it istrue of the statement assumed above.

3. We are now agreed that the whole humanrace is ordered for one end, as already shown.I t is meet, therefore, that the leader and lord beone, and that he be called Monarch, or Emperor.Thus it becomes obvious that for the well-beingof the world there is needed a Monarchy, orEmpire.

6. Luke II. 17.7. Congo 4. 4. z: II Even as we see a ship, where her

divers duties and their divers purposes are ordained for oneend, that is, to bring her by a safecourse to the desired haven,where, as each officer performs his own duty with regard tothe proper end, so there is one person who considers all these,and adapts them all to the final end, and this one is the pilotwhose voice all must obey. And this we see in religiousbodies,and in armies, and in all things, which, as we have said, areordained for some one purpose."

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BI(. I

CHAPTER VI'/'he order which is found in the parts of the human race

should befound in the race as a whale.

I. As the part is related to the whole, I so isthe partial order related to the total order. Therelation of the part to the whole is as to its endand supreme good, and so the relation of thepartial order to the total order is as to its endand supreme good," We see from this that theexcellence of partial order does not exceed the

I. Caso, 4. 29. 5: .. Every whole is made up of its parts,••• and what is said of a part, in the same way may be saidofa whole."

2. Par. I. 103: "All things whatsoever have an orderamong themselves; and this is form, which makes the universein the likeness of God. Here the created beings on high seethe traces of eternal goodness, which is the end whereunto therule aforesaid has been made."

Par. J o. 3: .. The first and unspeakable Goodness madeall that revolves in mind or in place with such order that hewho observes this cannot be without tasting of Him."

Par. 29. 31: .. Order and structure were concrete in thesubstances ."

Cf. De Mon. 2. 7. J, and note 3.S. 'T. I. 47. 3: .. Ipse ordo in rebus sic a Deo creatis

existens unitatern mundi manifestat. Mundus enim iste unusdicitur unitate ordinis, secundum quod quaedam ad alia ordi-nantur, Quaecumque autem sunt a Deo, ordinem habent adinvicem et ad ipsum Deum."

DE MONARCHIA 23excellence of total order, but rather the con-verse. A dual order is therefore discernible inthe world, namely, the order of parts amongthemselves, and the order of parts with re-ference to a third entity which is not a part.For example, in the army there is an orderamong its divisions, and an order of the wholewith reference to the general. The order of theparts with reference to the third entity is supe-rior, for partial order has its end in total order,and exists for the latter's sake. Wherefore, jfthe form of the order is discernible in the partsof the human aggregate, it should, by virtue ofthe previous syllogism, be much more discerni-ble in the aggregate or totality, because totalorder or form of order is superior. Now, as issufficiently manifest from what was said in thepreceding chapter, it is discernible in all theunits of the human race, and therefore must beor ought to be discernible in the totality itselfAnd so all parts which we have designatedas included in kingdoms, and kingdoms them-selves, should be ordered with reference to onePrince or Principality, that is, to one Monarchor Monarchy.'

3. Con«, 4. 4. I: .. The whole earth should be under oneprince, who ••• would keep the kings content within the lim-its of their kingdoms, so that peace should abide among them,

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIt. I

CHAPTER VII

Tb« relation of kingdoms and nations to the monarchshould he that of humanity to God.

I. Further, mankind is a whole with relationto certain parts, and is a part with relation toa certain whole. It is a whole, of course, withrelation to particular kingdoms and nations, aswas shown above, and it is a part with relationto the whole universe, as is self-evident. There-fore, in the manner in which the constituent partsof collective humanity correspond to human-ityas a whole, so, we say, collective humanitycorresponds as a part to its larger whole. Thatthe constituent parts of collective humanity cor-respond to humanity as a whole through the oneonly principle of submission to a single Prince,

wherein the cities should repose, and in this repose the neigh-bors should love one another, and in this love the familiesshould supply all their wants; which done, man lives happily;for which end he was born."

Conrl. 4. 4. 2: II And this office.for reasonofits excellence.is called Empire. without any qualification. because it is thegovernment of all governments. And so he who holds theofficeis called emperor. because he is a law to all and must beobeyed by all, and all others take their force and authorityfrom him. And thus it is evident that the imperial majesty andauthority is the highest in human society."

CH. VUI] DE MONARCHIA 2.S

can be easily gathered from what has gone be-fore. And therefore humanity corresponds to,the universe itself, or to its Prince, who is Godand Monarch: simply through one only prin-ciple, namely, the submission to a single Prince.We conclude from this that Monarchy is neces-sary to the world for its well-being.

CHAPTER VIII

Men are made in the image of God; hut God is one.

I. And everything is well, nay, best disposedwhich acts in accordance with the intention ofthe first agent, who is God. This is self-evident,save to such as deny that divine goodness at-tains the summit of perfection. I t is of the in-tention of God that all things should representthe divine likeness in so far as their peculiarnature is able to receive it.' For this reason it

I. Dante applies to the Deity the names denoting govern-mental supremacy, not only in the De Mon. but elsewhere.See Con". z. 6. I; z. 16.6; .. Imperadore dell' universo;"also Emperor. Info I. IZH Par. IZ. 40, etc.; De Mon.3. 16. I.

I. Conti. 3. 14. I: ..The sun ••• sending his rays herebelow, makesall things to resemblehis own brightness, as far asthey, of their own nature. are capable of receiving light. Thus

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

was said, (( Let us make man in our image, afterour likeness.'" Although "in our image" cannotbe said of things inferior to man, nevertheless," after our likeness" can be said of all things, forthe entire universe is nought else than a foot-print of divine goodness. The human race,therefore, is ordered well, nay, is ordered for thebest, when according to the utmost of its powerit becomes like unto God.! But the human raceis most like unto God when it is most one, forthe principle of unity dwells in Him alone.Wherefore it is written, "Hear, 0 Israel, theLord our God is one Lord." 4

2.. But the human race is most one when allare united together, a state which is manifestlyimpossible unless humanity as a whole becomessubject to one Prince, and consequently comes

• • • God brings this love to His own likeness, in so far as itis possible for it to resemble Him."

Por. I. 104: .. Form • • • makes the universe in the like-ness of God!' Cf. De M011. 2. 2. 2, and note 3.

2. Gen. I. 26. Used in C011f1. 4. 12. 6: .. God is thesource of our soul and has made it like unto Himself (as it iswritten, • Let us make man in our image and likeness')."

3. Eth. 10. 8. 13: .. The energy of the deity, as it sur-passes all others in blessedness, must be contemplative: andtherefore, of human energies, that which is nearest allied tothis must be the happiest."

4. Deut, 6. 4.

CH. IX] DE MONARCHIA

most into accordance with that divine intentionwhich we showed at the beginning of this chap-ter is the good, nay, is the best disposition ofmankind.

CHAPTER IX

Men, as the sons of Heaven, should follow in the foot-prints of Heaven.

I. Likewise, every son acts well and for thebest when, as far as his individual nature per-mits, he follows in the footprints of a perfectfather. I As (( Man and the sun generate man," "according to the second book of Natural Learn-ing, the human race is the son of heaven, whichis absolutely perfect in all its works. There-fore mankind acts for the best when it followsin the footprints of heaven, as far as its distinc-tive nature permits. Now, human reason appre-hends most clearly through philosophy 3 that

I. Can«, 4. 24. 8: .. All children look more closely to thepaternal footprints than any others."

2. Ph)s. 2. 2: .. Homo hominem generat ex materia etsol." Witte quotes from an old Latin version. Dante quotesthree times in De Mon. from De Naturali ..JuditfJ. as he callsthe Physics of Aristotle. Cf. infra. 2.7. 3; 3. 15. 2.

3. 1nf. II. 97: e« Philosophy ••• to whoso looks nar-rowly on her. notes. not in one place only. how nature tales

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

the entire heaven in all its parts, its movements,and its motors, is controlled by a single motion,the primum mobile,. and by a single mover, God;

her course from the understanding of God. and from Hisworkmanship; and if thou well observe thy PhYJiu. thou wiltfind after not many pages. that your workmanship. as far as itcan. follows her as the learner does the master. so that yourworkmanship is as it were second in descent from God."

4. The .. primum mobile" is the ninth heaven. and thesource of motion in the other eight movable heavens. Theheavens are treated of in CORV. 2. 3-6; the .. primum mo-bile" in 2. 4. I: .. The fervent longing of all its parts to beunited to those of this tenth and most divine heaven. makesit revolve with so much desire that its velocity is almostincomprehensible." Dante's theory of motion is to someextent explained in Letter II. 26: .. Everything that movethhath some defect. and hath not its whole being complete initself.' ,

CORV. %. 15. 5: "The said heaven directs by its move-ments the daily revolution of all the others. by which they alldaily receive and transmit here below the virtue of all theirparts."

Par. 27. 106: .. The nature of the world that holds thecentre quiet. and moves all else around, begins hence as fromits starting-point. And this heaven has no other Where thanin the mind of God. in which is kindled the love that turns itand the virtue that it showers down. Light and love compre-hend it with one circle. as it does the rest; and of that girthHe only who girt it is the intelligence. Its movement is notmarked out by any other. the others are measured by it." Cf.Par. I. 76. where God is called" Love who orderest theheavens," and De MOIl. %. %. 3 note.

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA

then, if our syllogism is correct, the humanrace is best ordered when in all its movementsand motors it is controlled by one Prince asby one mover, by one law as by one motion.On this account it is manifestly essential for thewell-being of the world that there should exist aMonarchy or unified Principality, which mencall the Empire. This truth Boethius sighed forin the words, (( 0 race of men how blessed, didthe love which rules the heavens rule likewiseyour minds! " 5

CHAPTER X

In order to settle all disputes a supreme judge isnecessary.

I. Wherever strife is a possibility, in thatplace must be judgment; otherwise imperfectionwould exist without its perfecting agent. I Thiscould not be, for God and Nature are not want-ing in necessary things." It is self-evident that

Par. 28. 70: .. The one which sweeps along with it theuniverse sublime."

5. De Cans, Phil OJ. 2. Metr. 8. 1I. 28-30. Seepp.282-288 of Moore's Studies. Vol. I, for an account of Dante'srelation to Boethius, one of his .. favorite authors."

I. .. Sine proprio perfectivo."2. De .Animo 3. 9. This idea Dante often repeats. See

infra, 2. 7. 2. and 3. 15. I.

30 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

between any two princes, neither of whom owesallegiance to the other, controversy may ariseeither by their own fault or by the fault oftheir subjects. For such, judgment is necessary.And inasmuch as one owing no allegiance to theother can recognize no authority in him (for anequal cannot control an equal), there must be athird prince with more ample jurisdiction, whomay govern both within the circle of his right.This prince will be or will not be a Monarch.If he is, our purpose is fulfilled; if not, he willagain have a coequal beyond the circle of hisjurisdiction, and again a third prince will berequired. And thus either the process will becarried to infinity, which is impossible, or thatprimal and highest judge will be reached, bywhose judgments all disputes are settled medi-ately or immediately. And this judge will beMonarch, or Emperor. Monarchy is thereforeindispensable to the world, and this truth thePhilosopher saw when he said, " Things have nodesire to be wrongly ordered; inasmuch as amultitude of Princedoms is wrong, let there beone Prince." 3

3. Metaphys. 11.10, at the end. Moore points out theoriginal source as Homer, II. z. z04.

Par. zoo 76: .. Such seemed to me the image of theimprint of the eternal pleasure, according to its desire forwhich each thing becomes what sort it is."

CH. XI] DE MONARCHIA 31

CHAPTER XI

The world is best ordered when in it Justice ispreeminent.

I. Further, the world is disposed for the bestwhen Justice reigns therein; wherefore, desiringto glorify that age which seemed to be dawn-ing in his own day, Virgil sang in his Bucolics," Now doth the Virgin return and the kingdomsof Saturn." I For they called Justice the Virgin,and called her also Astraea. The kingdoms ofSaturn meant those happiest times which mennamed the Age of Gold. Justice is preeminentonly under a Monarch; therefore, that the worldmay be disposed for the best, there is needed aMonarchy, or Empire.

2. To make the assumption plain, it must beunderstood that Justice, considered in itself andin its distinctive nature, is a certain directness orrule of action avoiding the oblique on either side,and refusing the comparison of more or less indegree, as whiteness considered in the abstract,"

I. Ed. 4.6. Statiusin his eulogy of Virgil, Purg; z z, 70,paraphrases this passage of the Fourth Eclogue: .. The worldrenews itself; Justice returns, and the first age of man; anda new progeny descends from Heaven." Use is made of thesame in Letter 7. I.

z. One of the books of the Convito, which was never writ-

32 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

Certain forms 3 of this kind, though presentin compounds, consist in themselves of simpleten, was to have been devoted to this" moral virtue." Confl.I. 12. 4: "Of this subject I shall treat fully in the four-teenth book." So Dante aflirms again, I. c, 4. 27. 5: .. Jus-ticewill be treated of in the last book but one of this volume."The word" justitia," used in the De Mon. according to thedefinition here of .. regula sive rectitudo," is employed else-where by Dante with varying meanings, ranging even to asynonym of perfect goodness and God Himself.

Confl.4. 17. 13: "The eleventh [moral virtue] is Jus-tice, which disposesus to love and practice righteousness in allthings."

1nf. 29. 56: "Justice that cannot err" punishes those inhell. In Perg; 19. 77 the sufferings endured .. both hopeand justice make less hard." Again in Purg, 16. 71, it is.. Justice to have for good joy, and for evil woe."

Par. 4. 67: "That our justice should appear unjust in theeyes of mortals is argument of faith and pertains not to hereticdepravity."

Par. 6. 103: "Let the Ghibellines ••• work their artsunder another ensign, for he ever follows that amiss whoseparatesjustice and it." L. c, 121: "The livingjustice makesour affection sweet within us, so that it can never be wrestedto any unrighteousness."

Par. 18. 115: "0 sweet star, what manner and whatnumber of what gems showed me that our justice is an effectof the heaven wherein thou art set." In this samecanto Dantesees the motto of the empire, 90 ff., .. Diligite justitiam •••qui judicatis terram," in the words which open the Book ofWisdom. For Thomas Aquinas on Justice, see S. 'T. 2-2.

S7. I, 58. I.

3. Formsmay be substantialor accidental; substantial,when

Ca. XI] DE MONARCHIA 33and invariable essence, as the Master of theSix Principles+ rightly claims; yet such quali-ties admit the comparison of more or less indegree as regards the subjects 5 in which theyare mingled, when more or less of the quali-ties' opposites are mixed therein. Therefore,when with Justice is intermixed a minimumof its opposite, both as to disposition and op-eration, there Justice reigns. Truly, then maybe applied to her the words of the Philoso-pher: " Neither Hesperus, the star of evening,nor Lucifer, the star of morning, is so won-derfully fair." 6 Then, indeed, she is like toPheebe beholding her brother across the circlethey give things being or essence; accidental, when they givethings qualities or attributes. Whiteness is an accidental formwhich is intrinsically absolute. More or less whiteness is onlypossible when some other accidental form is mixed with it.C£. infra, par. 3.

+. Gilbertus Porretanus was a scholastic logician, a theo-logian, and Bishop of Poitiers, a pupil of Bernard of Chartresand of Anselm of Laon. His chief logical work was De SexPrincipiis, and it gave him the name by which Dante desig-nates him. A criticism of the ten Aristotelian Categories, itdrew a distinction between the first four (formae inhaerentes),substance, quality, quantity, and relation, and the other six(formae assistentes), and it became one of the most popularworks in the schools.

5. Dante uses .. subject" to mean either an entity or anunderlying element.

6. Elb. 5. I. 1%.

34 DANTE ALIGHIERI (BK. I

of the heavens, from the purple of morn's se-rene."

3. Man's disposition to Justice may meetopposition in the will; 8 for when will is notwholly unstained by cupidity, even if Justice bepresent, she may not appear in the perfect splen-dor of her purity, having encountered a qualitywhich resists her to some degree, be it neverso little. So it is right to repulse those whoattempt to impassion a judge. In its opera-tion, man's justice may meet opposition throughwant of power; for since Justice is a virtue in-volving other persons, how can one act accord-ing to its dictates without the power of allottingto each man what belongs to him? 9 It is obvi-ous from this that in proportion to the justman's power will be the extent of his exerciseof Justice.

4. From our exposition we may proceed toargue thus: Justice is most effective in theworld when present in the most willing andpowerful man; only a Monarch is such a man;

7. The sun and moon are again referred to in this way. Par.29. I: ..When both the children of Latona. brooded over bythe Ram and Scales. together make of the horizon a belt."

8. Par. I 5. I: Into" a benign will ••• is dissolved alwaysthe love which inspires righteously. as evil concupiscence is untothe unjust will."

9. Eth. 5. I. 15. 17. 20.

3~ ~/()?..>I

D CR. XI] DE MONARCHIA 35therefore Justice subsisting in a sole Monarchis the most effective in the world. This pro-syllogism runs through the second figure 10 withintrinsic negation, and is like this: All B is A;only C is A; therefore only C is B. That is,All B is A; nothing except C is A; thereforenothing except C is B.

5. The former statement II is apparent fromthe forerunning explanation; the latter, first,in regard to the will, second, in regard to thepower, is unfolded thus. In regard to the will,it must first be noted that the worst enemy ofJustice is cupidity, as Aristotle signifies in thefifth book to Nicomachus:" When cupidity is

10. Analyl. Prior. I. 5. The second figure is character-ized by having the common term (A in this case) in the pre-dicate, both in the major and minor premise, and by havingone premise positive and one negative.

1I. That is, Justice is most powerful in the world whenpresent in the most powerful and willing subject.

12. Eln. 5. z. 5.Covetousness, cupidity, or avarice, the desire for other than

that which is the intention of God, Dante makes the root ofevery wrong. Individual self-seeking destroys the form, ororder, of the universe. It is related to the evil of multiplicitytreated of in De Mon. I. 15. Those guilty of avarice werepunished in the fourth circle of Inferno, canto 7; Simoniacsinthe eighth circle, Malebolge, canto 19; and usurers just abovein the seventh circle, Isf, 17.

Inf. 12. 49: .. 0 blind covetousness! 0 foolish wrath!

IM>1AN'A t't:N1RAl COL~Ur.-LIBRAR~

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

removed altogether, nothing remains inimical toJustice; hence, fearful of the influence of cupid-ity which easily distorts men's minds, the Phi-losopher grew to believe that whatever can be de-termined by law should in no wise be relegatedto a judge." Cupidity is impossible when thereis nothing to be desired, for passions cease toexist with the destruction of their objects. Sincehis jurisdiction is bounded only by the ocean,"

that dost so spur us in our short life, and afterward in the lifeeternal dost in such evil wise steep us!" rsrs- 19. 12I;2:Z. 23, 34.

Purg, 20. 82: II 0 avarice, what canst thou do more withus, since thou hast so drawn my race to thee that it cares notfor its own flesh ! "

Par. 27. 121-124: .. 0 covetousness, which dost sowhelm mortals under thee that none has power to draw hiseyes forth of thy waves! Well flowers in men their wills; butthe rain unbroken turns to sloes the true plums."

Par. 30. 138: Henry came before his time to Italy be-cause II The blind covetousness which bewitches you hasmade you like the child who is dying of hunger and drivesaway his nurse."

For further reference to cupidity, see note, .Aquina! EIM-{UJ, Vol. 2. p. 396. Rickaby.

13. Rhetorit I. 1.7. Cen«. 4. 4. I: "The whole earth••• should be under one prince, ••• possessingeverything,and therefore incapable of further desire."

14. .Aen. I. 287: "Imperium Oceano, farnamqui terminetastris."

In the letter to Henry VII, Letter 5. 3, the idea is am-

CR. XI] DE MONARCHIA 37

there is nothing for a Monarch to desire. Thisis not true of the other princes, whose realmsterminate in those of others, as does the King ofCastile's in that of the King of Aragon. So weconclude that among mortals the purest subjectfor the indwelling of Justice is the Monarch.

6. Moreover, to the extent however smallthat cupidity clouds the mental attitude towardJustice, charity or right love clarifies and bright-ens it. In whomever, therefore, right love can bepresent to the highest degree, in him can J us-tice find the most effective place. Such is theMonarch, in whose person Justice is or may bemost effective. That right love acts as we havesaid, may be shown in this way: avarice, scorn-ing man's competency," seeks things beyondplified: II The power of the Romans is limited neither by theconfines of Italy, nor by the shores of three-horned Europe.For although through violence its dominions may have beennarrowed on all sides, none the less, since it extends to thewaves of Amphitrite by inviolable right, it barely deigns to begirded round about by the inelfectual billows of the ocean.For to us it was written: • Of illustrious origin shall TrojanCaesar be born: his empire shall end with the ocean, his famewith the stars.' "

I5. II Perseitate hominum," Witte instances the sameword, Ockham, Quotuor Lilr»: Senten. J. z. 4: II Omnis pro-positio,in qua praedicatur passio de suo subiecto cum nomineperseitatis, esset falsa, quodest absurdum." Ducange defines itthus: II Perseitashominum= facultas per se subsistandi."

38 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

him; but charity, scorning all else, seeks Godand man, and therefore the good of man. Andsince to live in peace is chief of man's blessings,as we said before, and since this is most fullyand easily accomplished by Justice, charity willmake Justice thrive greatly; with her strengthwill the other grow strong."

7. That right love should indwell in theMonarch more than in all men beside revealsitself thus: Everything loved is the more lovedthe nearer it is to him who loves; men arenearer to the Monarch than to other princes;

. therefore they are or ought to be most loved byhim." The first statement is obvious if we callto mind ,the nature of patients and agents; the

16. Purg, 15. 71: .. In proportion as charity extends, in-creases upon it the eternal goodness."

Par. 3.43: .. Our charity locks not its doors upon a justwish." L. c, 70: .. A virtue of charity sets at rest our will,which makes us wish that only which we have."

17. CORU. I. 12. 2: .. Proximity and goodness are thecauses that engender love."

CORU. 3. 10. I: .. The closer the thing desired comes tohim who desires it, the greater the desire is."

Purg, 27. 109: .. And already, through the brightnessbefore the light, which arises the more grateful to pilgrims, ason their return they lodge less far away."

More, Utopia: .. The king ••• should love his people,and be loved of them; ••• he should live among them, governthem gently."

DE MONARCHIA 39second if we perceive that men approach otherprinces in their partial aspect, but a Monarchin their totality. And again, men approachother princes through the Monarch, and notconversely; and thus the guardianship of theworld is primary and immediate with the Mon-arch, but with other princes it is mediate, deriv-ing from the supreme care of the Monarch.

8. Moreover, the more universal a cause, the• more does it possess the nature of a cause, for

the lower cause is one merely by virtue of thehigher, as is patent from the treatise on Causes. IS

The more a cause is a cause, the more it lovesits effect, for such love pursues its cause for itsown sake. As we have said, other princes arecauses merely by virtue of the Monarch; thenamong mortals he is the most universal cause ofman's well-being, and the good of man is lovedby him above all others.'?

18. De Ceusis, Lect, I. This pseudo-Aristotelian treatise,probably of Arabic origin, was regarded with great reverencein the Middle Ages, and commentaries were written upon it byAlbertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Aegidius Romanus.Prantl, Gmnhnte der Logi/{ im .Abend/ande, Vol. 3. pp. 8-10.

19. Conu. 4. 4. 3: II Before the coming of the aforesaidofficer [the emperor] no one had at heart the good of all."Cf. l. c. 4. 5· 3·

Utopia: .. A prince ought to take more care of his people's

DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bit. J

9. Who doubts now that a Monarch is mostpowerfully equipped for the exercise of Jus-tice? 20 None save he who understands not thesignificance of the word, for a Monarch canhave no enemies.

10. The assumed proposition 2. being there-fore sufficiently explained, the conclusion is cer-tain that Monarchy is indispensable for the bestordering of the world.

CHAPTER XII

Humanity is ordered for the Imt when mostfree.

I. If the principle of freedom is explained, itwill be apparent that the human race is orderedfor the best when it is most free. Observe,then, those words which are on the lips ofmany but in the minds of few, that the basicprinciple of our freedom is freedom of thewill. J Men come even to the point of sayingthat free will is free judgment in matters of will,happiness than of his own, as a shepherd is to take more careof his flock than of himself."

ZOo In Par. 18 occurswhat Butlercalls the .. apotheosisofthe personified empire," and there its relation to justice ismade plain. See note Z in the present chapter of De MOll.

ZI. That .. Justice is preeminent only under a Monarch."I. Freedom of the will is discussed in Par. 5. 19ff.

CH. XII] DE MONARCHIA

and they say true; but the import of their wordsis far from them, as from our logicians whowork daily with certain propositions used asexamples in books of logic; for instance, that"a triangle has three angles equaling two rightangles." 2

2.. Judgment, I affirm, stands between ap-prehension and desire; for first a thing is appre-hended; then the apprehension is adjudgedgood or bad; and finally he who so judgespursues or avoids it.3 So if judgment entirely

z. Moore says that this thought is repeated more thantwenty times in Aristotle. e. g• .ARa!yt. Prior. z. z I; Magnt1Mora!' I. I: .. It would be absurd if a man wishing to provethat the angles of a triangle were equal to two right anglesassumed that the soul is immortal."

3. Confl. I. 12.4: .. Although allvirtue is lovablein man,that is most so which is most peculiarly human; and this isjustice which belongsonly to the reason or intellect, that is, thewill."

CORfI. 4. 9. 3: .. There are actions ••• which our rea-son considers as within the province of the will, such as tooffendor to help; ••• and these are entirely under the controlof our will, and therefore from them are we called good orwicked, because they are all our own."

CORfI. 4. 18. I: ..All the moral virtues come from oneprinciple, which is a good and habitual choice."

Purge 18.19: • The mind which is created ready to loveis quick to move to everything which pleases it so soon as bythe pleasure it is aroused to action. Your apprehensive powerdraws an intention from an essence which speaks true, and

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

controls desire, and is hindered by it in no way,judgment is free; but if desire influences judg-ment by hindering it in some manner, judgmentcannot be free, for it acts not of itself, but isdragged captive by another. Thus brutes can-not have free judgment, for their judgments arealways hindered by appetite. And thus intel-lectual substances whose wills are immutable:and disembodied souls 5 who have departed inpeace, do not lose freedom of the will by rea-son of this immutability, hut retain it in great-est perfection and power.

displays it within you, so that it makes the mind turn tothat. "

Par. 13. JIS: "It occurs that oftentimes the currentopinion swerves in a false direction, and afterwards the desirebinds the understanding."

4. Cf. SlIpra, 1.3.2, and note IO~ CORV.2. 6. 7: "Thesemotive powers guide by their thought alone the revolutionsover which each one presides."

5. CORV. 2. 9. 3: "The soul ••• having left it [thebody], it endures forever in a nature more than human."

CORV. 2. I. 4: "The soul, in forsaking its sins, becomesholy and free in its powers." So Virgil assures Dante whenhe has reached the Earthly Paradise, Purg, 27. 140: "Awaitno more my word or my sign; free, right, and sound is thyjudgment, and it were a fault not to act according to itsthought, wherefore, thee over thyself I crown and mitre."

And of children, Par. 32. 40: .. Spirits set free beforethat they had true power of choice."

CH. XII] DE MONARCHIA 433. With this in mind we may understand that

this freedom, or basic principle of our freedom,is, as I said, the greatest gift bestowed by Godupon human nature, for through it we attainto joy here as men, and to blessedness thereas gods," If this is so, who will not admit that

6. Purg; 18. 55: "Man knows not whence comes the un-derstanding of the first cognitions, and the affectionof the firstobjects of appetite, for they are in you, as in the bee the desireof making its honey; and this firstvolition admits not desert ofpraise or blame. Now, whereas about this every other gathersitself, there is innate in you the faculty which counsels, andwhich should hold the threshold of assent. This is the prin-ciple whereto occasionof desert in you is attracted, accordingas it gathers up and winnows out good or guilty love. Theywho in reasoning have gone to the foundation have taken noteof that innate liberty, wherefore they have left morality to theworld. Whence let us lay down that of necessity arises everylove which kindles itself in you; of keeping it in check thepower is in you. The noble faculty Beatrice understands forfree will."

Par. 5. 19: .. The greatest gift which God of His bountymade in creating, and the most conformed to His goodness,and that which He most values, was the freedom of the will,wherewith the creatures that have intelligence all, and theyonly, were and are endowed." Giuliani says that someMSS.add to these lines of the De Mon., .. sicut in Paradiso come-diaejam dixi." Whatever scribeoriginallyinserted them foundtheir pronounced relationship to Par. 5. 19.

See alsoS. 'T. I. 59. 3: .. Only that which has intellect canact by free judgment; ••• wherever intellect is, there is judg-ment."

44 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

mankind is best ordered when able to use thisprinciple most effectively? But the race is mostfree under a Monarch. Wherefore let us knowthat the Philosopher holds in his book con-cerning simple Being, that whatever exists for itsown sake and not for the sake of another isfree," For whatever exists for the sake of an-other is conditioned by that other, as a roadby its terminus. Only if a Monarch rules canthe human race exist for its own sake; only ifa Monarch rules can the crooked policies 8 bestraightened, namely democracies, oligarchies,and tyrannies which force mankind into slavery,"as he sees who goes among them,and under whichkings, aristocrats called the best men, and zealotsof popular liberty play at politics." For since

7. Metaphys. I. z , This treatise Dante calls de simpli-titer Ent«, here and 1.13. I; 1.15. I; 3. 14.4, but PrimaPhilOJOphia in 3. 1%. I.

Ceno, 3. 14. 3: .. The noble and intellectual soul, free inher special power, which is reason; ••• and the Philosophersays in the first of the Metaphysics, that that thing is free whichexists for itself and not for another."

8. .. Crooked policies;" in the Latin, "politiae obliquae."9. Reference to political servitude is common in Dante,

e. g. Purg, 6. 76: .. Ah Italy! thou slave. hostel of woe!"10. In Pol. 3. 7. %-5. we find: .. A tyranny is a mon-

archy where the good of one man only is the object of govern-ment, an oligarchy considers only the rich, and a democracy

CH. XII] DE MONARCHIA 4Sa Monarch loves men greatly, a point alreadytouched upon, he desires all men to do good,which cannot be among players at crooked poli-cies. Whence the Philosopher in his Politicssays," Under bad government the good man isa bad citizen; but under upright government, good man' and (good citizen' have the samemeaning." II Upright governments have libertyas their aim, that men may live for themselves;not citizens for the sake of the consuls, nor apeople for a king, but conversely, consuls forthe sake of the citizens, and a king for his peo-ple. U As governments are not all establishedfor the sake of laws, but laws for governments,so those living under the laws are not orderedfor the sake of the legislator, but rather he foronly the poor, but no one of them has the common good ofall in view."

The word .. politizant," occurring here, Witte defines as.. regnare et civitati praeesse." Wicksteed translates it .. havea real policy." I find that Milton used an Anglicized formof the word in his Reformation in England, 2: .. Let menot for fear of a scarecrow, or else through hatred to bereformed, stand hankering and politizing, when God withspread hands testifies to us." So I translate the word .. playat politics."

II. Pol. 3.4. 3.4·12. .. It is impossibleto conceivea peoplewithout a prince,

but not a prince without a people." In his essay on Dast«Lowell quotes this saying of Calvin's.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK.I

them, as the Philosopher maintains in what hehas left us concerning the present matter. I]

Wherefore it is also evident that although con-sul or king may be lord of others with respectto means of governing, they are servants withrespect to the end of governing; and withoutdoubt the Monarch must be held the chief ser-vant of all. Now it becomes clear that a Mon-arch is conditioned in the making of laws byhis previously determined end. Therefore thehuman race existing under a Monarch is bestordered, and from this it follows that a Mon-archy is essential to the well-being of the world.

CHAPTER XIII

He who is best adapted for ruling is the best directorof other men.

I. He who is capable of the best qualificationfor ruling can best qualify others. In everyaction the chief intent of the agent, whether itact by necessity of nature or by choice, is to un-fold its own likeness; I whence it is that every

13· Pol. 4. I. 9.I. Can», 3. 2.2: «Each effect contains something of the

nature of its cause." L. c. 3. 14. I: «For the virtue of onething to descend upon another. that other thing must be brought

CH. XIII] DE MONARCHIA 47agent, in so far as it acts in this way, delights inaction. Since every existent thing desires its ex-istence, and since an agent in action amplifies itsexistence to a certain extent, delight necessarilyensues, for delight is bound up in the thing de-sired. Z Nothing can act, therefore, unless exist-ing already as that which the thing acted uponis to become; and therefore the Philosopherstates in his writings of simple Being: (( Everyreduction from potentiality to actuality is accom-plished by an actuality of like kind;" 3 for ifanything attempted to act under other conditions,it would try in vain. Thus may be destroyedthe error of those men who believe by speakinggood and doing evil they can inform others withlife and character; and who forget that the handsof Jacob, though false witnesses, were more per-suasive than his words, though true." Hence

to the first one's likeness; as we see plainly in all natural agen-cies, whose descending upon passive things brings them toresemble those agencies in so far as they are capable of so doing."So in Cano, f. 22. f. And see note 5, De Mon. I. 2.

2. Conu. 2. 9. 2: .. Every cause loves its effect."3. Metaphy!. 8. 8. See Par. 29. 34: .. Pure potency held

the lowest place; in the midst clasped potency with act such awithe as never is untwisted." S. 'T. I. 54-59; 1-2. 3. 2.

Also note 10, De Mon. I. 3.f. Gen. 27. 22: uThe voice is Jacob's voice, but the

hands are the hands of Esau." Cf. De Mon. 2.12.5.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

the Philosopher to Nicomachus: (( In matters ofpassion and action, words are less trustworthythan deeds." 5 And hence the message fromheaven to the sinner David: "What hast thouto do to declare my statutes? "6 As if it hadsaid, " In vain thou speakest, being other thanthy words." From which we may gather thathe who would best qualify others must himselfbe supremely qualified.

2. That only a Monarch can be supremelyqualified for ruling is thus proved. Everythingis more easily and perfectly adapted to any stateor activity as there is present in it less of oppo-sition to such adaptation. So those who havenever heard of philosophy come more easily toa comprehension of philosophic truth than thosewho have heard often thereof, but are imbuedwith false opinions. So Galen 1says with right:

s. Eth. 10. I. 3: H Arguments about matters of feelingand action are less convincing than facts."

6. Ps.so.16. Note that the Hsinner" may yet be Hholi-est of kings " in the followingparagraph. Seearticle on David,Toynbee's Dante Dictionary.

7. Claudius Galen (130-200 A. D.), the celebrated phy-sician of Pergamum in Asia, was up to the sixteenth centurythe most famous physician of antiquity with the exception ofHippocrates. Some eighty-three treatises, medical and philo-sophical,written by him are still extant. See lnf. 4· 143. Thequotation about the difficulty of unlearning false knowledge isfrom De Cognostendis .Animi Martis, c. 10.

CH. XIII] DE MONARCHIA 49" Such men need double time for gaining know-ledge." Now, as was shown above, a Monarchcan have no occasion for cupidity, or rather lessoccasion than any other men, even other princes,"and cupidity is the sole corrupter of judgmentand hindrance to Justice; so the Monarch iscapable of the highest degree of judgment andJustice, and is therefore perfect!y qualified, orespecially well qualified, to rule. Those twoqualities are most befitting a maker and execu-tor of the law, as that holiest of kings testifiesby his petition to God for the attributes meetfor a king and the son of a king, praying:" Givethe king thy judgments, 0 God, and thy right-eousness unto the king's son." 9

3. It was rightly assumed, then, that theMonarch alone is capable of supreme qualifica-tion to rule. Hence the Monarch is best ableto direct others. Therefore it follows that forthe best ordering of the world. Monarchy isnecessary.

8. De Mon. I. II. 5.9. Ps, 72. I. Par. 13. 94: II I have not so spoken that

thou canst not well see that he was a king who asked wisdom,to the end that he might be a competent king."

50 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

CHAPTER XIV

JfThat one agent can do is better done by one than bymany.

I. When it is possible to do a thing throughone agent, it is better done through one thanthrough more! We prove it in this way: LetA be one agent able to accomplish a given end,and let A and B be two through whom the samething can be accomplished. If the end accom-plished through A and B can be accomplishedthrough A alone, B is added uselessly, as no-thing results from the addition of B which wouldnot have resulted from A alone. N ow inasmuchas every addition is idle and superfluous/ andevery superfluity is displeasing to God and N a-ture, and everything displeasing to God andNature is evil, as is self-evident; it follows notonly that whatever can be done through oneagent is better done through one than throughmore, but that whatever done through one is

I. Moore shows that the basicidea of this chapter is foundin many places inAristotle: De Part • .Anim. 3. H Phy!. 7. 6,etc. This idea reappears in ~at1tio de .Aqua e/ 'Terra 13.34 (Oxford ed.): .. Quia quod potest fieri per unum, meliusest quod fiat per unum quam per pIura."

2. Another common Aristotelian notion. See De Cae/o I.

H De Gen• .Anim. 2. 6.

DE MONARCHIA 51good, done through more becomes manifestlyevil. Further, a thing is said to be better thenearer it approaches the best. I ts end partakesof the character of the best. But what is doneby one agent is nearer its end, and thereforebetter. That it is nearer its end we see thus:Let there be an end C to be reached by a singleagent A, or by a dual agent A and B. Evidentlythe way from A through B to C is longer thanfrom A straight to C. Now humanity can beruled by one supreme Prince who is Monarch.

2. But it must be noted well that when weassert that the human race is capable of beingruled by one supreme Prince, it is not to beunderstood that the petty decisions of everymunicipality can issue from him directly, formunicipal laws do fail at times and have need ofregulation, as the Philosopher shows in his com-mendation of equity 3 in the fifth book to Ni-camachus, Nations, kingdoms, and cities haveindividual conditions which must be governedby different laws. For law is the directive prin-

3. «Equity." Dante writes 11rL£{X£LQv-one of the Greekwords that found their way into mediaeval translationsof Aris-totle, and were «cruelly mauled by the scribes," says Wick-steed. The reference is to Eth. 5. 10: .. And this is thenature of the equitable, that it is the correction of law, wher-ever it is defectiveowing to its universality."

52 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bx:••

ciple of life. The Scythians.t Iiving beyond theseventh clime,s suffering great inequality of daysand nights, and oppressed by a degree of coldalmost intolerable, need laws other than the Gar-amantes," dwelling under the equinoctial circle,who have their days always of equal length withtheir nights, and because of the unbearable heatof the air cannot endure the useless burden ofclothing. But rather let it be understood thatthe human race will be governed by him ingeneral matters pertaining to all peoples, andthrough him will be guided to peace by a gov-ernment common to all. And this rule, or law,individual princes should receive from him,just

4. The Scythianswere vaguelyunderstood to be the nomadtribes north of the Black Sea and the Caspian. Dante speaksof them again, De Mon. 2. 9· 3; 3· 3. I.

5. Ptolemy'S KlI.tp.aTa or climateswere belts of the earth'ssurface, divided by lines parallel to the equator. The lengthof day determined the position of each terrestrial climate, eachhaving half an hour more than the preceding one. The sevenclimates of the northern hemisphere are described by Alfra-ganus in his Element« Llstronomica. The system of climatesdeveloped into that of the present parallels of latitude. Ourword .. climate" came from the application of a place nameto the temperature of the region. See Toynbee's Diet. s. v•.. Garamantes." Cf. Coso, 3. 5. 8.

6. The tribes south of the Great Desert were known asthe Garamantes. See Lucan, Pharo 4. 33H 9. 369. In Can«,3. 5· 8 they are described as men II who go almost alwaysnaked."

Ca. XIV] DE MONARCHIA 53as forany operative conclusion the practical in-tellect receives the major premise from the spec-ulative intellect, adds thereto the minor premisepeculiarly its own, and draws the conclusion forthe particular operation. This government com-mon to all not only may proceed from one; itmust do so, that all confusion be removed fromprinciples of universal import. Moses himselfwrote in the law that he had done this; for whenhe had taken the chiefs of the children of Israel,he relinquished to them minor decisions, alwaysreserving for himself those more important andoflarger application; and in their tribes the chiefsmade use of those of larger application accord-ing as they might be applied to each tribe."

3. Therefore it is better that the human raceshould be ruled by one than by more, and thatthe one should be the Monarch who is a uniquePrince. And if it is better, it is more acceptableto God, since God always wills what is better.And inasmuch as between two things, that whichis better will be likewise best, between this ruleby ((one" and this rule by ((more," rule by "one"

7. Exad, 18. I7-z6; De1Jt. I. 10-18. Moses as law-giver is frequently quoted in this treatise on Monarchy: s. 4.I; z. 13. Z; 3. 5. I, etc. Moses is honored together withSamuel and John in Par. 4. 29 as those who" have mostpart in God."

S4 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

is acceptable to God not only in a comparativebut in a superlative degree. Wherefore thehuman race is ordered for the best when ruledby one sovereign. And so Monarchy mustexist for the welfare of the world.

CHAPTER XV

In every sort of thing that is {mt which is most one.

I. Likewise I affirm that being and unity andgoodness exist seriatim according to the fifthmode of priority. I Being is naturally antece-dent to unity, and unity to goodness; that whichhas completest being has completest unity andcompletest goodness. And as far as anythingis from completest being, just so far is it fromunity and also from goodness. That in everyclass of objects the best is the most unified,the Philosopher maintains in his treatise onsimple Being? From this it would seem thatunity is the root of goodness, and multiplicityis the root of evil. Wherefore Pythagoras inhis Correlations 3 placed unity on the side of

1. "Priority" translates the Latin word prirll. See Arist.Categ, IZ. Moore. Cen«, 3.2.2: "The first of all thingsis being, and before it is nothing."

2. Metophys. I. 5.3. The central thought in the Pythagorean philosophy is

CH. xv] DE MONARCHIA 55good and multiplicity on the side of evil, asappears in the first book on simple Being." Wenumber, it being the principle and essenceof everything. Thetheory of opposites gave rise to the Pythagorean UVUTO!Xta,

parallel tables, or correlations:-I. Limited. Unlimited.2. Odd. Even.3. Unity. Plurality.4. Right. Left.5. Masculine. Feminine.6. Rest. Motion.7. Straight. Crooked.8. Light. Darkness.9. Good. Evil.

10. Square. Oblong.See the article on Pythagoras in Toynbee, Studies, pp. 87-96.Conv. 3. II. 2: "In the time of Numa Pompilius ••• therelived a most noble philosopher, called Pythagoras."

4. Metaphys. as in note 2. Cf. Caso, 2.14.10: "Pytha-goras • • • puts odd and even as the principles of naturalthings, considering all things as number."

The unity of goodnessis one of the cardinal points in Dante'sphilosophy. It is his theory of form and his theory of justice.So the poet of the Divine Comedy makes God in the Empy-rean visualizedunity, as Satan in Hell is visualizedmultiplicity.Par. 28. 16: "I saw a point which radiated light so keenthat the sight which it fires must needs close itself•••• Fromthat point depends the heaven and all nature."

Par. 33. 85: "I saw how there enters, bound with lovein one volume, that which is distributed through the universe;substance and accident and their fashion, as though fused to-gether in such wise that that which I tell of is one single

56 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

can thus see that to sin is naught else than todespise unity, and to depart therefrom to multi-plicity; which the Psalmist surely felt when hesaid, "By the fruit of their corn and wine andoil are they multiplied." 5

2.. Therefore it is established that every goodthing is good because it subsists in unity. Asconcord is a good thing in itself, it must subsistin some unity as its proper root, and this properroot must appear if we consider the nature ormeaning of concord. N ow concord is the uni-form movement of many wills; and unity ofwill, which we mean by uniform movement, isthe root of concord, or rather concord itself. Forjust as we should call many clods concordantbecause all descend together toward the centre,and many flames concordant because they as-cend together to the circumference, if they didthis voluntarily, so we call many men concordantbecause they move together by their volition toone end formally present in their wills; whilein the case of the clods is formally present thesingle attribute of gravity, and in the flames thesingle attribute of levity," For power of willing

light. The universal form of this knot I believe I saw."See Inf. 34. 37 for the description of Satan.

5· Ps, 4· 7·6. Elk. 2. I. 2: .. The stone which by nature goesdown-

CH. xv] DE MONARCHIA 57is a certain potentiality, but the species of good-ness which it apprehends is its form, which, likeother forms, is aunity multiplied in itself accord-ing to the multiplicity of the receiving material,just as soul, number, and other forms subject tocomposition,"ward could never be accustomed to go upward, ••• nor couldfire be accustomed to burn downward!'

COT/fl. 3. 3. I: .. Everything ••• has its special love ; assimple bodies have a natural love for their own place; where-fore earth always falls toward the centre, and fire is drawntoward the circumference above."

Inf. 32• 73: .. We were going toward the centre, towhich all gravity is collected." L. c, 34. 110: .. The pointto the which from every part the weights are drawn."

Purg, 18. 28: .. As the fire moves on high, by reason ofits form, so ••• the mind seized enters into desire, which isa motion of the spirit." Also Purg, 32. 109.

Par. I. 115: .. This bears away the fire toward the moon;this is the motive power in the hearts of men; this binds theearth together and makes it one." Cf. Par. I. 133, 141; 4.77; 23· 42•

7. The species of good which anything apprehends is itsform, that principle which makes it what it is. In this casethe volitional power of willing is the material or matter, whilethe species or sort of goodnesswhich is the end of the volitionis the form. So it makes no dilference how many peoplewill, so long as they will the same thing, for the form is thenthe same, if the material is various.

The compositecharacter of the soul is treated COT/fl. 3. 2. 3,where it is shown to have three powers, vegetable, sensitive,and rational according to Arist. De Caelo 2. See P urg. 25. 74.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

3. These things being premised, we may ar-gue as follows for the proposed exposition ofthe original assumption: All concord dependsupon unity in wills; mankind at its best is aconcord of a certain kind. For just as one manat his best in body and spirit is a concord ofa certain kind," and as a household, a city, anda kingdom is likewise a concord, so it is withmankind in its totality. Therefore the humanrace for its best disposition is dependent on unityin wills. But this state of concord is impossibleunless one will dominates and guides all othersinto unity, for as the Philosopher teaches inthe last book to Nicomachus, mortal wills needdirecting because of the alluring delights ofyouth.? Nor is this directing will a possibilityunless there is one common Prince whose willmay dominate and guide the wills of all others."

8. Confl. 3. 8. I: "Ofall the works of Divine wisdom,man is the most wonderful, considering how Divine powerhas united three natures under one form, and how subtly har-monized must his body be with that form."

Can«, 3. 15. 5: "The beauty of the body results fromthe proper ordering of its members."

Cos«, 4. 25. 7: .. The proper ordering of our membersproduces a pleasure of I know not what wonderful harmony."

9. Eth. 10. 9. 8: .. To live temperately and patiently isnot pleasant to the majority, and especially to the young."

10. Confl. 4. 9. 3: .. We may almost say of the Emperor,

Ca. XVI] DE MONARCHIA 59If the conclusions above are true, as they are,Monarchy is essential for the best dispositionof mankind; and therefore for the well-being ofthe world Monarchy should exist therein.

CHAPTER XVIChrist willed to be barn in the fullness if time when

Augustus was Monarch.

I. A phenomenon not to be forgotten atteststhe truth of all the arguments placed in orderabove, namely, that condition of mortals whichthe Son of God, when about to become man forthe salvation of man, either awaited, or ordainedat such time as He willed! For if from the fallwishing to represent his office by a figure, that he is the riderof human will. And it is very evident how wildly this horsegoes over the field without a rider."

J. For the outline of the argument in this chapter see Oro-sius, Hut. 6. 22. 5.

C01JfI. 4. 5. 2: II The immeasurable Divine Goodness,wishing to bring back to Itself the human creature, which bythe sin of the transgression of the first man had become sepa-rated from God and unlike Him, it was decreed ••• that theSon of God should descend to earth to bring about this re-union. And since at His • • • coming it behoved not onlythe heavens, but the earth, to be in the best condition, andthe best condition of the earth is under a monarchy •••therefore Divine Providence ordained the people and the citywherein this should be fulfilled, that is, Rome the glorious."

60 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. I

of our first parents, at which point of departurebegan all our error/ we survey the ordering ofmen and times, we shall find no perfect Mon-archy, nor the world everywhere at peace, saveunder the divine Monarch Augustus." ThatDe MOll. Book 2 is devoted to this subject of Rome's foreor-dination.

2. The result of Adam's sin Matilda touches on in her dis-course with Dante on the nature of the terrestrial Paradise,Purg, 28. 91: "The highest Good, which does only its ownpleasure, made the man good and for good, and gave himthis place for an earnest to him of eternal peace. Through hisown default he abode here little time; through his own defaulthe changed to weeping and toil honest laughter and sweetmirth."

Par. 7. 2 6: " For not enduring to the faculty that wills anycurb for its own advantage, that man who was never born,in damning himself, damned all his progeny." See De MOll.2. 13. I, and notes.

3. In the image symbolic of human history, Inf. 14. 94 fF.,Dante identifies the golden age with the reign of Augustus.Line 112: "Every part beside the gold is burst with a cleftwhich drips tears."

Par. 6. 55: .. Hard upon that time when the heavenwholly willed to bring back the world to its tranquil order,Caesar by the will of Rome bare it••• " It laid the worldin such a peace that Janus had his shrine locked up."

Can», 4. 5. 3: "Nor ever was, nor ever will be, thisworld so perfectly disposed as then•••• Universal peacereigned, which never was before nor ever will be again, be-cause the ship of human society sped over a smooth seastraight to its destined port."

DE MONARCHIA 61

men were then blessed with the tranquillity ofuniversal peace all historians testify, and all il-lustrious poets; this the writer of the gentlenessof Christ 4 felt it meet to confirm, and last of allPaul, who called that most happy condition"the fulness of the time." 5 Verily, time andall temporal things were full, for no ministry toour happiness lacked its minister. But what hasbeen the condition of the world since that daythe seamless robe? first suffered mutilation bythe claws of avarice, we can read - would thatwe could not also see! 0 human race! whattempests must need toss thee, what treasure bethrown into the sea, what shipwrecks must beendured," so long as thou, like a beast of manyheads," strivest after diverse ends! Thou art

4. Luke 2•• , 14.5. Gal. 4. 4: .. But when the fulness of the time was

come, God sent forth his Son, made of a woman, madeunder the law." Cf. Epk ••• 10.

6. John 19. 23: .. Now the coat was without seam,woven from the top throughout." Dante uses the figure hereto denote the undivided empire. The papal party used thesame figure in their arguments to denote undivided ecclesiasti-cal authority. De Mon. 3. 10. 4.

7. This figure of the ship of human society is found inCan«, 4. 5. 3 (see note 3 of the present chapter), Pur-g.6. 77: H Ah, Italy ••• ship without a pilot in a great tem-pest," etc.

8. This mixed metaphor of Dante's, .. dum bellua multo-

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. I

sick in either intellect.? and sick likewise in thyaffection. Thou healest not thy high under-standing by argument irrefutable, nor thy lowerby the countenance of experience. Nor dostrum capitum factum," is a further illustration of the evil ofmultiplicity and lack of concord in men's wills. Cf. DeMon. I. 15. I, and note. Beside the evil of many discord-ant wills, there is reference to the evils that may be includedunder the term .. bestial." See Ces«, f. 5. 3: .. Vile beaststhat pasture in the shape of men." See especially 1nf.,cantos 12-17. Also note If, De Mon. 2. 3.

9. The two intellects were the possible or apprehensiveintellect, and the active intelligence. Cf. De Mon. I. 3. 2.To these two powers Dante adds that of affection.

Purg, 18. 55: .. Man knows not whence comes theunderstanding of the first cognitions, and the affection of thefirst objects of appetite."

Par, I. 120: .. Creatures ••• that have intellect andlove."

Par, 6.122; 13.120; 15. +3: "When the bow of hisardent affection was so slackened that his speech descendedtowards the mark of our understanding, the first thing that wasby me understood was, • Blessed be Thou, threefold andone.''' L. c, 15. 73: .. The affectionand the thought whenas the first Equality appeared to you, became of one weightfor each of you. "

The two intellects and the affection are the threefold meansgiven to man by which he may arrive at the unity whichis goodness in completeness, and there may see and knowGod. This suggests the means by which Dante achieveshis vision in the DIvine Comedy - Virgil, Beatrice, and St.Bernard.

DE, MONARCHIA

thou heal thy affection by the sweetness of di-vine persuasion, when the voice of the HolySpirit breathes upon thee, " Behold, how goodand how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell to-gether in unity! " 10

10. n. 133. I.

BOOK II

WHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE RIGHTFULLYAPPROPRIATED THE OFFICE OF MONARCHY

CHAPTER I

Introduction.

I. ((WHY do the heathen rage, and the peo-ple imagine a vain thing? The kings of theearth set themselves, and the rulers take coun-sel together against the Lord and against hisAnointed, saying, 'Let us break their bandsasunder, and cast away their yoke from us!" I

2. We are wont to marvel at any strangeeffect when we have never beheld the face ofits cause," and, when we have learned to knowthe cause, to look down with a sort of derisionon those still lost in astonishment. I, in truth,

I. Pi. 2. 1-3. Cf. Attt 4-. 25-27. The same languageof the Psalm is used in Letter 6. 2: II To the infamous Flor-entines within the city."

2. Conf'. 4-. 25. 4-: II The sight of great and wonderfulthings ••• make those that perceive them desire to knowthem."

Purg; 28. 90: "I will tell how by its cause proceeds thatwhich makes thee wonder; and I will purge away the cloudwhich smites."

Par, I. 83: "The strangenessof the sound and the greatlight kindled in me a desire for their cause never before feltwith such keenness."

68 DANTE ALIGHIERI [EK. 11

at one time marveled that without resistance theRoman people had become sovereign through-out the earth; for, looking merely superficiallyat the matter, I believe they had obtained sover-eignty not by right, but by force of arms alone,"However, after the eyes of my mind had piercedto the marrow thereof, and I had come to un-derstand by most convincing tokens that DivineProvidence had effected this thing, my wondervanished, and in its place rises a certain derisivecontempt when I hear the heathen raging againstthe preeminence of the Roman race; when I seepeople, as I was wont, imagining a vain thing;when, more than all, I find to my grief kingsand princes concordant only in the error" of

3. Cm«, 4. 4. 3: .. Some may demur, saying ••• theRoman power was not acquired by reason, nor by decree ofa universal convention, but by force."

Conv. 4. 4. 5: .. Force was not the active cause; • • •not force but law, and that Divine, was the beginning of theRoman Empire."

4. Reading" in hoc vitio" (in the error) and .. unicosuo" (His one) with Moore and Witte, rather than .. inhos unico" and" uncto suo" with Giuliani. See Toynbee,Dante Studies, p. 30%, for his interesting support of Giuliani'sreading and its bearing on the date of the De Mon. If, as hebelieves, .. uncto " definitelyrefers to Henry VII as the Lord's.. anointed," there would be strong reason for dating thetreatise at a time shortly after Henry's coming to Italy.

The whole of par. % is interesting for the information it

CH. I] DE MONARCHIA 69

taking counsel together against their Lord andHis one Roman Prince. Wherefore, on behalfof this glorious people and of Caesar I exclaim,in derision that is also sorrow, with him whocried aloud on behalf of the Prince of heaven,"Why do the heathen rage, and the people im-agine a vain thing? The kings of the earth setthemselves, and the rulers take counsel together,against the Lord, and against his anointed:'

3. Yet lasting derision is not compatible withnatural love, but as the summer sun, risingsplendid above the scattered mists of morning,sheds abroad its beams, so love, dispelling itsderision, would send forth an amending light. sTo break asunder, then, the bonds of ignorancefor those kings and princes, to prove the humanrace free from their yoke, I will exhort myself,as did that most holy prophet whom I follow,with the words that come in order after, " Letus break their bands asunder, and cast awaytheir cords from us."contains concerning the change of political opinion that cameupon Dante at some time in his life and made him one of themost enthusiastic and idealistic of Ghibellines, so idealistic in-deed that in Purge '1.7.69 Cacciaguida rightly prophesies ofthe poet, "It shall be honorable to thee to have made thee aparty by thyseI£"

5. This figure is found again CORV. '1..14.3: "Labor ofstudy and strife of doubt ••• are dissipated almost like littlemorning clouds before the face of the sun."

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

4. These two things will be done well enoughif I proceed with the second part of my mainproposition, and reveal the truth of the questionnow pending. For when it is proved that theRoman Empire existed by right, not only willthe clouds of ignorance be cleared from the eyesof kings and princes who usurp to themselvespublic guidance, falsely believing that the Ro-man people had done so, but all mortals willknow that they are free from the yoke of usurp-ers. N or will the truth be revealed in the lightof human reason alone, but also in the radianceof divine authority. And when these two unitetogether, heaven and earth must together giveapproval." Resting, therefore, in that trust ofwhich I have previously spoken,' and supportedby the testimony of reason and authority, Ienter upon the solution of the second question.

CHAPTER II

lYhat God wills in human society is to be held as right.

I. Now that the truth of the first questionhas been investigated as adequately as the sub-ject-matter permitted, the second question urges

6. Par. 25.2; "The sacred poem to which both heavenand earth have set a hand!'

7. l>e J{on. I. I. 2.

CH. II] DE MONARCHIA 71

us to investigate its truth as to whether theRoman people appropriated the dignity of em-pire by Right. The starting-point of this inves-tigation is that verity to which the argumentsof the present inquiry may be referred as totheir own first principle. I

2.. I t must be understood, therefore, that asart exists in a threefold degree, in the mind ofthe artist, in the instrument, and in the matterinformed by the art/ so may Nature be lookedupon as threefold. For Nature exists in themind of the Primal Motor, who is God,3 andthen in heaven, as in the instrument throughwhose mediation the likeness of eternal good-ness is unfolded on fluid matter." When the

I. De Mo«, I. 2. 2; 3. 2. I.

2. Gen • .Anim. 5. 8. Cos«, 3. 6. 2: .. Motive Powers• • • cause • • • all general forms."

3. Letter 5.8: "From the motion of the heavenswe shouldknow the Motor and His will."

Par. 2. 13 I: "The heaven which so many lights makefair, from the deep mind of Him who revolves it takes theimage." L. c, 30. 107; 33. 145: "The Love which movesthe sun and all the stars."

Cf. De Mon. all of chapter I. 8, and note I.

+. II In fluitantem materiam."Par. 29. 22: •• Form and matter in conjunction and in

purity came forth to an existencewhich had no erring. asfroma three-stringed bow three arrows." Cf. De Mon. I. 3. 2,and note 10.

S. To I. 46. 2: "The angels are pure form; form con-

7'1 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bit. II

artist is perfect, and his instrument without fault,any flaw that may appear in the form of the artcan then be imputed to the matter only. Thus,since God is ultimate perfection, and since hea-ven, his instrument, suffers no defect in its re-quired perfectness (as a philosophic study ofheaven makes clear),5 it is evident that whateverflaw mars lesser things is a flaw in the subjectedmaterial," and outside the intention of Godworking through N ature," and of heaven; andthat whatever good is in lesser things cannotcome from the material itself, which exists onlypotentially, but must come first from the artist,God, and secondly from the instrument of

joined with matter appears in the visible creation; pure matteris not perceivable by the senses, but must be held to exist, andto have been created." Also S. T; 1. 105. 4.

5. Inf. I I. 97: "Philosophy ••• notes ••• how naturetakes her course from the understanding of God, and from Hisworkmanship.' ,

6. C(}l1U. 3. 6. :z: .. And if this perfect form, copiedand individualized, be not perfect, it is from no defect in theexample, but in the matter of which the individual ismade."

Par. I. 127: .. Form many times accords not with the in-tention of the art, because the matter is deaf to respond."

Par. I3. 67: .. The wax of these and that which mouldsit stands not in one manner, and therefore under the seal ofthe Idea more and less thereafter shines through."

7• .. Praeter intentionem Dei naturantis et caeli."

CH. II] DE MONARCHIA 73divine art, heaven, which men generally callNature,"

3. From these things it is plain that inas-much as Right is good, it dwells primarily in themind of God; and as according to the words,"What was made was in Him life," 9 every-thing in the mind of God is God, and as Godespecially wills what is characteristic of Himself,it follows that God wills Right according as itis in Him. And since with God the will andthe thing willed are the same, it follows furtherthat the divine will is Right itself. And the fur-ther consequence of this is, that Right is nothingother than likeness to the divine will. Hencewhatever is not consonant with divine will is notright, and whatever is consonant with divine willis right." So to ask whether something is done

8. For the mediaeval account of creation and the part ofthe heavens therein see S. 'T. 1.66. 1-3; 1.110.2; I. 115.3-6. Cf. Bacon, Nov. Org. I. 66.

Can«, +. 9. I: II Universal Nature ••• has jurisdiction asfar as the whole world extends."

james I. 17: II Every good gift and every perfect gift isfrom above."

9. john I. 3.4: II Omnia per ipsum facta sunt, et sineipso factum est nihil, quod factum est. In ipso vita erat, etvita erat lux hominum." Moore says that Augustine twicequotes from these verses as Dante does here; .. Quod factumest, in ipso vita erat."

10. Par. 32. 61: .. The King through whom this realm

74 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

with Right,aIthough the words differ.is the sameas to ask whether it is done according to the willof God. Let this therefore base our argument,that whatever God wills in human society mustbe accepted as right, true, and pure.

4. Moreover, that should be rememberedwhich the Philosopher teaches in the first bookto Nicomachus, (( Like certainty is not to besought in every matter, but according as thenature of the subject admits it." II Whereforeour arguments will advance adequately underthe principle established, if we investigate theRight of this great people through visible signsand the authority of the wise. The will of Godis in itself an invisible attribute, but by meansof things which are made the invisible attributesof God become perceptible to the intellect."rests in so great love and in so great delight that no will daresaught beyond. creating all the minds in the joy of His coun-tenance. as His own pleasure endows with grace diversely."

Par. 19.86: "The primary Will. which is ofitself good.never has moved from itself. that is the highest Good."

II. Etlz. 1.7.18. Used againin CORU. 4.13.3: "Andin the first of the Ethics he says that • the educated man de-mands certainty of knowledge about things. in so far as theirnature admits of certainty.' ••

1 %. Rom. I. %0: .. For the invisible things of Him fromthe creation of the world are clearly seen. being understood bythe things that are made."

CORU. 3. 1%. 3: .. It is convenient to treat of things not

CH. II] 'DE MONARCHIA 75For, though a seal be hidden, the wax impressedtherewith bears manifest evidence of the unseensignet; '3 nor is it remarkable that the divineperceptible by the senses by means of things perceptible." Seealso Cano, 4. 10. 3; 4. I 6. 7; 4. zz , 6: .. The intellect • • •cannot have its perfect use (which is to behold God, who isSupreme Intelligence) except in so far as the Intellect con.siders Him, and beholds Him in His e1fects." L. c, 3. 8.8:.. All things which so overcome our intellect that we cannotsee what they are, it is most fitting to treat by their e1fects."

Letter 5.8: .. Through those things which have been cre-ated by God the human creature sees the invisible things withthe eyes of the intellect; and if from things better known thoseless known are evident to us, in like manner it concernshumanapprehension that from the motion of the heavens we shouldknow the Motor and His will."

13. The following are the more important of the many ex-amples of Dante's use of the figure regarding the wax and seal.Can«, I. 8.7: "Utility stamps upon the memory the imageof the gift, which is the nutriment of friendship, and the betterthe gift the stronger this impression is."

Con», z. 10.5: "Ifwaxhad the sentiment offear, it wouldbe more afraid to come under the rays of the sun than stonewould; because its nature makes it susceptibleof a more power-ful impression therefrom."

Inf. II. 49: .. The smallest circle stamps with its sealSodom and Cahors."

Purg, 10. 45: .. And she upon her action this speech im-printed - Ea« aneilla Dei! as aptly as a figure is made onwax by a seal."

Purg, I8. 39: .. Not every seal is good, even though goodbe the wax."

Purg; z5. 95: .. Here the neighboring air puts itself in that

DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bx:. II

will must be sought in signs, for the human will,except to him who wills, is discerned no way elsethan in signs. '.

CHAPTER III

The Romans as the noblest people deserved precedencebefore all others.

J. I say with regard to this question, thatthe Roman people by Right and not by usurpa-tion took to itself over all mortals the office ofform which the soul that has remained by its virtue stampsupon it." .

Purg, 33. 79: .. As wax by a seal, which changes not thefigure impressed, so is my brain now stamped by you."

Par. I. 41: The sun .. to its own fashion moulds and sealsthe wax of the world!'

Par. 2. 130: .. And the heaven which so many lights makefair, from the mind of Him who revolves it takes the image,and makes thereof a seal."

Par. 7. 69: .. That which from It immediately distils hasno end thereafi:er, because when It seals, Its impress is un-moved."

Par. 8. 128: .. The nature of the spheres ••• is seal tothe mortal wax."

Par. 13. 67ft". See note 6 of this chapter.14. COllv.4. 5. I: ..Itis no wonder if Divine Providence,

which transcends all human and angelic perception, often pro-ceeds in a way mysterious to us; since it often happens thathuman actions have for men themselves a hidden meaning."

CR. UI] DE MONARCHIA 77Monarchy, which men call the Empire. Thismay first be proved thus: I t was meet that thenoblest people should have precedence over allothers; the Roman people was the noblest; J

therefore it was meet that it should have prece-dence over all others. The major premise 2 isdemonstrable, for, since honor is the rewardof virtue, and all precedence is honor, all pre-cedence is a reward of virtue.' It is agreedthat men are ennobled as virtues of their own ortheir ancestors make them worthy. Nobility is"virtue and ancient wealth," according to thePhilosopher in the Politics; 4 but according toJuvenal, "Virtue is the one and only nobilityof sou1." 5 These two definitions grant two

I. COOf!. 4. 4. 4: .. And because a nature more gentle ingoverning, more powerful in maintaining, and more subtle inacquiring, than that of the Latin people there never was andnever will be, • • • therefore God elected them for this office."The nobility of Rome has special consideration COOf!. 4· 5;Par. 6. 19, 20.

2. .. Adsumpta," the major premise. In paragraphs 2 and8 the word .. subadsumpta" is used for minor premise.

3. Eth. 4· 3· 15·4. Pol.4.8• 9. So we find in COOf!.4, Caoz. 3. 2: "This

very false opinion among men, that one is wont to call himnoble who can say, • I was the son or grandson of a trulynoble man,' though he himself were worthless." In COOf!.4. 7 hereditary nobility is proved to be a thing impossible.

5. Juvenal, Sat. 8. 20. Cf. COOf!. 4. 29. 4, where the

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK:. II

kinds of nobility, one's own and that of one'sancestors."

2. By reason of the cause inherent in nobilitythe reward of precedence is befitting the noble.And as rewards should be commensurate withmerits, in consonance with that saying of theGospel, "With what measure ye mete, it shallbe measured to you again," 7 the foremost rankshould be to the noblest. As for the minorpremise, the testimony of the ancients is con-vincing, since Virgil, our divine Poet," through-satire is discussedat some length. Dante speaks again of juve-nal in Purg; 22. I3. His relation to Dante is considered byMoore, Vol. I, in Studies, pp. 255-258.

6. All of Book 4 in the Convito is given up to an ezposi-tion of the nature of nobility, according to the definition ofJuvenal rather than that of Aristotle.

Cenz: 3. 6: .. Nobility exists where Virtue dwells, notVirtue where she is." Ces«. 4. 18. I: .. All the virtues •••proceed from nobility as an effect from its cause."

Par, 16. I: ..0 small nobility of blood that is ours."7. Motl. 7. 2.

8. .. Divinus poeta nostra," or "poeta nostra:' as VlI'gilis called throughout the De Mon., is but one of the numberlessevidencesof the a1fectionand reverence Dante felt for the Latinpoet. Most beautiful is the well-known tribute in Isf; I. 79:

" 0 degli altri poeti onore e lume,Vagliami i1lungo studio e i1 grande amore,Che m' ha fatto cercar 10 tuo volume.

Tu sei 10 mio maestro e i1mio autore:Tu sei solo colul, da cui io toWLo bello stile, che m' ha fatto onore."

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA 79out his Aeneid testifies in everlasting remem-brance that the father of the Roman people wasAeneas, the famous king; and Titus Livius,illustrious writer of Roman deeds, confirms thistestimony in the first part of his volume whichbegins with the capture of Troy.? So great wasthe nobleness of this man, our ancestor mostinvincible and most pious, nobleness not onlyof his own considerable virtue, but that of hisprogenitors and consorts, which was transferredto him by hereditary right, that I cannot unfoldit in detail, " I can but trace the main outlinesof truth." 10

3. As to his personal nobility, hearken toour poet in the first book of the Aeneid, intro-ducing Ilioneus with the plea, "Aeneas was ourking, than whom none other was more justand pious, none other greater in war and arms," II

Hearken to him again in the sixth, when, speak-

For Virgil's place and influence in the Middle Ages see Com-paretti, Yirgil in the Middle Ages; Sellar. Yirgi/; and Moore,Studies, Vol. I. pp. 166-197.

9. Livy I. I. As will be seen later in the De Mon.• Danteuses Livy freely as an historical authority. Moore writes ofDante's relation to the Roman historian in Studies, Vol. I.

PP·273-278•10. Aen. I. 342: .. Sed summa sequar vestigia rerum."

All modern editions have .. fastigia" for .. vestigia."II. Aen. I. 544.

80 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

ing of the dead Misenus, Hector's attendantin war, who entered the service of Aeneas afterHector's death, he says, Misenus " had followedno lesser fortunes." 12 This compares Aeneaswith Hector, whom Homer 13 honors above allmen, as the Philosopher affirms in that part ofthe writings to Nicomachus on " types of con-duct to be avoided." 14

4. As to his hereditary nobility, it accruesto him from the three continents of the earththrough his ancestors and his consorts.

5. Asia ennobled him through his most im-mediate ancestors, Assaracus and those whohad ruled over Phrygia, a region of Asia, as ourpoet records in these lines of the third book:

I z. Am. 6. 170. For the death of Misenus see Can», 4.z6. 6.

13. Homer, Il. z4. z59, quoted Eth. 7. I. I. Threedifferent times Dante uses these Homeric lines: in the ritaNsao«, § Z; in Caso, 4. ZOo z: "There are men most nobleand divine ••• Aristotle proves in the seventh of the Ethicsby the text of Homer the poet;" and in the passage of theDe MOil. here being considered.

In regard to Dante's knowledge of Homer see Moore,Studies, Vol. I. pp. 164-166; Toynbee, Studies, pp. 204-215.

14. In Inf. I I. 79-83 Virgil asks, "Hast thou no mem-ory of those words with which the Ethics handle the threedispositionswhich Heaven brooks not, - incontinence, mal-ice, and mad beastliness? "

CH. III] : DE MONARCHIA 81

« After it had seemed good to the gods to over-turn the might of Asia and the race of Priamunmeriting their fate." 'S Europe ennobled himthrough Dardanus," most ancient of his ances-tors, and Africa through Electra, his most an-cient ancestress, daughter of King Atlas ofgreat renown. Concerning both of these factsour poet renders testimony in the eighth book,where Aeneas speaks thus to Evander: (( Dar-danus, the first founder of the city and fatherof Ilium, descended as the Greeks deem fromAtlantian Electra," came among the Teucrians.Electra was sprung from Atlas the mighty, whosustains the heavenly orbs upon his shoulders." 18

6. The bard sings in the third book of Dar-danus taking his origin from Europe, saying,(( There is a place the Greeks have named Hes-

15 • .Am. 3. I.

16. Dardanus was son of Jupiter and Electra of Arcadia,founder of the city Dardania in Troas, and ancestor of theroyal line of Troy. Cf. Con«, 4. 14· 9.

17. .. Electra, ut Graii perhibent, Atlantide cretus." Danteinserted an .. et" before" Atlantide," thereby blurring thesense. Moore was the first editor to correct the error. SeeToynbee, Studies, p. 280. .

Itf; 4. 121: «I saw Electra with many companions,among whom I was aware of Hector and Aeneas; • • • andI saw King Latinus, who was sitting with Lavinia hisdaughter."

18 • .Am. 8. 134-137.

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peria, an ancient country powerful in arms andfertile in soil, where dwell the Oenotrians.Rumor has it that later generations called thecountry Italy from the name of their leader.H ere is our fatherland; from hence came Dar-danus." 19 That Atlas came from Africa, themountain is witness which there bears his name.This mountain Orosius 20 locates in Africa inhis description of the world, where he says,"Now its uttermost bound is Mt. Atlas andthe Islands which they call the Fortunate."" Its" refers to Africa, of which he was speak-mg.

7. I find also that nobility accrued to Aeneasthrough marriage. His first wife Creusa, daugh-ter of Priam, was from Asia, as may be gatheredfrom the facts quoted above. And that she washis wife our poet implies in the third book,when Andromache thus questions Aeneas con-cerning his son Ascanius: "What of the boyAscanius, he whom Creusa bore to thee while

19• ..len. 3· 163-167.20. The fourth-century historian, PaulusOrosius, wrote the

Histories Adflersum Paganos, one of the chief historical andgeographical authorities of the mediaeval centuries, and thesource of many of Dante's statements regarding these twosubjects. See Toynbee, Studies, pp. 12I-I 36, and Moore,Studies, Vol. I. pp. 279-282. The reference here is to Hist,I. 2. II.

CH. Ill] DE MONARCHIA

Troy wasyet smoking? Lives he still? Breatheshe the vital air?" 21 His second wife was Dido,queen and mother of the Carthaginians in Africa,of whom as Aeneas' wife the poet sings inthe fourth book: " Nor longer Dido dreams ofsecret love; she calls it marriage, hiding hersin beneath a name." 22 His third wife wasLavinia, mother alike of Albanians and Romans,daughter and also heir of King Latinus, if thetestimony of our Poet be true in the last book,where he introduces Turnus conquered, sup-plicating Aeneas with this prayer: "Thou hasttriumphed; and the Ausonians have beheld mevanquished lifting up my hands. Lavinia shallbe thy wife." 23 This last consort was of I taly,most excellent region of Europe.

8. With these facts pointed out in evidenceof our minor premise, who is not sufficiently con-vinced that the father of the Roman race, andtherefore the race itself, was the noblest underheaven? Or from whom will still be hidden di-vine predestination in the twofold meeting inone man of blood from every part of the world?

Z I. Aen. 3. 339-340. From the latter line, "quem tibiiam Troja peperit fumante Creusa," modern editors omit thelast three words as spurious.

ZZ. Aen.4. 171-17%.

z3. Aen. r s. 936-937. In Par. 6. 3 Aeneas is called" the ancient who carried off Lavinia."

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

CHAPTER IV

Because the Roman Empire was aided by miracles it waswilled of God.

1. Furthermore, whatever is brought to itsperfection by the help of miracles is willed ofGod, and therefore comes to pass by Right. Thetruth of this is patent from what Thomas I saysin his third book against the Heathen: "A mir-acle is that which is done through divine agencybeyond the commonly instituted order ofthings." a Here he proves that the working ofmiracles is competent to God alone, and he iscorroborated by the word of Moses, that whenthe magicians of Pharaoh artfully used -naturalprinciples to bring forth lice and failed, they

1. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274 A. D.), the greatest ofDominicans, the pupil of Albertus Magnus, the friend of St.Bonaventura, and the author of the Summa Theologica, ContraGestiles, and many other works. Moore points out the ex-tent of Dante's debt to him in Studier, Vol. I. pp. 311-318.The treatise Contra Gentiles here quoted was written to provethat Christian theology is the •• sum and crown of all science."

2. Con!!. 3. 7. 8: .. The very foundation of our faith isin the miracles done by Him who was crucified, who createdour reason and willed it to be less than His power." L. c.3. 14· 5: .. Every miracle may be reasonable to a higher in-tellect."

CH. IV] DE MONARCHIA 85

cried, C( This is the finger of God." 3 If a mir-acle, then, is the immediate operation of the FirstAgent without the cooperation of secondaryagents," which Thomas himself proves clearlyenough in the book just cited, then when por-tents are sent in favor of anything, it is wickedto deny that that thing comes to pass foreseenof God and well pleasing to Him. Hence pietyaccepts the contradictory, that the Roman Em-pire gained its perfection with the approval ofmiracles, that it was therefore willed of God,and consequently that it was and is by Right.

2. And it is established through the testi-mony of illustrious authors that God revealedHis will in miracles in order that the RomanEmpire might be brought to completion. ForLivy states in the first part of his work thatwhen Numa Pompilius, second king of the Ro-mans, was sacrificing according to the religiousrite of the Gentiles, a shield fell from heaveninto the chosen city of God.! Lucan recalls thismiracle in the ninth book of the Pharsalia in

3. Exad, 8. 19·4. Letter 5. 8: "If there is time to survey the affairsof

the worlds even to the triumph of Octavian, we shall see thatsome of them have completely transcended the heights ofhuman valor, and that God has worked somewhat throughmen, just as through the medium of the new heavens!'

5. Liv. I. 20. 4; 5· 52. 7·

86 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

describing the incredible violence which Libyasuffers from the south wind, where he says," It was thus, surely, that to Numa as he sac-rificed dropped the shield which the chosenyouth of the patricians bears upon his neck insolemn march; south wind or north wind hadrobbed the peoples wearing our shields." 6

3. And when the Gauls, having taken therest of the city, trusted in the darkness of nightto move stealthily to the Capitol, which alonestood between them and utter annihilation ofthe Roman name, Livy and many other dis-tinguished chroniclers agree that the guardswere awakened to defend the Capitol from theapproach of the Gauls by the warning cry of agoose, unseen there previously." This was re-membered by Virgil when he described the shieldof Aeneas in the eighth book: "On the sum-mit of the Tarpeian citadel, before the temple,

6. Lucan, Pharo 9. 477. Lucan, to whom Dante is in-debted If for a considerable amount of poetic material of dif-ferent kinds," and Dante's relation to him, is discussed byMoore, Studies, Vol. I. pp. 228-242. It is strange thatDante in this place cites as an instance of supernatural inter-vention a story which Lucan explains so rationally.

7. Liv. 5.47. So in CORV. 4. 5. 4: If And did not Godput forth His hand when the Gauls, having taken all Rome,stole into the Capitol by night, and only the voice of a goosemade it known 1"

DE MONARCHIA

Manlius stood guard and held the heights ofthe Capitol, while the newly builded palace ofRomulus was rough with thatch. And here asilver goose flying through golden portals sangthe presence of the Gauls on the very thresh-old." 8

4. Also Livy tells among the gests of thePunic Wars that, when the nobility of Rome,overwhelmed by Hannibal, had sunk to suchdepths that nothing remained for the final de-struction of the Roman power but the sackingof the city by the Carthaginians, a sudden andintolerable storm of hail made it impossible forthe victors to follow up their triumph."

5. Was not the flight of Cloelia a miracle?A woman, and captive during the siege of Por-senna, by the wonderful aid of God she renther fetters asunder and swam the Tiber, as al-most all historians 10 of Rome's affairs remem-ber to that city's glory. Truly it behooved Himso to do, who through eternity foresees allthings in the beauty of order." Invisible He

8. Am. 8. 652-656.9. Liv. 26. II; Oros.4. 17.10. Liv. z. 13; Oros, 2. H Aurel. Victor, De riris fl-

lust. c. 13.1I. Par. 8. 97: «The Good which sets in revolution

and contents all the realm which thou art scaling, makes itsforesight to be virtue in these great bodies."

88 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. II

wrought wonders in behalf of things seen, inorder that when He should be made visible Hemight do likewise in behalf of things unseen. U

CHAPTER V

The Roman people in subduing the world had in 'Viewthe good of the state and therefore the end of Right.

I. Whoever contemplates the good of thestate contemplates the end of Right, as may beexplained thus. Right I is a real and personalrelation of man to man, which maintained pre-serves society, and infringed upon destroys it,"That account in the Digests 3 does not teach

12. That is, before the birth of Christ the invisible Godworked for the visible things of the world. Later, Christ, thevisible God, worked for the invisiblethings of heaven. Cf. theargument at the end of De Mon. 2. 2.

I. ..Jus" is not adequately translated by .. right." forDante makes the word include what we mean by justice. law,and at times duty.

2. Eth. 5. 6 concerns itself with political justice or right,the justice which should be practiced by men in societytoward one another.

3. The Digests of the Roman law were originallydrawn upby Justinian. The" descriptio" or account spoken of hereis mentioned in CORV. 4. 9. 3: .. It was written at the be-ginning of the old Digests, • The written law is the art ofgoodness and equity.' " The reference may be found in the

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA

what the essence of Right is ; it simply describesRight in terms of practice. If our definitiontruly comprehends what Right is and wherefore,and if the end of all society is the common goodof the individuals associated, then the end ofall Right must be the common good, and noRight is possible which does not contemplatethe common good. Tully justly notes in thefirst book of the Rhetoric that" The laws shouldalways be interpreted for the good of the state."·For if the laws are not directed for the benefitof those under the laws, they are laws merelyin name, they cannot be laws in reality. Lawought to bind men together for general advan-tage. Wherefore Seneca 5 says truly in his bookon the Four Virtues, (( Law is the bond of hu-man society:' So it is clear that whoever con-templates the good of the state contemplates

Dig. de Justitia et Jure I. I: ..Jus est a justitia appellatum:nam ut eleganter Celsus definit, jus est ars boni et aequi!'

4. De Invent. I. 38. 68.5. Seneca is not the author of De Quatuor Virtutibus, but

Martin, abbot of Dumiens and Bishop of Braga, who wrotein the latter part of the sixth century two works, De RemediisFartuitorum and Formula HanestaeFitae sive Quatuor Firtu-tibus Cardinalibus. In the latter book, c. 4, is the reference:.. Justitia non nostra constitutio sed divina lex est, et vinculumsocietatis humanae." Cf. Can«, 3. 8. 5, where" the bookof the Four Cardinal Virtues" is again used as authority.

DANTE ALIGHIERI

the end of Right. If, therefore, the Romanshad in view the good of the state, the assertionis true that they had in view the end of Right.

2. That in subduing the world the Romanpeople had in view the aforesaid good, theirdeeds declare. We behold them as a nationholy, pious, and full of glory, putting aside allavarice," which is ever adverse to the generalwelfare, cherishing universal peace and liberty,and disregarding private profit to guard the pub-lic weal of humanity. Rightly was it written,then, that" The Roman Empire takes its risein the fountain of pity." 7

3. But inasmuch as external signs alone mani-fest to others the intention of all agents of freechoice, and inasmuch as statements must beinvestigated according to the subject-matter,as we have said before, we shall have evidenceenough on the present point if we bring forthindubitable proofs of the intention of the Roman

6. See note 12 of De Mon. I. 1I.7. The same sentiment is found in Letter 5. 3: II He is

Caesar, and his majesty flows from the font of pity." Thesource of this quotation has recently been ascertained byToynbee to be the Legend of St. Sylvester in the Legend«Allrea of Jacobus de Voragine (Archbishop of Genoa, 1292-1298). See Toynbee, Sredies, p. 297. Dr. Albert S. Cooksuggests comparisonwith the Din Irae of Thomas of Celano,1. 24: "Salva me, fons pietatis."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 91

people both in corporate assemblies and in in-dividual persons.

4. Concerning corporate assemblies, in whichindividuals seem in a measure bound to thestate, the solitary authority of Cicero in the sec-ond book of Moral Duties is sufficient. "Solong," he says, "as the dominion of the Repub-lic was upheld by benefits, not by injuries, warwas waged in behalf either of allies or dominion,for a conclusion either beneficent or necessary.The Senate was a harbor of refuge for kings,peoples, and nations. Our magistrates and gen-erals strove for praise in defending with equityand fidelity the provinces and the allies; so thisgovernment might rather have been called adefense than a dominion of the whole world.l'"So wrote Cicero.

s. Of individual persons I shall speak briefly.Can we say they were not intent on the com-mon weal who in sweat, in poverty, in exile, indeprivation of children, in loss of limbs, andeven in the sacrifice of their lives, strove toaugment the public good?

8. De Off. 2. 8. 26. 27. From this work of Cicero'sDante quotes again in the last paragraph of this chapter and inDe Mo», 2. 8. 7; 2. 10. 2. It is to the same book Danteowes the idea of sins of violence and sins of fraud as distin-guished Isf: J I. 22-60. For an account of Dante's obliga-tion to Cicero. see Moore, Studu», Vol. J. pp. 258-273.

92 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

6. Did not the renowned Cincinnatus leaveto us a sacred example, when he freely chosethe time to lay aside that dignity which, as Livysays, took him from the plough to make himdictator? 9 After his victory, after his triumph,he gave back to the consuls the imperial scep-tre, and voluntarily returned to toil at the ploughhandle behind his oxen. Cicero, disputing withEpicurus in his volume of the Chief Good, re-membered and lauded this excellent action, say-ing, "And thus our ancestors took great Cin-cinnatus from the plough that he might becomedictator." 10

7. Did not Fabricius" give us a lofty example

9. Liv. 3. 26, 29; Oros. 2. 12. 8. In Confl. 4· 5· 4the examples of Roman nobility are almost exactly the sameas here, though cited in a different order. Moore calls atten-tion to the similarity of this account, and that of Con«. 4· 5.4, with Augustine's De Cio, Dei 5. 18. See also Par. 6.46 for the names of illustrious Romans cited by Justinian asnames worthy of being remembered.

10. De Fin. 2. 4. 12. This Ciceronian work Dante al-ways calls De Fine Bonorum. The philosophy of Epicurus isconsidered by Dante, Coso, 4. 6. 6.

Inf. 10. 14: .. In this part have their burial place withEpicurus all his followers, who make the soul dead with thebody."

II. For Fabricius see De Mon. 2. 12, and Purg; 20. 25:.. 0 good Fabricius, thou wouldst rather virtue with povertythan to possessgreat riches with crime."

CH. v] DE MONARCHIA 93

of withstanding avarice, when, in the fidelitywhich held him to the Republic, though livingin poverty he scorned with fitting words thegreat mass of proffered gold, repudiated, andrefused it? Our poet has made the memory ofthis deed sure by singing in the sixth book of" Fabricius powerful in penury." 12

8. Was not the example of Camillus memo-rable, valuing as he did laws above individualprofit? According to Livy, while condemnedto exile he liberated his harassed fatherland,restored to Rome what the Romans had beendespoiled of in war," and left the sacred city,though called back by the whole people; nordid he return thither until, by the authority ofthe senate, was sent to him his permit of re-patriation." And the poet commends this large-souled man in the sixth book, where he calls him" Camillus, the restorer of our ensigns:' 15

9- And did not Brutus first teach that thelove of sons and of all others should be subor-dinated to the love of national liberty? Whenhe was consul, Livy says, he delivered up todeath his own sons for conspiring with the

12. Ani. 6. 844.13. That is, what the Gauls had taken from them.14. Liv. S. 32 and H.IS. Aen. 6. 82S.

94 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. 11

enemy." In the sixth book our Poet revivesthe glory of this hero: (( In behalf of beauteousliberty shall the father doom to death his ownsons instigating new wars." 17

10. Has not Mucius persuaded us that allthings should be ventured for one's country?He surprised the incautious Porsenna, but atthe last his own hand, which had failed of itstask, he watched as it burned, with a counte-nance one might wear who gazed upon an en-emy in torture. To this Livy also bears testi-mony, marveling. IS

I I. Now we name those most sacred martyrsof the Decii, who dedicated their lives an offer-ing for the public good, as Livy recounts, ex-tolling them to the extent not of their worthbut of his power." And next that ineffable sac-rifice of Marcus Cato, the most austere defender

16. Liv. %.5; Oros. %.s; Valerius Maximus, Memorab.5. 8. I; Aurel. Victor, De Firis Illest, c. 10. Brutus isreferred to as the man who in Cono, 4. 5. 4 "condemnedhis own son to death for love of the public welfare."

17. Am. 6. 8%0.18. Liv. %. 1%; Val. Max. 5. 1%. Mucius has mention,

Cano, 4. 5. 4, and Par. 4. 84: "Mucius stern to his ownhand; • • • so stout a will is too rare."

19. Liv. 8.9; 10. %8, %9; Val. Max. 1.3; 5.6; Aurel.Victor 26, %7. These men have a place, Coso, 4· 5.4, andPar. 6. 47: "Dedi and Fabii had the fame which I withgood-will embalm."

CH. v] .....DE MONARCHIA 95of true liberty ..o Because of their country'ssafety the darkness of death had no terror forthe former two. The latter proved what libertymeant to him, when, in order that the love offreedom might blaze up in the world, he choserather to depart from this life a free man thanwithout freedom to abide therein. The lustreof all these names shines renewed in the wordsof Cicero in his writings of the chief Good.Here Tully says of the Decii: (( When Pub-lius Decius, chief of his house, a consul, de-voted himself to liberty and charged at fullspeed into the Roman ranks, thought he at allof his own pleasure, when he should take it, andwhere? Or when, knowing he must die forth-with, he sought his death more ardently thanEpicurus believed men should seek pleasure?Had his action not been justly lauded, his son

20. Cato of Utica, great-grandson of Cato the Censor.Dante's reverence for this man found expression in manyways. He is made guardian of the gate of Purgatory. andtype of the soul liberated from sin by annihilationof the body.See Purg, 1 and 2. In Purg, I. 73 Virgil recommendsDante to Cato thus: .. He goes seeking freedom, which is sodear. as he knows who for it renounces life."

Conf'. 4. 5. 4: .. 0 most sacred heart of Cato, who willpresume to speak of thee 1 Certainly nothing greater thansilence can be said of thee." See also Conf'. 3. 5. 8; 4. 6.H 4· 27· 2; 4. 28. 2.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. n

would not in his fourth consulship have fol-lowed his example; nor afterwards his son's sonwaging war against Pyrrhus 21 have fallen inthat battle, a consul, offering himself to theRepublic the third sacrifice in uninterruptedsuccession." aa And in the Moral Duties hesaid of Cato: (( The cause of Marcus Cato wasone with those who in Africa surrendered them-selves to Caesar; and perchance with them ithad been judged a crime had they taken theirown lives, seeing that life was a lighter thing tothem, and rules of conduct easier. But Cato,who had been endowed by nature with incredi-ble seriousness, who strengthened this withunremitting constancy, and who perseveredto the end in any resolution made or purposeundertaken, such a one must rather meet deaththan look upon the face of a tyrant." 23

CHAPTER VI

He who purposes Right proceeds according to Right.

I• We have then demonstrated two things :one, that whoever purposes the good of the

:u. Pyrrhus is mentioned Par. 6. 44> etc. Cf. De Mon.2. 10. 5.

22. De Fin. 2. 19. 61.23. De Off. I. 31. 112.

CR. VI] DE MONARCHIA 97commonwealth purposes the end of Right;the other, that the Roman people in subduingthe world purposed the public good. We maynow further our argument in this wise: Who-ever has in view the end of Right proceedsaccording to Right; the Roman people insubjecting the world to itself had in view theend of Right, as we plainly proved in the chap-ter above; I therefore the Roman people insubjecting the world to itself acted with Right,and consequently appropriated with Right thedignity of Empire.

2. That this conclusion may be reached byall manifest premises, it must be reached bythe one that affirms that whoever purposes theend of Right proceeds according to Right. Forclearness in this matter, notice that everythingexists because of some end, otherwise it wouldbe useless, which 'we have said before is notpossible," And just as every object exists forits proper end, so every end has its properobject whereof it is the end. Hence it cannotbe that any two objects, in as far as they aretwo, each expressing its individuality, shouldhave in view the same end, for the same unten-able conclusion would follow that. one or the

I. See chapter 5.z. De Mon. I. 3, note 3.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

other exists in vain. Since, as we have proved,there is a certain end of Right, to postulate thatend is to postulate the Right, seeing it is theproper and intrinsic effect of Right. And since,as is clear by construction and destruction," inany sequence an antecedent is impossible withoutits consequent (as ((man" without (( animal "),so it is impossible to attain a good conditionof one's members without health; and so it isimpossible to seek the end of Right withoutRight as a means, for each thing has toward itsend the relation of consequent to antecedent.Wherefore it is very obvious that he who hasin view the end of Right must proceed by theright means. Nor is that objection valid whichis generally drawn from the Philosopher's wordsconcerning ((good counsel." He says indeed,((There is a kind of false syllogism in whicha true conclusion may be drawn by means ofa false middle."" Now if a true conclusion issometimes reached through false premises, it isby accident, because the true conclusion is con-

3. •• Gonstruendo et destruendo••, The fust of these logicalterms designates a refutation which proceeds from the ante-cedent to the consequent; the second, one that proceeds fromthe consequent to the antecedent.

f. Elk. 6. 9. 5. For" good counsel" Dante uses theword .. eubalia," i. e. ~~f3ov>"{a.

CH. VI] DE MONARCHIA 99

veyed in the words of the inference. Of itselfthe true never follows from the false, thoughsymbols of truth may follow from symbols offalsehood.' And so it is in actions. Should athief aid a poor man with stolen goods, he yetcould not be said to be giving alms; rather ishis action one which would have the form 6 ofalms had it been performed with the man's ownsubstance. Likewise with the end of Right.For if anything calling itself the end of Rightbe reached other than by means of Right, itwould be the end of Right, that is, the com-mon good, only as the offering made from ill-gotten gains is an alms. Since in this propo-sition we are considering the existent, not theapparent ends of Right, the objection is in-valid. The point we are seeking is thereforeestablished.

5. .. Signa tamen veri bene sequuntur ex signis, quae suntsigna falsi." .. Signa" I take to mean .. words;" Dantewould say that words may be ambiguous, but not the ideasthat they stand for.

6. No line in the De MOil. shows better the change inusage that has been undergone by this word .. form," andhow, from meaning the vitalizing, internal principle of a thing,it has come to be the symbol of externality.

COllfi. 4. Z 7. 7 makes use of the thief again for demonstra-tive purposes.

Par. 5. 33: .. Thou art desiring to make a good work ofa bad gain."

100 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

CHAPTER VII

The Roman people were ordained for Empire hy nature.

I. What nature has ordained comes to passby Right, for nature in her providence is notinferior to man in his; if she were, the effectwould exceed the cause in goodness, I whichcannot be. Now we know that in institutingcorporate assemblies, not only is the relation of .members among themselves taken into account,but also their capacities for exercising office.This is a consideration of the limit of Right ina public body or order, seeing that Right doesnot extend beyond the possible. Nature, then,in her ordinances does not fail of this provision,but dearly ordains things with reference to theircapacities, and this reference is the foundationof Right on which things are based by nature,"

I. COllfl. 2. 5. 4: .. No effect is greater than its cause;because the cause cannot give what it does not possess. Whence,seeing that the Divine Intelligence is the cause of all things,and above all of human intelligence, the human cannot exceedthe Divine."

2. COllfl. 3. I 5. 4: .. The natural desire of everything isregulated according to the capacity of the thing desiring; other-wise it would oppose itself. which is impossible, and naturewould have made it in vain, which is also impossible." Cf.De MOll. I. 3. notes 2 and 3.

CH. VII] DE MONARCHIA 101

From this it follows that natural order in thingscannot come to pass without Right, since thefoundation of Right is inseparably bound to thefoundation of order.' The preservation of thisorder is therefore necessarily Right.

z. The Roman people were by nature or-dained for Empire, as may be proved in thiswise." Just as he would fail of perfection in hisart who, intent upon the form alone, had nocare for the means by which to attain to form;so would nature if, intent upon the single uni-versal form of the Divine similitude.! she wereto neglect the means thtl'~~ut nature, beingthe work of the Divine In lif~ A:;cks noelement of perfection; there l)~RafitC~ltall media to the ultimate realiza~~tllOy- her GE:intent,"

3. As the human race, then, has an end, andthis end is a means necessary to the universalend of nature, it follows that "nature must havethe means in view. Wherefore the Philosopher

3. Par. I. 103: "All things whatsoever have an orderamong themselves; and that is form, which makes the universein the likeness of God." Cf. De Mon. I. 6, and notes.

4. See Cen«, 4. 4. 4, and 4. 5, all the chapter.5. See De Mon. I. 8.6. De Mon. 1.3, notes 2 and 3; 2. 7. note 2. Also Par.

8,97 ff'•• and Confl. 4. 24. 7: .. Bountifulnature ••• neverfails to provide all necessary things."

INDIANA CE~TRAL COLlEtii:-, LIBRARY'

102 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

well demonstrates in the second book of Nat-ural Learning that the action of nature is gov-erned by its end," And as nature cannot attainthrough one man an end necessitating a mul-tiplicity of actions and a multitude of men inaction, nature must produce many men ordainedfor diverse activities." To this, beside the higherinfiuence.? the virtues and properties of thelower sphere contribute much. Hence we findindividual men and whole nations born apt forgovernment, and others for subjection and ser-vice, according to the statement of the Philo-sopher in his writings concerningPolitics; as hesays, it is not only expedient that the lattershould be governed, but it is just, althoughthey be coerced thereto."

7. Phys, 2. 2.

8. Por. 8. IZ 2: .. It behooves that diversmust be the rootsof the effects in you; wherefore one is born Xerxes, anotherMelchisedec, and another he who flying through the air losthis son•••• A nature begotten would always make its courselike its begetter, if the divine foresight were not stronger."

9. COl1f1. 4. 2I. 2: H The soul ••• as soon as produced,receives from the motive power of heaven its possibleintellect,which creates potentially in itself all universal forms as theyexist in its producer."

Purg, 30. 109: H By cooperation of the mighty wheelswhich direct every seed to some end according as the starsaccompany."

10. Pol. I. 5. It.

CH. VII] DE MONARCHIA 103

4. If these things are true, there is no doubtbut that nature set apart in the world a placeand a people for universal sovereignty; II other-wise she would be deficient in herself, which isimpossible." What was this place, and whothis people, moreover) is sufficiently obvious inwhat has been said above) and in what shall beadded further on. They were Rome and hercitizens or people. On this subject our Poet hastouched very subtly in his sixth book, where hebrings forward Anchises prophesying in thesewords to Aeneas, father of the Romans: "Verily,that others shall beat out the breathing bronzemore finely, I grant you; they shall carve theliving feature in the marble, plead causes withmore eloquence, and trace the movements of theheavens with a rod, and name the rising stars:thine) 0 Roman, be the care to rule the peoples

I I. Inf. 2. 20: .. He [Aeneas] was in the empyreanheaven chosen for father of Rome our parent and of her ern-pire, both which, if one say the truth, were established forthe holy place where sits the successorof the sovereign Peter."

Con», 4. 5. 2; 4. 5. 5: .. A special origin and specialgrowth, thought out and ordained by God, was that of theholy city. And certainly I am of the firm opinion that thestones which form her walls are worthy of reverence; andthe ground on which she stands is worthy beyond all that hasbeen preached and proved by men."

12. Note 6 above.

,

104 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. II

with authority; be thy arts these, to teach menthe way of peace, to show mercy to the subject,and to overcome the proud." 13 And the dispo-sition of place he touches upon lightly in thefourth book, when he introduces Jupiter speak-ing of Aeneas to Mercury in this fashion:((Not such a one did his most beautiful motherpromise to us, nor for this twice rescue himfrom Grecian arms; rather was he to he theman to govern Italy teeming with empire andtumultuous with war:' '. Proof enough hasbeen given that the Romans were by nature or-dained for sovereignty. Therefore the Romanpeople, in subjecting to itself the world, attainedthe Empire by Right.

CHAPTER VIII

The decree of God showed that Empire belonged to theRoman people.

I. For hunting down adequately the truth ofour inquiry, it is essential to know that Divinejudgment in human affairs is sometimes mani-fest to men, and sometimes hidden. And it maybe manifested in two ways, namely, by reason

13. .Aen. 6. 847 fr.14. .Aen. 4. 227 fr.

CH. VIII] DE MONARCHIA 105

and by faith.' To certain of the judgments ofGod human reason can climb on its own feet) asto this one) that a man should endanger himselffor his country's safety. For if a part shouldendanger itself for the safety of the whole)man) being a part of the state according to thePhilosopher in his Politics, ought to endangerhimself for the sake of his fatherland, as a lessgood for a better," Hence the Philosopher toNicomachus z "To act in behalf of one aloneis admirable; but it is better and more nearlydivine to act in behalf of nation and state." 3

And this is the judgment of God; in any othercase human reason in its rectitude would notfollow the intention of nature, which is impos-sible.

2. But to certain of the judgments of God, toI. Dante in various places dwells on the two means of

knowledge given to man. Cas«, 4. 9 concerns itself with thefunctions of reason. In Par. 24 St. Peter questions Danteas to the nature of faith, of its matter, and he calls it u Thisprecious jewel whereon every virtue is founded." In oneaspect the Divine Comedy may be interpreted as the pictureof a man climbing by the help of reason and faith to a sightand knowledge of God. Reason and faith; Virgil and Beatrice;philosophy and theology. Cf. De Mon. 3. 16. 5.

2. Pol. I. 2. 14.3. Eth. I. 2.8: uTo discover the good of an individual

is satisfactory,but to discover that of a state or a nation is morenoble and divine."

106 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

which human reason cannot climb on its ownfeet, it may be lifted by the aid of faith in thosethings which are related to us in the Holy Scrip-tures. Such is this one, that no man withoutfaith can be saved, though he had never heardof Christ, and yet was perfect in moral andintellectual virtues, both in thought and act."While human reason by itself cannot recognizethis as just, aided by faith it can do so. It iswritten to the Hebrews: "Without faith it isimpossible to please God." 5 And in Leviticus:(C What man soever there be of the house ofIsrael that killeth an ox, or lamb, or goat inthe camp, or out of the camp, and bringethit not to the door of the tabernacle, an offer-ing unto the Lord, blood shall be imputed tothat man." 6 The door of the tabernacle is afigure for Christ, who is the entrance-way to the

4. Par. 4.67: "That our justice should appear unjust inthe eyes of mortals is argument of faith, and pertains not toheretic pravity."

Par. 19. 70: .. A man is born on the banks of the Indus,and none is there to talk of Christ, nor to read, nor to write;and ali his volitions and acts are good, so far as human reasonsees, without sin in life or in converse. He dies unbaptizedand without fault; where is this justice which condemnshim 1"

5. Bib. II. 6.6. Leo, 17. 3,4'

CH. VIII] DE MONARCHIA 107

eternal mrnsions," as can be learned from theGospel; the slaying of animals is a figure forhuman deeds,"

3. Now that judgment of God is hidden towhich human reason cannot attain either by lawsof nature or scripture, but to which it may some-times attain by special grace. This grace is gainedin various ways, at times by simple revelation,at times by revelation through the medium ofjudicial award. Simple revelation comes to passin two ways, either as the spontaneous act ofGod, or as an answer to prayer. The spontane-ous act of God may be expressed directly or bya sign. It was expressed directly, for instance,in the judgment against Saul revealed to Sam-uel; 9 it was expressed by signs in the revela-tion to Pharaoh of God's will concerning theliberation of the children of Israel." It cameas an answer to prayer, as he knew who said in

7. John 10. 7, 9: .. I am the door of the sheep."8. Witte quotes from Isidore: .. With a moral significance,

we sacrificea calf, when we overcome pride of the flesh; alamb, when we correct irrational impulses; a kid, when weconquer lust; a dove, when we preserve purity of morals;unleavened bread, • when we keep the feast, not in the leavenof malice, but in the unleavened bread of sincerity andtruth.' "

9. I SliM. 15. 10, II.10. Exod. 7. 9.

108 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

Second Chronicles: "When we know not whatwe ought to do, this alone we have left, to raiseour eyes to thee." II

4. Revelation through the medium of judicialaward may be first by lot, and secondly by con-test (certamen). Indeed," to contend" (certare)is derived from" to make certain" (cerIum facere).That the judgment of God is revealed sometimesby lot is obvious from the substitution of Mat-thias in the Acts of the Apostles."

5. And the judgment of God is made knownby contests of two sorts - either the trial ofstrength between champions in duels,? or thestruggle of many to come first to a mark, as incontests run by athletes for a prize. The firstof these modes was represented among theGentiles in the strife of Hercules and Antaeus,which Lucan recalls in the fourth book of thePharsalia;" and Ovid in the ninth of theMetamorphoses. IS The second was represented

II. 2 Chron. zoo u (Vulg.).I Z. A(/J I. z 3-z6.I3. The word "duellum" is translated by Wicksteed as

" ordeal," and by Church as "duel." To prevent misun-derstanding, I have thought best to translate the word by"single combat," or "combat man to man," in almostevery case.

14. Lucan, Pharo 4. 609 fr.15. Ovid, Mtt. 9. 183. TheMetamorphomaregenerally

CH. vm] DE MONARCHIA 109

among them by Atalanta and Hippomenes, inthe tenth book of the Metamorphoses. ,6

6. Likewise, the fact must not be disregardedthat in the former of these two sorts of conteststhe combatants - for instance, champions in aduel- may impede each other without injustice,but in the latter they may not. Indeed, athletesmust put no impediment in one another's way,although our poet seems to think otherwise inhis fifth book, when he causes Euryalus to berewarded. '7 Tully, following the opinion ofChrysippus, does better to forbid this in thethird book of Moral Duties, where he says:" Chrysippus, wise in this as in most matters,declares that' Whoever runs a race should en-deavor with most strenuous effort to come offvictor, but in no way should he trip up the onewith whom he contends.''' ,8

7. From the distinction drawn in this chap-ter we may grant two effective modes by whichthe hidden decree of God is revealed: one, acontest of athletes; the other, a contest of cham-pions. Both of these modes I will discuss in thechapter immediately following.called by Dante as here, de Rerum TrommutotirJf1e. For Ovidianreferences in Dante see Moore, Sludin, Vol. I. pp. 206-%28.

16. Mel. 10. 560.17· Aen. 5· 33S1f.18. De Off. 3. 10. 42.

" .

IIO DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bx:. II

CHAPTER IX

<['heRomans were 'Victoriousover all contestants jarEmpire.

I. That people, then, which was victoriousover all the contestants for Empire gained itsvictory by the decree of God. F or as it is ofdeeper concern to God to adjust a universalcontention than a particular one, and as evenin particular contentions the decree of God issought by the contestants, according to the fa-miliar proverb, "To him whom God grantsaught, let Peter give his blessing," I thereforeundoubtedly among the contestants for theEmpire of the world, victory ensued froma decree of God. That among the rivals forworld-Empire the Roman people came offvictor will be clear if we consider the contest-ants and the prize or goal toward which theystrove. This prize or goal was sovereign powerover all mortals, or what we mean by Empire,"This was attained by none save by the Romanpeople, not only the first but the sole contestant

I. .. The saying expresses the Ghibelline view of the rela-tion of the Empire to the Pope; it may have originated withthe coronation of Charles the Great." Church.

2. De Mon. I. 2. I.

DE MONARCHIA III

to reach the goal contended for, as will be atonce explained.

2. The first man to pant after the prize wasNinus, king of the Assyrians, who, as Oro-sius records.! together with his consort Semi-ramis, through more than ninety years gavebattle for world-supremacy, and subdued allAsia to himself; nevertheless, the western por-tion of the earth never became subject to him orhis queen. Both of these Ovid commemoratesin his fourth book in the story of Pyramus:"Semiramis.f girded the city with walls ofburnt brick;" and below: "They are to meetat the tomb of Ninus, and hide beneath itsshadow." 5

3. Vesoges, king of Egypt, was the secondto strain after this prize, but though he harassedthe South and North of Asia, as Orosius nar-rates, he never achieved the first part of theworld," Nay, between umpires 7 and goal, as it

3. Oros. Hist. I. f· I, f.f. lifo 5. 58: .. Sheis Semiramis, of whom we read that

she succeeded to Ninus and was his wife. She held the landwhich the Sultan rules."

5. Met. f· 58, 88.6. Oros. Hist, I. If. 1-3.7. .. Athlothetas .. were the judges or umpires in the Greek

games, whose seats were opposite to the goal at the side ofthe stadium. See Smith's Diet. if Antiquities. Aristotle in

112 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

were, he was turned back from his rash under-taking by the Scythians,"

4. Next Cyrus, king of the Persians, under-took the same thing, but after destroying Baby-lon and transferring Babylonian sovereignty tothe Persians, before he had tested his strengthin western regions, he laid down his life andambition at once before Tomyris, queen of theScythians.

S. Then after these Xerxes," son of Dariusand king among the Persians, invaded theworld with so vast and mighty a multitude ofnations that he spanned with a bridge betweenSestos and Abydos that passage of the sea sep-arating Asia from Europe. This astonishingwork Lucan extols thus in the second bookof the Pharsalia: (( Such roads, fame sings, didhaughty Xerxes build across the seas." But atlast miserably repulsed from his enterprise, hefailed to reach his goal. 10

6. Beside these and in later times, Alexan-

the Ethics, 1.4. S. says: "Plato also proposes doubt •••whether the right way is from principles or to principles; justas in the course from the starting-post to the goal, or thecontrary."

8. De Mon. J. 14. 2; 2. 9. 4; 3. 3. I.

9: Purg, 28. 7 I: .. Hellespont. there where Xerxes passed.a bridle still to all pride of men. "

10. Pharo 2. 672. -<

Ca. IX] DE MONARCHIA 113

der," the Macedonian king, came nearest of allto the palm of Monarchy, through ambassadorsforewarning the Romans to surrender. But,as Livy recounts, before their answer came, hefell as in the midst of a course in Egypt." Ofhis tom b there Lucan renders testimony in theeighth book, in an invective against Ptolemy,king of Egypt: "Thou last offspring of theLagaean line, swiftly to perish in thy degeneracyand yield the sceptre to thy incestuous sister,

I I. Dante puts Alexander among the tyrants and murder-ers in the river rhlegethon.Inf. lZ. 107. In Isf; 14· 31

the flakes of lire fall .. As Alexander. in those hot parts ofIndia. saw faIling upon his host /lames unbroken even to theground. OJ In Coov. 4. II. 7 Dante seems to esteem himhighly. at least in one regard: II And who has not Alexanderstill at heart. because of his royal beneficence1,.

liZ. This reference to Livy is an error on Dante's part.for the Roman historian nowhere recounts this story of theambassadorsor of the conqueror's death. Livy says (9. 18.3) of Alexander and the Romans: .. Quem ne fama quidemillis notum arbitror fiiisse, OJ Toynbee solved the problem ofthe origin of the ambassadorstory by tracing it to the Chrooidlof Bishop Otto of Freising. See Toynbee, Studies. pp. %90 F-Of Dante's belief concerning the place of Alexander's deathMoore says: c« This error probably arose from the confusionof Babylon in Assyria with Babylon (i. e. old Cairo) inEgypt. As Dante probably knew (I) that Alexander died atBabyIon. and (z) that he was buried (according to Lucan)in Egypt, he might naturally have inferred that his deathoccurred at the Egyptian Babylon."

'."'" .

114 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

while for thee the Macedonian is guarded in thesacred cave." 13

7. "0 the depth of the riches both of thewisdom and knowledge of God," 14 who will notpause in amazement before thee? For thou,when Alexander strove to entangle the feet ofhis Roman rival in the course, didst snatch himfrom the contest, lest his rashness wax moregreat.

S. But that Rome gained the palm of somagnificent a prize is confirmed by many wit-nessings. Our Poet says in his first book:" Verily, with the passing of the years shall oneday come from hence the Romans, rulers sprungof the blood of T eucer called again to life,who shall hold the sea and land in undividedsovereignty." 15 And Lucan in his first book:"The kingdom is apportioned by the sword,and the fortune of the mighty nation that ismaster over sea, over land, and over all theglobe, suffers not two in command." 16 AndBoethius in his second book speaks thus of thePrince of the Romans: "Nay, he was ruler of

13. Pharo 8. 692.14. Rom. II. 33. This verse is again quoted CONfI. 4.

21. 3.IS. Am. I. 234.16. Pharo I. l09. III.

Ca. IX] DE MONARCHIA

the peoples whom the sun looks on from thetime he rises in the east until he hides his raysbeneath the waves, and those whom the chill-ing northern wain o'errules, and those whomthe southern gale burns with its dry blasts, asit beats the burning sands." 17 And Luke, thescribe of Christ, who speaketh all things true,offers the same testimony in the part of his writ-ings which says, "There went out a decree fromCaesar Augustus that all the world should betaxed." 18 From these words we can clearly seethat the jurisdiction of the Romans embracedthe whole world.

9. It is proved by all these facts that theRomans were victorious among the contestantsfor world-Empire; therefore they were victo-rious by divine decree; and consequently theygained the Empire by divine decree, that is,they gained it with Right.

17. De COI/Jo/. Phil. z, Metr. 6. 8-13 (Temple Classicstrans.).

I8. Lulu z. I. This reference is used in the letter to KingHenry, Letter 7. 3; COl/fl. 4. 5i De MOI/. z. 1%. 5.

I

II6 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. II

CHAPTER X

That which is acquired by single combat is acquired withRight.

I. Whatever is acquired by single combat isacquired with Right. For when human judg-ment fails, either because it is wrapped in thedarkness of ignorance or because it has notthe aid of a judge, then, lest judgment shouldremain forsaken, recourse must be had toHim who so loved her that, by the sheddingof His own blood, He met her full demandsin death. Hence the Psalm: ((The righteousLord loveth righteousness:' 2 This end is ac-complished when, with the free consent of theparticipants, in love and not in hatred of jus-tice, the judgment of God is sought througha mutual trial of bodily and spiritual strength.Because it was first used in single combat ofman to man, this trial of strength we call theduel.

2. But always in quarrels threatening to be-come matters of war, every effort should bemade to settle the dispute through conference,and only as a last resort through battle. Tullyand Vegetius both advance this opinion, the

I. Ps. II. 7 (Vulg. 10. 8).

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA 117

former in Moral Duties/ and the latter in hisbook on The Art of War.3 And as in medi-cal treatment everything is tried before finalrecourse is had to the knife or fire, so when wehave exhausted all other ways of obtainingjudg-ment in a dispute, we may finally turn to thisremedy by single combat, compelled theretoby the necessity of justice.

3. There are obviously two fixed rules ofsingle combat, one of which we have just nowspoken, and another of which we made mentionabove, that not in hatred, nor in love, but inpure zeal for justice, the contestants or cham-pions should enter the field by common consent.Touching this matter Tully well said: "Warsengaged in for the crown of Empire should bewaged without bitterness." ..

2. De Off. J. 11. 34.3. Vegetius, De R« Militari 3. 9. This book on the Art

if War is a compilation from many sources, dedicated byits author, of whom nothing is known, to Emperor Valen-tinian II (375-392). Dante refers to it but this once. Thisfact, together with Moore's discovery that the context does notbear out the application of the quotation in question, has ledMoore to conclude that Dante knew of Vegetius only througha mediaeval handbook or Florilegium, See Moore, Studies,Vol. I. p. 297.

4. De Off. I. IZ. 38. Church calls attention to the factthat Cicero's word is .. Imperii gloria." not" corona."

t\,

lIS DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. n

4. Provided that in single combat these rulesare observed without which single combat ceasesto be, and that men necessitated by justice andin zeal for justice meet by common consent,are they not met in the name of God? And ifthey are met in the name of God, is not God inthe midst of them, as He Himself promisesin the Gospel? S And if God is present, is itnot a sin to imagine that Justice 6 can fail-Justice, which we have shown He so greatlyloved? And if Justice cannot fail in single com-bat, is not that which is acquired by singlecombat acquired by Right?

5. Even before the trumpet-call of the Gospel,the Gentiles recognized this truth, and soughtjudgment in the fortune of single combat. Pyr-rhus, noble in the virtues as well as in the bloodof the Aeacidae, answered nobly the legates ofthe Romans sent to him for redeeming theircaptives: (( I demand no gold, nor shall yourender me a price; we are not barterers in war,but fighters; with steel, not with gold, let eachdecide the issue of life. Whether Hera willsthat you or I shall reign, or whatever fate maybring, let us determine by prowess. And atthe same time know this: to those whose valor

5. Matt. 18. 20.

6. De Mon. I. I I.

DE MONARCHIA

the fortunes of war has preserved, it is my willto grant liberty. Receive them as a gift." 7 SoPyrrhus spoke, referring by "Hera" to fortune,that agency which we more wisely and rightlyname Divine Providence. Let combatants, then,forbear to settle disputes for a price, for thatwould not be a single combat, but a game ofblood and injustice; nor would God then bepresent as arbiter, but rather that ancient enemywho had been persuader to the quarrel. Andlet those who desire to be champions, andnot hucksters of blood and injustice, have everbefore their eyes in entering the field that Pyr-rhus who in fighting for Empire, as we havesaid, held gold in such contempt.

6. If to contradict the truth thus manifested,the usual objection be raised concerning theinequality of men's strength, it may be refutedby the instance of David's victory over Goliath,"And if the Gentiles seek another instance, theymay refute it by the victory of Hercules overAntaeus," It is the height of folly, indeed, to

7. These lines are from Ennius, quoted De Off. I. IZ. 38.8. I Sam. 17. In Letter 7. 6 Dante addresses Henry

as a second David come to overthrow a new Goliath.9. Hercules and Antaeus, used as an example in De Mon.

z. 8. 5. In Isf; 31. 13z: "The hands whence Herculesonce felt a mighty constraint." The story of the combat IS

told in detail in Can«: 3· 3· 7.

120 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. n

fear that the strength which God confers may beweaker than that of a human antagonist.

7. By this time it is demonstrated clearlyenough that whatever is acquired by single com-bat is acquired with Right and Justice.

CHAPTER XI

The single combats of the Roman people.

I. That the Roman people acquired Empireby single combat is confirmed by witnesses wor-thy of belief. In citing witnesses, not only shallwe prove this, but we shall show that, from thefounding of the Roman Empire, the decisionof all questions whatsoever was reached throughcontests of man to man.

2. At the very outset, when contention arosein regard to the colonization of Italy by fatherAeneas, who was first parent of the Roman peo-ple, and Turnus, king of the Rutilians, stoodout against him; finally, as is sung in the lastbook of the A eneid, both kings agreed to seekthe good pleasure of God in a combat singlybetween themselves. I The closing verses ofour Poet testify how great was the clemency ofAeneas, victor in the contest, and how as van-

I • .Aen. 12. 9+2.

Ca. XI] DE MONARCHIA IZI

quisher he would have bestowed life and peaceat one time on the vanquished, had he notespied on Turnus the belt stripped by him fromPallas slain. a

3. And when two peoples, the Romans andAlbanians, had grown up in Italy from the sameTrojan root, and when they had long striven forthe ensign of the eagle, the household gods ofthe Trojans, and the honor of supreme com-mand, at length with mutual consent they de-termined the question by a combat between thethree Horatian and the three Curiatian brethren,in the view of the kings and people waitinganxiously on either side. The three championsof the Al banians and two of the Romans fell, andthe victory went to the Romans, in the reignof Hostilius. And to this, which Livy narratesin detail in his first book," Orosius also bearswitness."

4. Livy tells that they then strove for Em-pire with their neighbors, Sabines and Samnites,observing every rule of war, and preserving thecharacteristics of contests man to man, although

2 • .Am. 12. 94-8. Par. 6. 35: .. Pallas died to give akingdom to the Roman ensign," seeing that his death was thereal cause of Turnus' death.

3. Liv. I. 24-, 25.4-. ()ros. 2. 4-. 9·

122 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

the contestants were a multitude. During thestruggle carried on in this wise with the Sam-nites, Fortune seemed, as it were, almost to re-pent of her undertaking. And this Lucan usesas an example in his second book, saying: "Orhow many heaps of slain choked up the CollineGate, what time the headship of the world andauthority in earthly things were well-nigh trans-ferred to other realms, and the Samnites over-topped the Caudine Forks with Roman dead." 5

5. After these troubles with Italywerequieted,but the decree of God was not yet certain inregard to the Greeks and the Phoenicians aspir-ing to Empire, Fabricius for the Romans andPyrrhus for the Greeks contended with a mul-titude of soldiery for the glory of sovereignty,and Rome was triumphant. Then Scipio? forthe Italians and Hannibal for the Africans did

5. Pharo s, 135-138: =Rcmanaque Samnisulrra Ceudlnaasuperavit vulnera furcas." Modern editions have .. speravit ..or .. spiravit" instead of" superavit...

6. Par. z7. 61: .. The Providence on high. which withScipio guarded for Rome the glory of the world."

Par. 6. 49: .. It [the ensign] brought to earth the prideof the Arabs. who in Hannibal's train passed the Alpine cliffs •• • • Under it in their youth triumphed Scipio and Pompey.• • • Afterward, hard upon the time when the heaven whollywilled to bring back the world to its tranquil order. Caesar bythe will of Rome bare it."

c-, XI] DE MONARCHIA I~3

battle in the form of single combat, and Africasuccumbed to Italy, as Livy and other writersof Roman affairs endeavor to show.

6. Who is then so dull of wit he fails to seethat this splendid people gained the crown of aworld-wide realm by right of single combat?Verily, a Roman might say with the Apostleaddressing Timothy, "There is laid up for mea crown of righteousness" 7_ that is to say, laidup in the eternal providence of God. Now letpresumptuous jurists behold how far they standbeneath that watch-tower of reason whence thehuman mind looks out upon these principles,and let them be silent, content to give counseland judgment according to the import of thelaw.

7. And now the main proposition of the pre-sent book is proved, that the Roman peopleattained imperial power through single combat,and that therefore they attained it by Right.

8. Thus far the argument has progressedthrough reason based chiefly on rational prin-ciples, but from now on it shall be re-dernon-strated through the principles of Christian fai tho8

7. 2 Tim. 4. 8.8. De MOR. z. 8. I. For the chapter as a whole read as

its best commentaries Par. 6 (Justinian to Dante) and CORV.

4· 5·

DANTE ALIGHIERI

CHAPTER XII

Christ in being born proved that the authority of theRoman Empire was just.

I. And especially those who call themselveszealots for the Christian faith I have ((raged"and (( imagined vain things" against Romandominion; they have no pity for the poor ofChrist/ but defraud them in the church reve-nues, even stealing their patrimony daily, andrender the Church destitute; ~ pretending to

I. Witte points out that these same men are referred to inPIJrg. 6. 9 I: "Ah, folkthat ought to havebeen at prayer, andto let Caesar sit in the saddle." They are the clergy whowrongly wish a controlling hand in the world of temporalthings. In this chapter Dante is again making use of thelanguage of PI. 2. I, and calling attention once more to theopening argument of Book 2.

2. GOOfl. 4. 27. 4: "Those which do belong to yourprofession ••• take a tenth part and give it to God, that is,to those miserable ones to whom Divine favor alone remains."

Par. 12. 93: "Not the tithes which belong to God'spoor."

Par. 22. 82: "Whatsoever the Church guards belongsall to the folk who ask in God's name." Cf. De Moo. 3.10.6.

3. Cupidity in the Church, as in men's minds (De Moo.I. II. 5), was the source and root of evil. Inf. I. 49 usesas the figure of Avarice, or the Church grasping for temporal

CH. XII] DE MONARCHIA 125Justice, they yet permit no executor of Justiceto do his duty.

2. Nor is this impoverishment accomplishedwithout the judgment of God, for the churchrevenues are neither given to relieve the poorwhose patrimony they are, nor are held withgratitude to the Empire which bestowed them.Let them return whence they came. They camejustly, they return unjustly, for though theywere rightly given, they are wrongfully held."What should be said of such shepherds? What,if with the depletion of the Church's substancethe estates of relatives wax great? 5 Belike itwere better to follow out the argument and awaitour Saviour's aid in pious silence.

3. I affirm, therefore, that if the Roman Em-pire did not come to be with Right, Christ inHis birth authorized an injustice. This conse-

domain, a .. she-wolf, that with all ravenings looked fraughtin its leanness, and has already made much people wretched."

4. The donation of Constantine is meant. See De Mon.3. 10. Par. 20. 56, the eagle speaks of Constantine's giftas .. a good intention which bare ill fruit."

5. This was more true of BonifaceVIII than of any otherPope, for he furthered the interests of his family and friendsby all means in his power. Milman saya of him in his LatinChristianity, Bk. JJ, ch. 7: .. Of all the Roman Pontiffs,Boniface left the darkest name tor craft, arrogance, ambition,even for avarice and cruelty."

126 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. n

quent is false; therefore the contradictory ofthe antecedent is true, since contradictory pro-positions are of such a nature that the falsenessof a statement argues for the truth of its oppo-site,"

4. The falsity of this consequent need notbe proved to those of the faith; for he who isof the faith will concede its falsity; if he doesnot do so, he is not of the faith; and if heis not of the faith, this argument concerns himnot. .

S. I demonstrate the consequent? thus: Who-ever of his own free will fulfills an edict urges itsjustice by so doing; and sincedeeds are more per-suasive than words, as the Philosopher states inhis last book to Nicamachus, he ismore convincing

6. Per, 6. :ZI: .. All contradictories are both false andtrue. " That is, one is false and the other true, for contra-dictories are pairs of propositions so related to each other thatboth cannot be false. Wicks teed further explains that .. Theyare of the form either of • All A is B' and • Some A is notB,' or • No A is B' and • Some A is B.' These four termswere usually arranged at the corners of a square in the logicbooks.

All A is B No A is BSome A is B Some A is not B.

The contradictories are at opposite ends of the diameters, thesource of the phrase • diametrically opposed.' ..

7. That is, II Christ in his birth authorized an injustice."

CH. XII] DE MONARCHIA 1'27

thanifhis approbation were verbal," Now Christwilled to be born of a Virgin Mother under anedict of Roman authority, according to the tes-timony of Luke.? his scribe, in order that theSon of Man, made man, might be numbered asa man in that unique census. This fulfilled theedict. It were perhaps more reverent to believethat the Divine Will caused the edict to go forththrough Caesar, in order that God might num-ber Himself among the society of mortals whohad so many ages awaited His corning."

6. So Christ in His action established as justthe edict of Augustus, exerciser of Roman au-thority. Since to decree justly presupposes juris-dictional power, whoever confirms the justice ofan edict confirms also the jurisdictional power

8. Eth. 10. I. 3. Cf. De Mon. I. 13. I. SO alsoThomas Aquinas says, .. Concerning human actions and pas-sions words are to be trusted less than deeds."

9. Lulu 2. I.10. Purg, 10. 34: .. The angel that came on earth with

the decree of the many years wept-for peace. • • openedheaven from its long interdict."

Par. 26 contains the computation of time from the fall tothe redemption. Cf. I. 118: .. From that place whence thyLady moved Virgil, for four thousand three hundred and tworevolutions of the sun did I long for this assembly, and I sawhim return to all the stars of his road nine hundred and thirtytimes whiles that I was upon earth." According to this, Adammakes the number of years 52 32 from creation to crucifixion.

128 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. II

whence it issued. Did this power not exist byRight, it would be unjust.

7. And observe that the argument employedto disprove the consequent, though it holds toa certain degree, nevertheless, if reduced," showsits force in the second figure," just as the argu-ment based on the assumption of the antecedentshows its force ih the first figure. The reductionis made as follows: Every unjust thing is estab-lished unjustly; Christ established nothing un-justly; therefore Christ established no unjustthing. And thus by the assumption of the an-tecedent: Every unjust thing is establishedunjustly; Christ established an unjust thing j

therefore Christ established things unjustly.

CHAPTER XIII

Christ in dying confirmed the jurisdiction of the RomanEmpire over all humanity.

I. And if the Roman Empire did not existby Right, the sin of Adam was not punishedin Christ. This, however, is false; so the con-tradictory from which it follows is true. The

. falsity of the consequent is apparent in this. By1I. That is, to a syllogism.Iz. The second figure has the middle term for predicate in

both premises.

CH. xm] DE MONARCHIA

the sin of Adam we are all sinners, according tothe Apostle: " As by one man sin entered intothe world, and death by sin, so death passed uponall men, for that all have sinned." I If satis-faction had not been given for this sin throughthe death of Christ, we, owing to our depravednature, should still be children of wrath. Butthis is not so, for the Apostle speaks in Ephe-sians of the Father" having predestined usunto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ

I. Rom. 5. 12. In De Mon. I. 16 Dante dates <callourerrors" from the fall of Adam. In Par. 7 Beatrice ex-plains to Dante the nature of human redemption. Cf, I. 85:<cYour nature, when it all sinned in its seed, was removedfrom these dignities as from Paradise; nor could it recoverthem, ••• by any way without passing through some one ofthese roads; either that God alone of his clemency shouldhave put away, or that man should have made satisfactionforhis folly."

P1Irg. 32. 37. Here in the vision of the Church and theEmpire Dante symbolizes the fall and redemption of man, theerrors of avarice in the Church, and the universal jurisdictionof Monarchy. <cI heard all murmur • Adam,' then they cir-cled a plant despoiled of flowers and of leafage too on everybranch. Its foliage,which spreads the wider as it is the higherup, would be wondered at for height by the Indians in theirforests. • Blessed art thou, Grifon, that thou tearest not withthy beak of this wood sweet to the taste, since illwas the bellygriped therefrom.''' As Plumptre remarks, the apostrophe tothe grifon is the thought developed in the second book of DeMon.

130 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. U

to Himself, according to the good pleasure ofHis will, to the praise of the glory of His grace,wherein He hath made us accepted in the be-loved, in whom we have redemption by Hisblood, the forgiveness of sins according to theriches of His grace, wherein He has aboundedtoward us." 2 And Christ Himself, suffering inHimself the punishment, says in John, (( It isfinished." 3 And when a thing is finished, no-thing remains to be done.

2. For greater clearness, let it be understoodthat punishment is not simply penalty visitedupon the doer of wrong, but penalty visitedupon the doer of wrong by one having penaljurisdiction. Wherefore unless punishment isinflicted by a lawful judge, it is no punishment;rather must it be called a wrong. Hence theman of the Hebrews said to Moses, " Whomade thee a judge over us ? " ..

3. If therefore Christ did not suffer under alawful judge,S his penalty was not punishment.Lawful judge meant in that case one havingjurisdiction over the entire human race, sinceall humanity was punished in the flesh of Christ,

2. Eph. I. 5-8.3. The work of redeeming the human race is finished.

john 19. 30.4. Exud. 2. 14.5. II Sub ordine judice."

CH. XIII] DE MONARCHIA 131

who, as the Prophet says, (( hath borne ourgriefs and carried our sorrows:' 6 And TiberiusCaesar,. whose vicar was Pilate, would not havepossessed jurisdiction over the entire human racehad not the Roman Empire existed by Right.Herod, albeit as ignorant of what he did asCaiaphas 7 of what truth he spake concerningthe heavenly decree, for this reason sent Christto be judged by Pilate, as Luke 8 writes in hisGospel. For Herod was not an official of Ti-berius under the ensign of the eagle or the Sen-ate, but a king appointed by him to a particularkingdom, and governing it under the ensign ofthe kingdom committed to him.?

4. Wherefore let those who pretend they aresons of the Church cease to defame the RomanEmpire, to which Christ the Bridegroom gaveHis sanction both at the beginning and at theclose of His warfare. And now, I believe, it issufficiently obvious that the Roman people ap-propriated the Empire of the world by Right.

6. 1I. 53. f. Quoted Letter 6. 6.7. John 18. If: .. Now Caiaphas was he which gave

counsel to the Jews that it was expedient that one man shoulddie for the people."

8. Luke z 3. II.9. Pilate was the real Roman regent. Cf. Par. 6. 86,

where Tiberius is called " the third Caesar," and read all thecanto for Justinian's account of the Roman Empire.

132 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bit. II

s. a people, how blessed hadst thou been,a Ausonia how glorious, had he who enfeebledthy sovereignty never been born, or never beendeceived by the piety of his purpose 110

10. That Constantine's purpose was high Dante alwaysinsisted on. See De Mon. z. 1%. I; and 3. 10 and notes.Par. ao, 58: .. Now knows he howtbe ill, deduced from hisgood work, is not harmful to him, albeit that the world bethereby destroyed. JJ I

· BOOK III

WHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE ROMANMONARCH DERIVES FROM GOD IMMEDI-ATELY OR FROM SOME VICAR OF GOD

CHAPTER I

Introduction.

I. ((HE has shut the lions' mouths and theyhave not hurt me; inasmuch as before Himrighteousness was found in me." I In beginningthis work I proposed to investigate three ques-tions as far as the subject-matter would allow.For the first two questions this has been donesatisfactorily in the foregoing books, I believe.We must now consider the third, the truth ofwhich may, however, be a cause of indignationagainst me, since it cannot be brought forthwithout causing certain men to blush. But sinceTruth 2 from her immutable throne demandsit; and Solomon entering his forest of Proverbs,and marking out his own conduct, entreats thatwe ((meditate upon truth and abhor wicked-ness; "3 and our teacher of morals, the Philo-

I. Dan. 6. 22. The word <t righteousness" is the Latin<t justitia," which in chapters II, 12, etc., of Book 1 wastranslated ." justice."

2. Note that it was love of truth that started Dante on histask in De Mon. I. I.

3. Provo 8. 7. Dante's idea here expressed does not ex-

136 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bit. m

sopher, admonishes us to sacrifice whatever ismost precious for truth's sake:" therefore, gain-ing assurance from the words of Daniel, whereinthe power of God is shown as a shield for de-fenders of truth, and" putting on the breast-plate of faith" according to the admonition ofPaul,s in the warmth of that coal taken fromthe heavenly altar by one of the Seraphim andtouched to the lips of Isaiah," I will engage inthe present conflict, and by the arm of Himwho with His blood liberated us from the powerof darkness/ I will cast the ungodly and theliar from the arena, while the world looks on.Wherefore should I fear, when the Spirit, co-eternal with the Father and the Son, says by themouth of David, ((The righteous shall be inactly coincide with that in the verse cited, which runs: .. Formy mouth shall speak truth; and wickedness is an abominationto my lips."

4. Etlt. I. 6. I: .. For the preservation of truth ••• weshould even do away with private feelings, especiallyas we arephilosophers; for both being dear to us, it is a sacred duty toprefer truth."

In Letter 9. 5, to tlte Italian Cardinals, Dante says again:.. I have the authority of the Master Philosopher, who, intreating of all morality, taught that truth is to be preferredbeyond any friend whatsoever."

5. r 'TItm. 5. 8.6. Is. 6. 6, 7•

.\ 7. Col. I. 13, 14.

Ca. II] DE MONARCHIA 137

everlasting remembrance, he shall not be afraidof evil tidings U ? 8

2. The question pending investigation, then,concerns two great luminaries.? the RomanPontiff and the Roman Prince: and the pointat issue is whether the authority of the RomanMonarch, who, as proved in the second book,is rightful Monarch of the world, derives fromGod directly, or from some vicar or minister ofGod, by whom I mean the successor of Peter,veritable keeper of the keys of the kingdom ofheaven.

CHAPTER II

God wills not that which is counter to the intention ofnature.

I. As in the previous questions, so in thepresent one, we must assume some principle forinforming the arguments which are to reveal thetruth. For of what avail is it to labor even inspeaking truth, if one have no basic principle? J

8. Ps, lIZ. 6, 7. Much the same idea is in Par. 17. 118:•• If I am a timid friend to the truth, I fear to lose life amongthose who will call this time ancient."

9. De Mon. 3. 4 takes up in detail the argument of thesun and moon.

I. De Mon. I. z. Z; z. Z. I.

138 DANTE ALIGaIERI [BK. ill

And the principle is the sole root of the assump-tions," which are the mediums of proof.

2. Let us set up, then, this indisputable truth,that whatever is repugnant to the intention ofnature is contrary to the will of God. If thiswere not true, its contrary would not be false,that whatever is repugnant to the intention ofnature is not contrary to the will of God. Andif this is not false, its consequences are not false.For in necessary consequences a false consequentis impossible without a false antecedent.!

3. But C( not contrary to the will of" meansone of two things, C( to will " or C( not to will ; "just as C( not to hate" means either C( to love" orC( not to love; " for C( not to love" does not mean((to hate," neither does C( not to will" mean ((tobe contrary to the will 0(," as is self-evident.If these statements are not false, neither will itbe false to assert that C( God wills what He doesnot will," than which no greater fallacy exists.

4. I demonstrate as follows the verity ofwhat has been said. That God wills an end fornature is manifest; otherwise the heavens wouldmove to no purpose, which it is not possibleto claim," If God should will an obstruction

2. .. Assumptions" are the major and minor premises.3. Anal. Pro 2. 2.

4. Dante proves this point De Mon. 1.3.2; 1.10.1;2.7.

cs. nJ DE MONARCHIA 139

to this end, He would also will an end for theobstruction, or He would will to no purpose.N ow the end of an obstruction is that the thingobstructed may exist no longer, so it followsthat God wills the end of nature to exist nolonger, when we have already said that He willsit to exist.

S. But if God did not will the obstruction tothe end, it would follow from His not willingit that He cared nothing for the obstruction,whether it existed or not. Now he who caresnothing for the obstruction cares nothing forthe end obstructed, and therefore has it not inhis will, and what he has not in his will, he doesnot will. Hence if the end of nature can beimpeded, and it can, it necessarily follows thatGod does not will an end of nature, and followsfurther, as before, that God wills what He doesnot will. That principle is therefore most truefrom the contradictory of which results such anabsurdity.'Z, 3; and 3. 15. I. See alsothe quotations in the notes to theseparagraphs. Dante expresses the idea most clearly. perhaps,in Par. I. 109: "In that order which I say have all naturestheir propension, through divers lots. more or less near to theirorigin; whereby they move to divers ports through the sea ofbeing. and each with instinct given to it to bear it."

5• Miss Hillard notes the use of proof by reduction toabsurdity. Coso, 2. 9· 4.

"• ...r~"

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

CHAPTER III

Of the tbree clams of our opponents and the toogreatauthority many ascribe to tradition.

I. In entering on this third question,' let usbear in mind that the truth of the first 2 wasmade manifest in order to abolish ignorancerather than contention. But the investigationof the second 3 had reference alike to ignoranceand contention. Indeed, we are ignorant ofmany things concerning which we do not con-tend: the geometrician does not know thesquare of the circle;' but he does not contend

I. II Whether the authority of the Roman Monarchy de-rives from God immediately, or from some vicar of God•••

2. II Whether temporal Monarchy is necessaryfor the well-being of the world."

3. II Whether the Roman people rightfully appropriated theofficeof Monarchy."

4. COl1fJ. 2. 14. 12: II The circle by reasonof its arc can-not be exactly squared."

Par. 33. 133: II As is the geometer who applies himselfwholly in order to measure the circle, and finds not by think-ing that principle whereof he is in want, such was I."

In 1761 Lambert proved that the ratio of the circumferenceof a circle to its diameter was incommensurable. Lindemannhas since demonstrated that this ratio was transcendental, andthat the quadrature of the circle by means of the rule and com-pass only is impossible.

CR. m] DE MONARCHIA 141

about it; the theologian does not know thenumber of the angels.! but he renders it nocause for quarrel; the Egyptian knows naughtof the civilization of Scythia, but does not there-fore make the civilization a source of strife,"

2. Now the truth of the third question hasto do with so-keen a contention that, whereasignorance generally causes the discord, here thediscord causes ignorance. For it always hap-pens to men who will things before rationallyconsidering them that, their desire being evil,they put behind them the light of reason; asblind men they are led about by their desire,and stubbornly deny their blindness," Whence

s. The number of the angels Dante discussesin Confl. z.6, concluding in chapter z. 6. z: "It is proved to us thatthese creatures exist in immense numbers; becauseHis Spouseand Secretary, the Holy Church ••• says, believes, andpreaches that these most noble creatures are almost innumer-able; and she divides them into three hierarchies."

6. Eth. 3. 3. 6: "About things eternal no man deliber-ates, as about the world, or the diagonal and the side of asquare, that they are incommensurable, ••• nor about thingsaccidental, as the finding of a treasure, nor yet about everythinghuman, as no Lacedaemonian deliberates how the Scythiansmight be best governed." Moore thinks that Dante's substitu-tion of" Egyptian .. for" Lacedaemonian .. was merely a slipof memory.

7. Purge 18.16: "Direct toward me the keen eyes of thyunderstanding, and the error will be manifest to thee of the

142. DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

it often occurs not only that falsehood has herown patrimony, but that many men going outfrom her boundaries run through strange camps,where, neither understanding nor being under-stood at all, they provoke some to wrath, someto disdain, and not a few to laughter.

3. Three classes of men struggle hardestagainst the truth which we would establish.

4. First the Chief Pontiff, Vicar of our LordJesus Christ and successor to Peter, he to whomwe should render not what is due to Christbut what is due to Peter, he, perchance in hiszeal for the keys, together with some pastorsof Christian flocks, and others moved solely, Ibelieve, by their zeal for Mother Church, con-tradict the truth I am about to declare. Theycontradict it, perchance, from zeal, I repeat, notfrom pride,"

blind who make themselves leaders." So wickedness to Dantewas largely a matter of ignorance, of blindness, of inability tounderstand. With sight and comprehensionof good came rightaction.

S. Dante even in his moments of greatest indignation hadonly reverence for the papal office. 1nf. 19. 100: .. Were itnot that still forbids it to me my reverence for the supremekeys which thou heldest in the glad life. I would use wordsyet more grievous;" so he says to Pope Nicolas placed amongthe simoniacsin Malebolge. And of the persecution of Boni-face VIII, whom Dante hated above all men, he writes Purg,

CH. Ill] DE MONARCHIA 143

S. But others in their inveterate cupidityhave quenched the light of reason, and callthemselves sons of the Church, although theyare of their father the devil.? Not only do they

ZOo 86: .. I see the fleur-de-Iys enter into Alagna, and in hisVicar Christ himself made captive. I seeHim being mocked asecond time, I see the vinegar and the gall renewed, and Himbetween live thievesput to death. I see the new Pilate so cruelthat that sates him not, but without decree he bears into thetemple his greedy sails."

9. John 8. 44: "Ye are of your father the devil, and thelusts of your father ye will do." For cupidity as the greatestof human sins, see De MOil. z. 12. I; I. 11.5, and note1z. The worst form ofcupidity was simony, traffickingin spir-itual matters, shown forth in Isf. 19. I fr.: .. 0 Simon Ma-gus! 0 unhappy followers! because the things of God, whichought to be spouses, and ye in your greed make to commitwhoredom for gold and for silver- now it is meet that for youthe trumpet sound, seeing that in the third pit ye are sta-tioned."

Letter 9. 7 To the Italiall Cardinals: "Everyone hastaken Cupidity to wife, even as ye have, - Cupidity, who isnever, like Charity, the mother of Piety and Equity, but alwaysof Impiety and Iniquity. Ah, most holy Mother, Bride ofChrist, what sons dost thou bear of water and of the spirit toshame thee! Neither Charity nor Justice, but the daughters ofthe horse-leechhave become thy daughters-in-law, and all savethe Bishopof Luni attest what kind of sons they have broughtto thee. Thy Gregory lies among the cobwebs; Ambrose lieson the neglected shelvesof the clergy; Augustine lies forgotten;Dionysius, Damascenus, and Bede have been thrown aside;and I know not what Spurtlrtm, Innocent, and he of Ostia

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. III

arouse controversy in regard to this question,but, despising the very name of the most sacredPrincehood, impudently deny the first principlesof this and the previous questions.

6. The third class, called Decretalists;" ut-terly ignorant and unregardful of Theology andPhilosophy, depending entirely on the Decretals(which, I grant, are deserving of veneration), andI presume trusting in the ultimate supremacyof these, derogate from the imperial power.N or is it to be wondered at, for I have heardone of them aver and insolently maintain thatecclesiastical traditions are the foundation of

preach. Wherefore is this 1 They sought God as their endand best good; these run after riches and benefices."

10. Two of these men are named Par. IZ. 83, Henry ofSusa, Archbishop of Embrun and Cardinal of Ostia, and Thad.deus of Bologna. In Letter 9. 7, quoted in the note preceding,the Spuulum of Guglielmo Durante, Innocent III, and theCardinal of Ostia make another list.

The Decretai: were those papal decrees which form thegroundwork of the ecclesiastical law. The most importantcompilation was issued by Gregory IX in IZ 34. The Codeof the Papal Decretals was promulgated as the statute law ofChristendom, the authority of which was superior to all secu-lar law. See Toynbee, Diet. s, v. Decretali; Hallam, MiddleAges, Ch. 8, part 2.

Par. 9. 133: .. For this the Gospel and the great Doctorsare deserted, and study is given to the Decretals alone, asappears on their margins."

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA 145faith. Let those dispel this error of thoughtfrom mortal minds whom the world doubts notto have believed in Christ, the Son of God, ereecclesiastical traditions were, believed in Himeither to come, or present, or having alreadysuffered, II and believing hoped, and hopingburned with love, and burning with love weremade co-heirs with Him.12

7. And that such mistaken thinkers may bewholly shut out from the present discussion, itmust be observed that some of the Scripturestake precedence of the Church, some are equi-valent to the Church, and some subordinateto it.

8. Those taking precedence of the Churchare the Old and New Testaments, which, as theProphet says, "were commanded for ever," 13

and to which the Church refers in saying to theBridegroom, " Draw me after thee." 14

9. Equivalent to the Church are those Coun-II. Par. 20. 103: •• They issued not from their bodies as

thou deemest Gentiles, but Christians, in firm faith, he of theFeet that should suffer, he of them having suffered."

12. Rom. 8. 16, 17.13. PI. III. 9. This is a rather strained interpretation

of" He hath sent redemption unto his people; he hath com-manded his covenant for ever."

14.. Cant. I. 4. Dante, as was customary in his times, in-terprets the Canticles allegoricallyas applying to the Church.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. III

cils so worthy of reverence, and in the midstof which no believer doubts the presence ofChrist; for we have, according to Matthew'stestimony, the words spoken to His disciples atHis ascension into heaven: "Lo, I am withyou alway, even unto the end of the world." 15

In addition, there are the writings of the Doc-tors, Augustine," and others, and whosoeverdoubts the aid of the Holy Spirit therein hasnever seen their fruits, or if he has seen, hasnever tasted them.

10. Subordinate to the Church are the tradi-tions called Decretals, which, while they mustbe revered for their apostolic authority, mustnevertheless be held unquestionably inferior tothe fundamental Scriptures, seeing that Christrebuked the priests for not so doing. Whenthey had inquired, "Why do thy disciples trans-gress the tradition of the elders? " 17 (for they

15. Matt. 28. 20.

16. St. Augustine (354-430). Dante quotes in the nextchapter from two of his works, De CifJitote Dei and DeDaarina Christiano. The ideals of Augustine in the formertreatise and those of Dante in the De Mon. are very similar.For his relation to Dante see Moore, St1ldiu, Vol. .. pp. 291-294. Augustine is honored with a seat in the Celestial Roseby St. Francis and St. Benedict Par. 32. 35. For furthermention of him see note 9, above.

17. Matt. IS. 2, 3.

CH. III] DE MONARCHIA

had omitted the washing of hands) Christ an-swered, as Matthew testifies, (( Why do ye alsotransgress the commandment of God by yourtradition?" Here the inferiority of tradition isclearly implied.

1I. If, as we believe, traditions of the Churchare subordinate to the Church, authority neces-sarily accrues not to the Church through tradi-tions, but to traditions through the Church.And I repeat, those who have faith in traditionsalone are excluded from this discussion. Forthey who would hunt down this truth muststart in their search from those writings whencethe authority of the Church emanates.

12. Others must likewise be excluded who,decked in the plumage of ravens, boast them-selves white sheep of the Master's flock. Inorder to carry out their crimes, these sons ofimpiety defile their mother, banish their breth-ren, and scorn judgments brought against them.Why should reason be sought in behalf of thesewhose passions prevent them from understand-ing our basic principle? 18

13. There remains, then.the controversy with

18. P hJ1. I. 2. .. Cupiditas" is the word I have this timetranslated "passions." Cf. Purg; 19. 121: .. As avarice extin-guished our love toward every good, whence labor was lost, 80

justice here holds us straitly bound." See also note 9. above.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bx:. III

those only who) led by a certain zeal for theirMother the Church) are blind to the truth weare seeking. And with them) confident in thatreverence which a loyal and loving son owes tofather and mother) to Christ and the Church)to the Shepherd and all who profess the Chris-tian religion) I enter in this book into combatfor the preservation of truth.

CHAPTER IV

The DppDnents'argument adduced from the sun andmoon.

I. Those men to whom the entire subsequentdiscussion is directed assert that the authorityof the Empire depends on the authority of theChurch) just as the inferior artisan depends onthe architect. I They are drawn to this by diversopposing arguments) some of which they takefrom Holy Scripture) and some from certain

1. Meta/ky. 1. 1: .. We reckon the chief artificersin eachcase to be entitled to more dignity, and to the reputation ofsuperior knowledge, and to be more wise than the handicrafts-men, because the former are acquainted with the causes ofthings that are being constructed, whereas the latter producethings as certain inanimate things do, ••• unconsciously."Bryce dates the successfulclaim of the papacy to rule in tem-poral matters to Gregory VII (1073-1086).

,Ca. IV] DE MONARCHIA 149

acts performed by the Chief Pontiff, and bythe Emperor himself; and they endeavor tomake their conviction reasonable.

2. For, first, they maintain that according toGenesis God made two mighty luminaries, agreater and a less, the former to hold supremacyby day and the latter by night," These theyinterpret allegorically to be the two rulers 3 -

spiritual and temporal. Whence they argue thatas the lesser luminary, the moon, has no lightbut that gained from the sun, so the temporal

z; Gen. I. IS, 16.3. II Dua regimina If - two guidingor governing powers.

Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, c. 15: II The analogy betweenthe lights of heaven and the potentates of earth is one whichmediaevalwriters are very fond of. It seems to have originatedwith Gregory VII" (1073-1086).

II Two lights, the sun and the moon, illumine the globe;two powers, the papal and the royal, govern it; but as themoon receives her light from the more brilliant star, so kingsreign by the chief of the Church who comes from God,"are the words ofInnocent IV (1Z43-1Z54).

Bryce speaks in the chapter cited above of a curious seal ofthe Emperor Otto IV (1Z08-1Z1Z), figured in]. M. Hei-neccius' De fleteribus Germanorum atque aliarum nationumsigillis, on which the sun and moon are represented over thehead of the Emperor: II There seems to be no reason whywe should not take the device as typifying the accord of thespiritual and temporal powers which was brought about at theaccessionof Otto, the Guelfic leader, and the favored candi-date of Pope Innocent III."

IS0 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

ruler has no authority but that gained from thespiritual ruler,"

3. Let it be noted for the refutation of thisand their other arguments that, as the Philoso-pher holds in his writings on Sophistry, (( thedestruction of an argument is the exposure oferror." 5 And because error can occur in boththe matter and the form of an argument, a two-fold fallacy is possible-that arising from a falseassumption, and that from a failure to syllogize.The two objections brought by the Philosopher

4. Dante's real view, that the spiritual and temporal rulersare coordinate but different, is expressed De Mon. 3. 16. 6.Again in Purg, 16. 106 is the idea in more figurative lan-guage: .. Rome, that made the good world, was wont tohave two suns, that showed the one and the other road, bothof the world and of God. The one has put out the other,and the sword is joined with the crook; and the one and theother together of very necessity it behoves that they go ill."

Letter 6. z (To the Florentines) has the following figure:.. Why, then, such a foolishsupposition being disposedof, doye, deserting legitimate government, seek new Babylonians tofound new kingdoms, in order that the Florentine may be onepolicy and the Roman another 1 Why may it not please youto envy the apostolic monarchy likewise1 that if Delia is tohave a twin in heaven, the Delian One may also1..

After the death of Henry VII and Clement V Dante wrotein Letter 9. 10: .. Rome, that city now deprived of both itsluminaries."

5. Soph. Eunt. 18.

CH. IV] DE MONARCHIA lSI

against Parmenides and Me1issus were: "Theyaccept what is false, and syllogize incorrectly:' 6

" False" I use here with large significance,embracing the improbable, which in mattersof probability becomes the false element. Hewho would destroy a conclusion where there iserror in the form of the argument must show afailure to comply with the rules of syllogizing.Where the error is material, he must show thatan assumption has been made, either false initself, or false in relation to something else.Absolute falsity may be destroyed by destroyingthe assumption, relative falsity by distinction ofmeanings,"

4. Granting this, let us observe, in order tocomprehend more clearly the fallacy of this andother arguments, that with regard to mysticalinterpretation a twofold error may arise, either

6. Phy. I. 3. Parmenideswas a Greek philosopher, bornat Elea in Italyeirc. 513 B. c., founder of the Eleatic Schoolof philosophy, in which he was succeeded by Zeno, Melissusof Samos was one of his followers. These two false reasonersserve for illustration again in Par. 13. 122: .. He returns notthe same as he sets out, who fishes for the truth and has notthe art; and of this are to the world open proofs Parrnenides,Melissus, and Bryson."

7. .. Distinction" marks out two possible meanings in aproposition; one. the sense in which it must be understood tomake it true; the other. the sense in which it must be under-stood in order to support a given conclusion.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

by seeking one where it is not, or by explain-ing it other than it ought to be.

5. Of the first error Augustine says in Cf'heCity of God: (( Not all deeds recounted shouldbe thought to have special significance, becausefor the sake of significant things insignificantdetails are interwoven. The plowshare by itselfcuts the land into furrows, but that this may beaccomplished the other parts of the plow areneeded." 8

6. Of the second error he speaks in hisChristian Doctrine, saying that the man who at-tempts to find in the Scriptures other thingsthan the writer's meaning" is deceived as onewho abandons a certain road, only by a longdetour to reach the goal whither the road leddirectly." 9 And he adds, (( Such a man shouldbe shown that a habit of leaving his path maylead him into cross-roads and tortuous ways."Then he gives the reason why this error shouldbe avoided in the Scriptures, saying, "Shake theauthority of the divine writings, and you shakeall faith." 10 However, I believe that when such

8. De o-n. Dei 16. 2.

9. De Dactr, Christ. I. 36. Here Dante departs fromour present reading of Augustine's text by using the wordsII per gyrum " instead of II per agrum."

10. L. c. 37.

DE MONARCHIA 153errors are due to ignorance they should be par-doned after correction has been carefully admin-istered, just as he should be pardoned who isterrified at a supposed lion in the clouds. Butwhen such errors are due to design, the erringone should be treated like tyrants who neverapply public laws for the general welfare, butendeavor to turn them to individual profit.

7. 0 unparalleled crime, though committedbut in dreams, of turning into evil the inten-tion of the Eternal Spirit! Such a sin wouldnot be against Moses, or David, or Job, orMatthew, or Paul, but against the Holy Spiritthat speaketh in them. For although the writ-ers of the divine word are many, the dictator ofthe word is one, even God, who has deigned tomake known his purpose to us through diverspens.

8. From these prefatory remarks I proceedto refute the above assumption that the twoluminaries of the world typify its two rulingpowers. The whole force of their argument liesin the interpretation; but this we can proveindefensible in two ways. First, since theseruling powers are as it were accidents neces-sitated by man himself, God would seem tohave used a distorted order in creating first acci-dents, and then the subject necessitating them.

154 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. lU

It is absurd to speak thus of God, but it isevident from the Word II that the two lightswere created on the fourth day, and man onthe sixth.

9. Secondly, the two ruling powers exist asthe directors of men toward certain ends, as willbe shown further on; but had man remained inthe state of innocence in which God made him,he would have required no such direction. Theseruling powers are therefore remedies against theinfirmity of sin. Since on the fourth day mannot only was not a sinner, but was not even ex-istent, the creation of a remedy would have beenpurposeless, which is contrary to divine good-ness. Foolish indeed would be the physicianwho should make ready a plaster for the futureabscess of a man not yet born. Therefore itcannot be asserted that God made the two rul-ing powers on the fourth day; and consequentlythe meaning of Moses cannot have been whatit is supposed to be."

II. ..Litera," Witte says, was a solemn word used for.. text," especially in referring to sacred writings, during theMiddle Ages.

12. .. Man restored to the state of Eden would not needecclesiasticalany more than he would need imperial guidanceor authority. Hence Virgil • crowns and mitres' Dante atthe entrance of the Garden of Eden, Purg, 27, +2. It fol-low~ that Beatrice, whose ministrations begin here, may be

DE MONARCHIA

10. Also, in order to be tolerant, we mayrefute this fallacy by distinction. Refutation bydistinction deals more gently with an adversary,for it shows him to be not absolutely wrong, asdoes refutation by destruction. I say, then, thatalthough the moon may have abundant lightonly as she receives it from the sun, it does notfollow on that account that the moon herselfowes her existence to the sun. It must be re-cognized that the essence of the moon, herstrength, and her function are not one and thesame thing. Neither in her essence, her strength,nor her function taken absolutely, does the moonowe her existence to the sun, for her movementis impelled by her own motor and her influenceby her own rays.? Besides, she has a certainlight of her own, as is shown in eclipse. It is inorder to fulfill her function better and morepotently that she borrows from the sun abun-

Revelation, but cannot be Ecclesiastical Authority." Wick-steed.

I3• The heaven of the moon was the first of the ten Dan-tean heavens. It is described C()l1V. 2. 3-7. and Par. 2-5.

Nine of these were the so-called moving heavens, each havingfor its motor a certain order of spiritualcreature. COl1V. %. 6. 5:II Wherefore it is reasonable to believe that the motive powersof the Heaven of the Moon are of the order of Angels."

COl1V. 2. 6. 7: II These motive powers guide by theirthought alone the revolutions over which each one presides."

DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bg. til

dance of light, and works thereby more effica-ciously.

I I. In like manner, I say, the temporalpower receives from the spiritual neither itsexistence, nor its strength, which is its author-ity, nor even its function taken absolutely. Butwell for her does she receive therefrom, throughthe light of grace which the benediction of theChief Pontiff sheds upon it in heaven and onearth, strength to fulfill her function more per-fectly.'! So the argument was at fault in form,because the predicate of the conclusion is not aterm of the major premise, as is evident. Thesyllogism runs thus: The moon receives lightfrom the sun, which is the spiritual power; thetemporal ruling power is the moon; therefore thetemporal receives authority from the spiritual.They introduce" light" as the term of the major,but" authority" as predicate of the conclusion,which two things we have seen to be diverse insubject and significance.

14. De Mon. 3. 16. 9, and note.The apostolicbenediction even of Clement V, whom Dante

punishes among the simoniacs in 1nf. 19, is thus spoken of,Leiter 5. 10: .. This is he whom Peter, the vicar of God,admonishes us to honor; whom Clement, now the successorof Peter, illuminateswith the light of the apostolicbenediction,in order that where the spiritual ray does not suffice, the splen-dor of the lesser light may illumine."

eH. v] DE MONARCHIA

CHAPTER V

Argument from the precedence of Levi over Judah.

I. They also abstract an argument from theword of Moses, declaring that in Levi andJudah sprang from Jacob's loins the types ofthese two sovereignties, the one being father ofthe priesthood, and the other father of temporalrulers.' From this they argue: The relationof Levi to Judah is that of the Church to theEmpire; Levi preceded Judah in birth accord-ing to Scripture; therefore the Church precedesthe Empire in authority.

z, Refutation is here easy, for I might asbefore overthrow by positive denial the asser-tion that Levi and Judah, the sons of Jacob,typified these sovereignties; but I will concedethat point. When, however, they proceed to in-fer from their argument that as Levi had prece-

I. Gen. 29. 34, 35. Reference is made to the sons ofLevi as men of churchly and not secular authority Purge 16.127. Marco Lombardo is speaking to Dante: .. Say from thisday forth that the Church of Rome, through confounding ofherself two governments, falls in the mire, and befoulsherselfand her burden." .. 0 my Marco," said I, .. thou reason-est well; and now I perceive why the sons of Levi were ex-empted from the heritage."

158 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. 111

dence in birth, so has the Church in authority,I repeat that the predicate of the conclusion isnot the term of the major premise, for the oneis "authority" and the other ((birth," thingsdifferent in subject and meaning. There isan error, therefore, in the form of the syllogism,which is as follows: A precedes B in C; D isrelated to E as A is to B ; therefore D precedesE in F. But F and C are dissimilar.

3. If they become insistent, saying that Ffollows from C (that is, (( authority" from(( birth "), and that in an inference a consequentmay replace an antecedent (as ((animal" mightreplace "man "), I answer that it is untrue.Many are older in years who have no prece-dence in authority, but are superseded by theirjuniors; for instance, when bishops are youngerthan their arch-presbyters. And so the insistenceis misplaced, for they have named as cause thatwhich is none.

CHAPTER VI

Argument from the election and deposition of Saul bySamuel.

I. Moreover, they take from the first bookof Kings the election and deposition of Saul,

CH. VI] DE MONARCHIA 159

and declare that, according to the text, Saul, anenthroned king, was dethroned by Samuel ex-ecuting God's command as His Vicar.' Andthey reason from this that as the Vicar of Godthen had authority to give temporal power, totake it away, and to transfer it to another, sonow God's Vicar, High Priest of the ChurchUniversal, has like authority to bestow, to with-draw/ and even to consign to another the scep-tre of temporal dominion. From this wouldfollow undoubtedly, as they claim, that the Em-pire is a derived power.

2. But to destroy the premise that Samuelwas Vicar of God, we need only reply that he wasnot Vicar; he acted merely as a special envoyfor this commission, or as a messenger bringingan express command from his Lord. This isevident from the fact that what God bade him,that alone he did and that alone recounted.

3. Wherefore let it be understood that it isone thing to be a vicar, and another to be amessenger or minister; as it is one thing to

I. I Sam. 10. I, Samuel anoints Saul; 15. 23, he deposeshim; 15. 28, he transfers the authority of ruler «to a neigh-bour of thine, that is better than thou."

2. Decretals of Gregory, 2. 13. 2: «The Pope has powerto depose the Emperor for legitimate causes." Boniface VIIInot only deposed Philip the Fair, but offered the French crownto Emperor Albert I.

•

160 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

be a doctor, and another to be an interpreter.!N ow a vicar is one to whom has been assignedjurisdiction according to law or to his arbitraryjudgment; and so within the boundaries of thejurisdiction assigned to him he may determinelegally or arbitrarily matters of which his lordhas no knowledge," But an envoy, in so far ashe is an envoy, cannot do so, for as the ham-mer operates only through the strength of thesmith, so the envoy acts only through the willof the person who delegates him.' Nor does itfollow, though God did this when Samuel wasHis envoy, that the Vicar of God can do it. Forthrough His angels God has achieved, is achiev-ing, and will achieve, many things which theVicar of God, the successor of Peter, was power-less to do.

4. Their argument is constructed from thewhole to the part like this: Man can hear and

3. •• Sicut aliud est essedoctorem, aliud esse interpretem.' ,4. Witte quotes from the Decretals of Gregory IX, I.

28. 5: •• A vicar can do whatever pertains to the jurisdictionof him in whose stead he acts."

5. Gen. Anim. 5. 8. The figure is again used Par. 2.

IZ8: .. The movement and virtue of the holy circles, as fromthe smith the craft of the hammer, must needs from the blessedmovers have their breath."

Ceso, 4.23.2: "The fire and the hammer are efficientcausesof the knife, although the principal cause is the smith."

CH. VII] DE MONARCHIA 161

see; therefore the eye can hear and see. How-ever, it would hold negatively: Man cannot fly;therefore the arms of man cannot fly. And inthe same way, according to the belief of Aga-thon," God cannot through a messenger undowhat has been done; therefore His Vicar isunable to do so.

CHAPTER VII

Argument from the oblation of the Magi.

I. From the book of Matthew they also citethe oblation of the Magi, claiming that Christaccepted both frankincense and gold, in orderto signify that He was Lord and Governor ofthe spiritual and temporal domains.' They drawas inference from this that the Vicar of Christis lord and governor of these realms, and con-sequently has authority over both.

6. Eth. 6. z. 6: It But what is past does not admit ofbeing undone; therefore Agathon rightly says, • Of this aloneeven God is deprived, the power of making things that arepast never to have been.' "

Agathon is mentioned as being one of the Greek poets inLimbo Purg, az , 107. Historically, nothing is known of thispoet except his friendshipwith Socrates, Plato, and Euripides,and the references to him in Aristotle's Poetics and Rhetoric.

I. Matt. z. II.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

2. In answering this I grant the text of Mat-thew and their interpretation, but the infer-ence they try to draw from it is false throughdeficiency in the terms. Their syllogism isthis: God is Lord of the spiritual and temporaldomains; the Pope is the Vicar of God; there-fore he is lord of the spiritual and temporaldomains. While each proposition is true, themiddle term is changed to "admit four terms tothe argument, thereby impairing the syllogisticform. This is plain from the writings on Syllogiz-ing considered simply.2 For one term is "God,"the subject of the major premise, and the otherterm is" Vicar of God," the predicate of theminor.

3. And if anyone insists on the equivalenceof God and Vicar, his insistence is useless, forno vicar, divine or human, can be coordinatewith His authority, as is easily seen. And weknow that the successor of Peter is not coequalwith divine power, at least not in the opera-tion of nature. He could not by virtue of theoffice committed to him make earth rise up, orfire fall.3 It is impossible that God should have

2. Anal. Pro I. 25.3. Elk. 2. I. 2. This thought is used by Dante, De Mon.

I. 15. 2, and the words from Aristotle are given in note 6to that paragraph.

CH. VII] DE MONARCHIA

intrusted all things to him, for God was in noway able to delegate the power of creation or ofbaptism, as is plainly proved despite the con-trary statement of the Master 4 in his fourthbook.

4. We know, too, that a man's deputy, in sofar as he is a deputy, is not of coordinate powerwith him, because no one can bestow what doesnot belong to him. Princely authority belongsto a prince only for his employment, since noprince can authorize himself; he has power toreceive and to reject it, but no power to createit in another, seeing that the creation of a princeis not effected by a prince. If this is true, it isevident that no prince can substitute for himselfa regent equal in all things to himself. Where-fore the protest is of no avail.

4. Peter Lombard (Iloo-II64), whom Dante placesamong the great doctors in the Heaven of the Sun Par. 10.

J07. This reference is to his Libri Selltelltiarum 4. 5. 2,

3: .. Christ gave to his servants the administering of bap-tism, but the power he retained for himself, which had he 80

wished he could have given them; ••• but he did not wishto, lest a servant should put his hope in a servant." As Wick-steed remarks, Dante does not believe in the deputing of min-istry without power.

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CHAPTER VIII

.Argument from the prerogative of the keys consigned toPeter.

I. From the same gospel they quote the say-ing of Christ to Peter, ((Whatsoever thou shaltloose on earth shall be loosed in heaven," I andunderstand this saying to refer alike to all the

I. Matt. 16. 19: «And I will give unto thee the keysof the kingdom of heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind onearth shall be bound in heaven. and whatsoever thou shaltloose on earth shall be loosed in heaven."

This argument from the keys of Peter is set forth byThomas Aquinas. De Regimin« Prindpium 3. 10; S. 'T. 3.Suppl, Q. 17; in the Decretals of Gregory IX I. 33. 6;2. I. I3. Dante's reverence for the pontifical office can neverbe questioned even in the expression of sentiments the mostGhibelline. De Mon. 2.3.4. and note 8. The main referencesin the Comedythat show his attitude toward the successors ofPeter are:-

Isf; 19. 90-101: «My reverence for the supremekeys ••• "

In!. 27. 103: «I have power to lock and unlock Heavenas thou knowest; since two are the keys which my forerunnerheld not dear!' These are words put into the mouth of Bon i-face VIII.

The two keys which Statius held from Peter in his office asguardian of the gate of Purgatory are described Purg, 9.1171f•

Par. 23. 136: «Here triumphs. under the high Son of

CH. VIII] DE MONARCHIA

Apostles, according to the text of Matthew andjohn," They reason from this that the succes-sor of Peter has been granted of God power tobind and loose all things, and then infer thathe has power to loose the laws and decrees ofthe Empire, and to bind the laws and decreesof the temporal kingdom. Were this true, theirinference would be correct.

2. But we must reply to it by making a dis-tinction against the major premise of the syl-logism which they employ. Their syllogismis this: Peter had power to bind and loose allthings; the successor of Peter has like powerwith him; therefore the successor of Peter haspower to loose and bind all things. From thisthey infer that he has power to loose and bindthe laws and decrees of the Empire.God, and of Mary, for his victory, • • • he who holds thekeys of such glory."

Par. 24. 34: .. 0 etemallight of the great man to whomour Lord left the keys, which He bore below, of this won'drous joy."

Par. 27. 46: .. It was not our intention ••• that thekeys which were granted to me should become a device on abanner to fight against men baptized!' So Peter rebukes thewickedness of the Church and its officials.

Par. 32. 124: .. On the right behold that ancient Fatherof Holy Church to whom Christ entrusted the keys of thislovely Hower."

2. Matt. 18. 18; John 20. 23.

166 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Btc. JlI

3. I concede the minor premise, but themajor only with distinction. Wherefore I saythat ((all," the symbol of the universal, whichis implied in ((whatsoever," is never distri b-uted beyond the scope of the distributed term.When I say, cc All animals run," the distribu-tion of" all" comprehends whatever comesunder the genus ((animal." But when I say,"All men run," the symbol of the universalonly refers to whatever comes under the term"man." And when I say," All grammariansrun," the distribution is narrowed still further.

4. Therefore we must always determine whatit is over which the symbol of the universal isdistributed; then, from the recognized natureand scope of the distributed term, will be easilyapparent the extent of the distribution. Now,were" whatsoever" to be understood absolutelywhen it is said, ((Whatsoever thou shalt bind,"he would certainly have the power they claim;nay, he would have even greater power, hewould be able to loose a wife from her husband,and, while the man still lived, bind her to another- a thing he can in no wise do. He would beable to absolve me, while impenitent- a thingwhich God himself cannot do.'

3. Rom. 7. 3. Isf; 27. 118: .. Absolved he cannot be,who does not repent; nor is it possible to repent and to will

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s. So it is evident that the distribution ofthe term under discussion is to be taken, notabsolutely, but relatively to something else.A consideration of the concession to which thedistribution is subjoined will make manifest thisrelated something. Christ said to Peter, " I willgive unto thee the keys of the kingdom ofheaven;" that is, I will make thee doorkeeperof the kingdom of heaven. Then he adds, " andwhatsoever," that is, " everything which," andHe means thereby, "Everything which per-tains to that office thou shalt have power to bindand loose!' And thus the symbol of the univer-sal which is implied in "whatsoever" is limitedin its distribution to the prerogative of the keysof the kingdom of heaven. Understood thus,the proposition is true, but understood abso-lutely, it is obviously not. Therefore I concludethat although the successor of Peter has au-thority to bind and loose in accordance with therequirements of the prerogative granted to Peter,it does not follow, as they claim, that he hasauthority to bind and loose the decrees or stat-utes of Empire, unless they prove that this alsobelongs to the office of the keys. But we shalldemonstrate farther on that the contrary is true.at the same time, by reason of the contradiction which agreesnot in it."

168 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. 1lI

CHAPTER IX

Argument from the two swords.

I. They quote also the words in Luke whichPeter addressed to Christ, saying, " Behold, hereare two swords," I and they assert that the tworuling powers were predicted by those twoswords, and because Peter declared they were

I. Luke zz. 38. This was one of the most popular argu,ments in mediaeval writers for the supremacy of the Church.In the bull .. Unam Sanctam" BonifaceVIII says: .. We aretaught by the words of the gospel to recognize that two swordsare in the power of this man, that is, the spiritual and temporal.For when the apostles said, • Here are two swords,' theLord did not respond, • It is too much,' but, • It is enough.'Both are in the power of the Church: the one the spiritual,to be used by the Church, the other the material, for theChurch; the former that of priests, the latter that of kings andsoldiers, to be wielded at the command and by the sufferanceofthe priest. One sword must be under the other, the temporalunder the spiritual•••• The spiritual instituted the temporalpower, and judges whether that power is well exercised••••We therefore assert, define, and pronounce that it is neces-sary to salvation to believe that every human being is subjectto the Pontiff of Rome. "

Generally with Dante the sword typifiesEmpire. Purg, 16.109: .. The sword is joined with the crook." Par. 8. 145:.. But ye wrest to religion such an one as shall have been bornto be girt with the sword, and ye make him a king who is aman of sermons."

CH. IX] DE MONARCHIA

(( where he was," that is, ((with him," they con-clude that according to authority these tworuling powers abide with Peter's successor.

2. To refute this we must show the falsityof the interpretation on which the argumentis based. Their assertion that the two swordswhich Peter designated signify the two rulingpowers before spoken of, we deny outright,because such an answer would have been atvariance with Christ's meaning, and becausePeter replied in haste, as usual, with regard tothe mere external significance of things.

3. A consideration of the words preceding itand of the cause of the words will show thatsuch an answer would have been inconsistentwith Christ's meaning. Let it be called to mindthat this response was made on the day ofthe feast, which Luke mentions earlier, saying,((Then came the day of unleavened bread, whenthe passover must be killed." a At this feastChrist had already foretold His impending pas-sion, in which He must be parted from His dis-ciples. Let it be remembered also that whenthese words were uttered, all the twelve dis-ciples were together; wherefore a little after thewords just quoted Luke says, "And when thehour was come, He sat down, and the twelve

z. Luke z a, 7.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. ill

Apostles with him:' 3 Continuing the discoursefrom this place he reaches the words) "WhenI sent you without purse) and scrip, and shoes)lacked ye anything?"" And they answered," Nothing." Then said He unto them) " Butnow) he that hath a purse) let him take it) andlikewise his scrip: and he that hath no sword,let him sell his garment, and buy one." Themeaning of Christ is clear enough here. Hedid not say, " Buy or procure two swords," but" twelve;" for it was in order that each of thetwelve disciples might have one that He saidto them) " He that hath no sword) let him buyone." And He spake thus to forewarn them ofthe persecution and contempt the future shouldbring) as though he would say) "While I waswith you ye were welcomed, now shall ye beturned away. It behooves you, therefore) toprepare for yourselves those things which beforeI denied to you, but for which there is presentneed." If Peter's reply to these words had car-ried the meaning ascribed to it) the meaningwould have been at variance with that of Christ,and Christ would have censured Him, as he didoftentimes) for his witless answers. However,He did not do so, but assented, saying to him,

3. Luke :Z:Z. 14·.4. Luke :Z:Z. 35,36.

CH. IX] DE MONARCHIA

" It is enough," S meaning, ((I speak because ofnecessity; but if each cannot have a sword, twowill suffice."

4. And that Peter usually spoke of the ex-ternal significance of things is shown in hisquick and unthinking presumption, impelled, Ibelieve, not only by the sincerity of his faith,but by the purity and simplicity of his nature.To this characteristic presumption all those whowrite of Christ bear witness.

5. First, Matthew records that when' Jesushad inquired of the disciples: (( Whom say yethat I am ?" before all the others' Peter replied,(( Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God."He also records that when Christ was tellingHis disciples how He must go to Jerusalem andsuffer many things, Peter took Him and beganto rebuke Him, saying, (( Be it far from thee,Lord: this shall not be unto thee." Then Christ,turning to him, said in reproof, "Get thee be-hind me, Satan." 6 Matthew also writes that onthe Mount of Transfiguration, in the presenceof Christ, Moses, and Elias, and the two sonsof Zebedee, Peter said, " Lord, it is good for usto be here. If thou wilt, let us make here threetabernacles, one for thee, one for Moses, and

5. Luke 22. 38•6. Mati. 16. 15, 16, 21, 22, 23.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BI{. III

one for Elias." 7 Matthew further writes thatwhen the disciples were on the ship in the night,and Christ walked on the water, Peter said," Lord, if it be thou, bid me come unto thee onthe water." 8 And that when Christ predictedhow all His disciples should be offended becauseof Him, Peter answered, "Though all men shallbe offended because of thee, yet will I never beoffended." 9 And afterwards, "Though I shoulddie with thee, yet will I not deny thee." Andthis statement Mark 10 confirms, while Lukewrites that, just before the words we have quotedconcerning the swords, Peter had said to Christ," Lord, I am ready to go with thee, both intoprison and to death." II

6. John tells of him, that when Christ de-sired to wash his feet, Peter asked, " Lord, dostthou wash my feet?" and then said, "Thoushalt never wash my feet." U He further relates

7. Matt. 17· 4.8. Matt. 14. z8. Peter's faith on this occasion is the

subject of praise again in Par. z4. 34: .. 0 eternal light ofthe great man to whom our Lord left the keys, which he borebelow, of this wondrous joy, try this man concerning pointseasy and hard as pleases thee, about the faith by which thoudidst go upon the sea."

9· Matt. z6. 33. 35.10. Mark 14. z9.II. Luke zz. 33.IZ. John 13. 6, 8.

CH. IX] DE MONARCHIA 173

how Peter smote with his sword the servant ofthe High Priest, an account in which the fourEvangelists agree." And John tells how whenPeter came to the sepulchre and saw the otherdisciples lingering at the door, he entered instraightway; '4 and again when after the resur-rection Jesus stood on the shore and Peter" heard that it was the Lord, he girt his fisher'scoat unto him (for he was naked), and did casthimself into the sea." IS Lastly, he recounts thatwhen Peter saw John, he said to Jesus, " Lord,and what shall this man do?" ,6

7. It is a source of joy to have summed upthis evidence of our Head Shepherd,'? in praiseof his singleness of purpose. From all this it isobvious that when he spoke of the two swords,

13. John 18. 10; Matt. 26. 51; Mark 14.. 47; luke 22.

50.14. John 20. 5, 6. Dante's second reference to this in-

cident is in Par. 24. 125: .. 0 holy father, 0 spirit whoseest that which thou so believest, that thou didst outdoyounger feet toward the sepulchre."

15. John 21. 7.16. John 21. 21.

I7. .. Head Shepherd" is in the Latin .. Archimandrita."St. Francis is given this name Par. I I. 99: .. The holy de-sire of this head shepherd of his flock was crowned with asecond diadem by the eternal spirit through Honorius." Andin letter 9. 6 Dante calls the unfaithfulofficersof the Church,.. Archimandrites throughout the world in name alone."

174 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bx:. II[

~is answer to Christ was unambiguous in mean-mg.

8. Even if the words of Christ and Peter areto be accepted typically, they cannot be inter-preted in the sense these men claim, but ratheras referring to the sword concerning whichMatthew writes: ((Think not that I am cometo send peace on earth: I came not to sendpeace, but a sword. For I am come to set a manat variance against his father," ,8 and what fol-lows. This He accomplished in word and deed,wherefore Luke tells Theophilus of all " thatJesus began to do and teach." '9 Such was thesword Christ enjoined diem to buy, and Petermade answer that already they had two withthem. As we have shown, they were ready forwords and for works to bring to pass thosethings which Christ proclaimed He had cometo do by the sword.

CHAPTER X

".Argument from the donation of Constantine. I

I. In addition, some persons affirm that theEmperor Constantine, healed of leprosy by the

18. Men. 10. 34, 35.19. Acts I. I.

I. Near the end of the eighth century the decretals and do-

] ;

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA 175

intercession of Sylvester, then the SupremePontiff," gave to the Church the very seat ofEmpire, Rome, together with many imperialdignities.! Wherefore they argue that no onenation of Constantine were forged. documents which purportedthat when that Emperor removed his capital to Byzantium.3%4 A. D•• he left Rome in order to give to the Church tem-poral sway in the western world. That this donation was aforgery was not discovered until 1440 by Laurentinus Valla.See Gibbon. vol. 6.49 (notes 68-76). the Milman-Smithedition. It is scarcely necessary to add that Dante had firmfaith in the genuinenessof the donation.

%. 1nf. %7· 94: "Constantine sought Sylvester withinSoracte to heal him of his leprosy." This legend Butler thinksDante took from Brunetto. Trisar, Bk. I. Pt. %. c. 87,but Toynbee traces it to the Legend« Aurea of Jacobus deVoragine. See Toynbee, Studies. p. %97. Cf. De Regim,Prine. 3. 16.

3. The donation is mentioned De Mon. z , 1%.%j %.13.5j 3· ]3· 4·

1nf. 19. ] 15: "Ah. Constantine. of how great ill wasmother. not thy conversion, but the dowry which the firstrich pope got from thee."

In the visionof Church and Empire. Purg, 3%. the worldlywealth of the papacy is thus described I. 1%4: "Next fromthence. whence it had before come. I saw the eagle comedown into the ark of the car. and leave it featheredwith itself; "line ] 36: .. That which remained, like ground alive withherbage. covered itself again with feathers. offered haply withsound and benign intention. and was covered again."

The eagle describes Constantine Par. %0. 55: "Thesecond who follows. with the laws and with me. under a good

DANTE ALIGHIERI

has power to assume these dignities except hereceives them from the Church, to whom it isasserted they belong. And from this it wouldfairly follow, as they desire, that one authorityis dependent on the other.

2.. So having stated and refuted the argu-ments which seemed to be rooted in divinecommunications, it now remains to set forth anddisprove those rooted in Roman deeds andhuman reason. We have just spoken of the firstof these, whose syllogism runs thus: Thosethings which belong to the Church no one canrightly possess, unless granted them by theChurch; and this we concede. The ruling powerof Rome belongs to the Church; therefore noone can rightly possess it unless granted it bythe Church. And the minor premise they proveby the facts mentioned above concerning Con-stantine.

3. This minor premise, then, I deny. Theirproof is no proof, for Constantine had not thepower to alienate the imperial dignity, nor hadthe Church power to receive it. Their insistentobjection to what I say can be met thus. No

intention which bore ill fruit, to give way to the Pastor, madehimself a Greek. Now knows he how the illdeduced fromhis good work is not harmful to him, albeit that the worldbe thereby destroyed."

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA 177one is free to do through an office assigned himanything contrary to the office, for thereby thesame thing, in virtue of being the same, wouldbe contrary to itself, which is impossible. Butto divide the Empire would be contrary to theoffice assigned the Emperor, for as is easily seenfrom the first book of the treatise, his office isto hold the human race subject to one will inall things. Therefore, division of his Empireis not allowed an Emperor. If, as they claim,certain dignities were alienated by Constantinefrom the Empire and ceded to the power of theChurch, the" seamless coat" 4 would have beenrent, which even they had not dared to muti-late who with their spears pierced Christ, thevery God. Moreover, as the Church has itsown foundation, so has the Empire its own.The foundation of the Church is Christ, asthe Apostle writes to the Corinthians: "Otherfoundation can no man lay than that is laid,which is Jesus Christ." S He is the rock onwhich the Church is founded," but the founda-tion of the Empire is human Right. Now I say

4. 70hn 19· %3. %4. 34. The seamlessrobe is again usedas the type of undivided monarchy De Mon. I. 16, andnote 6.

5. I Cor. 3. II.

6. Matt. 16. 18.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

that as the Church cannot act contrary to itsfoundation, but must be supported thereby, ac-cording to that verse of the Canticles: "Who isshe that cometh up from the desert, aboundingin delights, leaning on her beloved? "7 so theEmpire cannot act in conflict with human Right.Therefore the Empire may not destroy itself,for, should it do so, it would act in conflict withhuman Right. Inasmuch as the Empire con-sists in the indivisibility of universal Monarchy,and inasmuch as an apportionment of the Em-pire would destroy it, it is evident that divisionis not allowed to him who discharges imperialduty," And it is proved, from what has beenpreviously said, that to destroy the Empirewould be contrary to human Right.

4. Besides, every jurisdiction exists prior toits judge, since the judge is ordained for the

7. Can. 8. 5 (Vulg.). The English version has not thewords" deliciis efRuens," "abounding in delights." Dantequotes the verse, as here, in Conv. 2. 6. 2, as definitely signi-fying the Church.

8. Witte refers to Engelbertus Admonteus, De Ort« etFine Rom. Imp. 18: "It was not permitted that the EmperorHadrian or Jovinian should surrender the imperial boundaries,••• nor has it been, nor will it be permitted to any Emperor,because then would it fall from the name and dignity of Au-gustus, which means that the Empire should be augmentedand not diminished."

CH. x] DE MONARCHIA 179

jurisdiction, and not conversely. As the Em-pire is a jurisdiction embracing in its circuit theadministration of justice in all temporal things,so it is prior to its judge, who is Emperor; andthe Emperor is ordained for it, and not con-versely. Clearly the Emperor, as Emperor, can-not alter the Empire, for from it he receives hisbeing and state. So I say, either he was Em-peror when he made the concession they speakof to the Church, or he was not. If he wasnot, it is plain that he had no power to grantanything with regard to the Empire. And ifhe was, then as Emperor he could not havedone this, for the concession would have nar-rowed his jurisdiction.

S. Further, if one Emperor has power tocut away one bit from the jurisdiction of theEmpire, another may do the same for like rea-son. And since temporal jurisdiction is finite,and every finite thing may be consumed byfinite losses, the possibility of annihilating pri-mal jurisdiction would follow. But this is in-conceivable.

6. And since he who confers a thing has therelation of agent, and he on whom it is con-ferred the relation of patient, according to thePhilosopher in the fourth book to Nicamachus,then in order for a grant to be legal, proper

180 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. In

qualification is essential not only in the giver,but in the recipient.? Indeed, it seems that theacts of agents exist potentially in a properlyqualified patient. But the Church was utterlydisqualified for receiving temporal power bythe express prohibitive command in Matthew:(( Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brassin your purses, nor scrip for your journey,"etc." F or although we learn from Luke II ofthe mitigation of this order regarding certainthings, yet I am unable to find that sanctionwas given the Church to possess gold and silver,subsequent to the prohibition. Wherefore ifthe Church had not power to receive, even hadConstantine power to bestow, temporal author-ity, the action would nevertheless be impossi-ble, because of the disqualification of the patient.It is demonstrated, then, that neither could theChurch accept by way of possession, nor couldConstantine confer by way of alienation. How-ever, the Emperor did have power to depute tothe protectorship of the Church a patrimonyand other things, as long as his supreme com-

9. Eth, 4. I. 8: .. The liberal man will give for the sakeof the honorable, and will give properly, for he will give toproper objects, in proper quantities, at proper times."

10. Matt. 10. 9.II. Lulu 9. 3; 10. 4.

DE MONARCHIA lSI

mand, the unity of which suffers no impairment,remained unchanged. And the Vicar of Godhad power to receive such things, not for pos-session, but for distribution on behalf of theChurch of its fruits to the poor of Christ. .. Weare not ignorant that thus the Apostles did.

CHAPTER XI

Argument from the summoning of Charles the Great byPope Hadrian.

I. Still further, our opponents say that PopeHadrian called I Charles the Great' to the aid ofhimself and the Church, because of oppressionby the Lombards 3 in the reign of Desiderius

12. De Mon. z. 12. I, and note z.I. II Advocavit" in the original, and closely related to

.. advocati" in the following sentence, the II advocates" orII those called."

z. Charlemagne became king of the Frankish people in771; petitioned for aid againstthe Lombards by Pope Hadrian,he defeated Desiderius in 774, and became king of the Lom-bards; he was made Emperor of the West by Pope Leo IIIon Christmas Day, 800. Pope Hadrian did not give Charle-magne the imperial dignity. Dante places Charlemagne amongthe defendersof the faith in the Heaven of Mars Par. 18. 43.

3. Par. 6. 94: II And when the Lombard tooth bit theHoly Church, under its wings great Charles conquering sue-coured her." Cf. De Reglm, Prine. 10. 10, 18.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

their king, and that from the Pope Charlesreceived the dignity of Empire, notwithstand-ing the fact that Michael" held imperial swayat Constantinople. Wherefore they declare thatafter Charles all Roman Emperors were advo-cates of the Church, and must be called tooffice by the Church. From this would followthe relationship between the Church and Em-pire which they desire to prove.

2.. To refute this argument, I answer thattheir premise in it is a mere nullity, for usur-pation of right does not create a right. If itdid, the same method would show the depend-ency of ecclesiastical authority on the Empire,after the Emperor Otto restored Pope Leo, anddeposed Benedict, sending him in exile to Sax-ony.!

4. Michael I reigned in Constantinople from 811 to 813.The ruler at the time of Charlemagne was the Empress Irene(797-802).

5. Otto I was Emperor 962-973. In 963 the Romansynod elected his nominee for the papacy. but in the follow-ing year. while the Emperor was 'absent from Rome. they de-posed Leo III and put Benedict V in the chair. On Otto'sreturn in 964. he sent Benedict to Hamburg and reinstatedLeo.

CH. xu] DE MONARCHIA 183

CHAPTER XII

Argument from reason.

1. Their argument from reason, however, isthis. They lay down the principle advancedin the tenth book of the First Philosophy, that"all things of one genus are reducible to a typewhich is the standard of measurement for allwithin the genus:' I Since all men are of onegenus, they ought to be reducible to a type as astandard for all others. And since the SupremePontiff and the Emperor are men, they musttherefore, if our conclusion is true, be reducibleto one man. And since the Pope cannot besubordinated to another, it remains for the Em-peror and all others to be subordinated to thePope as their measure and rule; whence resultsthe conclusion they desire.

2. That this reasoning may be invalidated, Iagree that their statement is true that all thingsof one genus ought to be reduced to someone member of that genus as a standard ofmeasurement. Likewise is it true that all menare of one genus. Also is true their conclu-sion drawn from these that all men ought to be

I. MetaphJ1. 10. J. In Confl. J. J. I. as here. Dantecalls the MetaphYiics the First Philosophy.

•

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subordinated to one standard for the genus.But when from this conclusion they draw thefurther inference concerning Pope and Em peror,they deceive themselves with the fallacy of ac-cidental attributes.

3. To make this evident, be it known thatit is one thing to be a man and another thingto be a Pope. And just so it is one thing to bea man and another thing to be an Emperor, asit is one thing to be a man and another to bea father or master. Man is man because of hissubstantial form, which is the determinant of hisspecies and genus, and which places him underthe category of substance." But a father is suchbecause of an accidental form, that of relation,which is the determinant of a certain species andgenus, and which places him under the categoryof relation. Otherwise everything would bereduced to the category of substance, since no

2. The two main categories are those of substance andaccident. Under accident are the sub-categories of relation,position, quality, etc. In the category of substance, Pope andEmperor are measurable by the same standard. In the cate-gory of accident, they are in the same sub-genus of relation,and in different but coordinate speciesof the sub-genus. So inthe category of accident they are not measurable by the samestandard. In the text Dante uses the word .. praedicamen-tum" for category, and in De Mon. 3. 15. 4- he calIs Aris-totle's Cattgories by that name.

Ca, XlI] DE MONARCHIA

accidental form exists in itself, apart from thebasis of underlying substance. But this is false.Therefore since the Pope and Emperor are whatthey are because of certain relations, the formerthrough the Papacy, a relation in the provinceof fatherhood, and the latter through the Em-pire, a relation in the province of government,it is manifest that the Pope and the Emperor,in so far as they are such, must have place underthe category of relation, and consequently mustbe subordinated to something in that genus.

4. Whence, I repeat, they are to be measuredby one standard in so far as they are men, andby another in so far as they are Pope and Ern-peror. Now, in so far as they are men, theyhave to be measured by the best man (whoeverhe may be J), that is, by him who is the stand-ard and ideal of all men, and who has the mostperfect unity among his kind, as we may learnfrom the last book to Nicomachus.: But in asfar as they are relative, it is evident that onemust be measured by the other, if one is subor-dinate; or they must unite in a common speciesfrom the nature of their relation; or they must

3. Then the best man might be other than the Pope orEmperor.

4. Elk. 10. 5. 10: .. Excellence and the good man, sofar forth as he is good, are the measure of everything. ' ,

186 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

be measured by a third something as their com-mon ground of unity. But it cannot be main-tained that one is subordinate to the other; thatis, it is false to predicate one of the other, tocall the Emperor the Pope, or to call the Popethe Emperor. Nor is it possible to maintainthat they unite in a common species, for therelation of Pope, as such, is other than the rela-tion of Emperor as Emperor. Therefore theymust be measured by something beyond them-selves in which they shall find a ground ofunity.

s. At this point it must be understood thatas relation stands to relation, so stands relatedthing to related thing. Hence if the Papacy andEmpire, being relations of authority,' must bemeasured with regard to the supreme authorityfrom which they and their characteristic differ-ences are derived, the Pope and Emperor, beingrelative, must be referred to some unity whereinmay be found the supreme authority withoutthese characteristic differences. And this will beeither God Himself, in whom every relation isuniversally united, or in some substance inferiorto God, in whom is found a supreme author-ity differentiated and derived from His perfectsupremacy. And so it is evident that the Pope

5. .. Quum sint relationes superpositionis."

CH. XIII] DE MONARCHIA

and Emperor, as men, are to be measured byone standard, but as Pope and Emperor byanother. And this demonstration is from theargument according to reason.

CHAPTER XIII

The authority of the Church is not the source of Imperialauthority.

I. Now that we have stated and rejected theerrors on which those chiefly rely who declarethat the authority of the Roman Prince is de-pendent on the Roman Pontiff, we must returnand demonstrate the truth of that third ques-tion, which we propounded for discussion at thebeginning. The truth will be evident enoughifit can be shown, under the principle of inquiryagreed upon, that Imperial authority derivesimmediately from the summit of all being, whichis God. And this will be shown, whether weprove that Imperial authority does not derivefrom that of the Church (for the dispute con-cerns no other authority), or whether we sim-ply prove that it derives immediately fromGod.

2.. That ecclesiastical authority is not thesource of Imperial authority is thus verified. A

188 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. 1II

thing non-existent or devoid of active forcecannot be the cause of active force in a thingpossessing that quality in full measure. But be-fore the Church existed, or while it lacked powerto act, the Empire had active force in full mea-sure. Hence the Church is the source neitherof acting power nor of authority in the Empire,where power to act and authority are identical.Let A be the Church, B the Empire, and Cthe power or authority of the Empire. If, Abeing non-existent, C is in B, the cause of C'srelation to B cannot be A, since it is impossiblethat an effect should exist prior to its cause.Moreover, if, A being inoperative, C is in B,the cause of C's relation to B cannot be A, sinceit is indispensable for the production of effectthat the cause should be in operation previously,especially the efficient cause which we are con-sidering here.

3. The major premise of this demonstrationis intelligible from its terms; the minor is con-firmed by Christ and the <;hurch. Christ attestsit, as we said before, in His birth and death.The Church attests it in Paul's declaration toFestus in the Acts oj the Apostles: (( I stand atCaesar's judgment seat, where I ought to bejudged;" J and in the admonition of God's

I • .ActJ Z5. 10.

CH. XIII] DE MONARCHIA

angel to Paul a little later: "Fear not, Paul;thou must be brought before Caesar;" 2 andagain still later in Paul's words to the Jewsdwelling in Italy: "And when the Jews spakeagainst it, I was constrained to appeal untoCaesar; not that I had aught to accuse my nationof," but "that I might deliver my soul fromdeath." 3 If Caesar had not already possessedthe right to judge temporal matters, Christwould not have implied that he did, the angelwould not have uttered such words, nor wouldhe who said, " I desire to depart and be withChrist," 4 have appealed to an unqualified judge.

4. And if Constantine had no authority overthe resources of the Church, that which hetransferred to her from the Empire could nothave been so transferred with Right, and theChurch would be utilizing an unrighteous gift.But God desires that offerings be spotless, ac-cording to the· text of Leviticus: "No meatoffering, which ye shall bring unto the Lord,shall be made with leaven;" S and this command,though it seem to cohcern givers, refers never-theless to recipients. For it is folly to believethat God desires that to be accepted which Heforbids to be given. Indeed, in the same book is

2 • .Act! 27. 24.4. Phil. I. 23.

3 • .Act! 28. 19.5. Leo, 2. II •

•

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BIC. III

the command to the Levites: "Contaminate notyour souls, nor touch anything of theirs, lest yebe unclean," 6 But it is highly improper to saythat the Church uses unrighteously the patri-mony deputed to her, therefore what followedfrom such a saying is false.

CHAPTER XIV

The Church received power of transference neither fromGod,from berself, norfrom any Emperor.

I. Besides, if the Church has power to conferauthority on the Roman Prince, she would haveit either from God, or from herself, or fromsome Emperor, or from the unanimous consentof mankind, or at least, from the consent ofthe most influential. There is no other leastcrevice through which the power could havediffused itself into the Church. But from noneof these has it come to her, and therefore theaforesaid power is not hers at all.

2. Here is the proof that it has come fromnone of these sources. If she had received itfrom God, it would have been by divine ornatural law, for what is received from nature isreceived from God, though the converse is not

6. Leu. I I. 43.

CH. XIV] DE MONARCHIA 191

true. But this ecclesiastical right came not bynatural law, for nature imposes no law save forher own effects, and inadequacy is not possibleto God where He brings something into beingwithout secondary agents. I Since the Church isan effect not of nature, but of God, who said,"Upon this rock I will build my Church," 2

and in another place, "I have finished thework which thou gavest me to do," 3 it is indis-putable that nature gave not this law to theChurch.

3. Neither did this power come by divinelaw; for in the bosom of the two Testaments,wherein is embodied every divine law, I amunable to discover any command for the earlyor later priesthood to have care or solicitude intemporal things. Nay, I find rather that theearly priests were released from such care byprecept, as in the words God spake to Moses; 4

I. Dante seems to imply that things brought to passthrough nature are brought to pass through a secondary agent.

z. Matt. 16. 18.3· yohll 17· 4.4. Nem, 18. zo: .. And the Lord spake unto Aaron,

Thou shalt have no inheritance in their land, neither shaltthou have any part among them. I am thy part and thine in-heritance among the children of Israel."

Purg, 16. 131: .. The sons of Levi were exempted fromthe heritage."

192 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

and the same of later priests as in the wordsof Christ to His disciples.' Nor would it havebeen possible to have been thus released, if theauthority of temporal power originated with thepriesthood; for at least anxiety concerning rightprovision would be with them in conferringauthority, and then continual precaution, lestthe authorized might deviate from the path ofrectitude.

4. Also, that this power came not from theChurch is easily seen. Nothing can give whatit does not possess, so everything must bein act what it intends to do, as is held in thetreatise on simple Being.6 But if the Church gaveto herself that power, it was not hers beforeshe gave it, and she thus would have givenherself that which she did not possess, whichcannot be.

5. That the power came not from some Em-peror is sufficiently explained by what has gonebefore.

6. And, indeed, who doubts that it came notfrom the unanimous consent of men, or fromthat of the most influential? Not only all the

5. Matt. 10. 9: .. Provide neither gold, nor silver, norbrass in your purses;" Mark 6. 8; Lukt9. 3i 10.4; zz. 35.

6. Metaph)!. 8. 8. The priority of energy or activity tocapacity or potentiality is discussed here at length.

CH. xv] DE MONARCHIA 193

people of Asia and Africa, but even the greaterpart of those inhabiting Europe, are averse toher. Truly, it is bootless to adduce proofs inmatters perfectly evident.

CHAPTER XV

The prerogative of conferring authority upon the Empire iscontrary to the nature of the Church.

I. Again, that which is contrary to the na-ture of anything is not numbered among itspeculiar powers, since the powers of anythingcorrespond to its nature for the attainment ofits end. I But the power to confer authority overthe kingdom of our mortal life is contrary tothe nature of the Church, and is therefore notnumbered among her prerogatives.

2. To prove the minor premise, it must beknown that the nature of the Church is the in-forming principle of the Church. For thoughthe word ((nature" may be used of material and

I. P ltJ1. 7. 3. Con". 3. I5. 4-: .. The natural desire ofeverything is regulated according to the capacity of the thingdesiring; otherwise it would oppose itself. which is impos-sible, and nature would have made it in vain, which is alsoimpossible." De Mon. I. 3. I; I. 10. I; 2. 7. 2, repeatthe same idea.

194 DANTE ALIGHIERI [Bit. III

form, yet it is used more properly of form, as isshown in the book on Natural Learning;' Butthe form of the Church is naught else than thelife of Christ as it is comprised in His teach-ings and in His deeds. Truly, His life was theideal and exemplar of the Church militant, par-ticularly of its 'pastors, and more than all of itsHead Shepherd, whose duty it is to feed Hissheep and lambs. Hence, when in the Gospelof John He bequeathed to men the informingprinciple of His life, He said, "I have given youan example, that ye should do as I have doneto you." 3 And especially, as we learn from thesame Gospel, when He said to Peter, after Hehad conferred upon Him the function of shep-herd, " Peter, follow me." 4 But before Pilate,Christ disclaimed any ruling power of a tem-poral kind, saying, " My kingdom is not of thisworld: if my kingdom were of this world, thenwould my servants fight, that I should not be

2. Phys. 2. I : II Form is nature."Metn/h}!. 6. 7. 4: .. From art are generated those things

of whatsoever there is a form in the soul. But I mean by formthe essence or very nature of a thing." L. c; 6. 9: II Artis form." S. 1: 1-2. 94. 3: .. Every being is naturally in-clined to an activity befitting itself. according to its form."

3. :John I3· I5.4. :John 21. 19.

CH. xv] DE MONARCHIA 195delivered to the Jews; but now is my kingdomnot from hence." S

3. This must not be understood to implythat Christ, who is God, is not Lord of the tem-poral kingdom, seeing that the Psalmist says,"The sea is his, and he made it: and his handsformed the dry land; "6 but rather to mean that,as exemplar of the Church, He had not chargeof this kingdom. Similarly, if a golden seal wereto say, " I am not the standard for any class ofobjects," it would not speak truly, in so far as it isgold, the standard of all metals. It would speaktruly only in so far as it is a particular stamp,capable of being received by impression,"

4. Therefore it is the formal principle of theChurch to declare and to believe Christ's saying.To declare and to believe the opposite is mani-festly contrary to the formal principle, or, whatis the same thing, to the nature of the Church.We may gather from this that the prerogativeto grant authority to the temporal domain iscontrary to the nature of the Church, for con-trariety in thought or in saying follows fromcontrariety in the thing spoken or thought.Just so truth or falsity in speech originates fromthe existence or non-existence of a thing, as the

s- john 18. 36• 6. Pr. 9;' ;.7. De Mon. z. 3, notes 6 and 13.

DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

teaching of the Categories 8 shows us. Throughthe above arguments, leading to an absurdity, hasit been sufficiently demonstrated that the au-thority of Empire is not at all dependent uponthe Church.

CHAPTER XVI

The authDrity of the Empire derives from God directly.

I. Although by the method of reduction toabsurdity it has been shown in the foregoingchapter that the authority of Empire has not itssource in the Chief Pontiff, yet it has not beenfully proved, save by an inference, that its im-mediate source is God, seeing that if the author-ity does not depend on the Vicar of God, weconclude that it depends on God Himself. Fora perfect demonstration of the proposition wemust prove directly that the Emperor, or Mon-arch, of the world has immediate relationshipto the Prince of the universe, who is God.'

2. In order to realize this, it must be under-stood that man alone of all beings holds the mid-dle place between corruptibility and incorrupti-

8. Categ: c. 12. De Mon. 3. 12, note 2.

I. De Mon. I. 7. J. Purge 32.100: .. Here thou shaltbe a little time a woodman, and with me shalt thou be withoutend, a citizen of that Rome whereof Christ is a Roman."

CH. XVI] DE MONARCHIA 197

bility, and is therefore rightly compared by phi-losophers to the horizon which lies between thetwo hemispheres.' Man may be considered withregard to either of his essential parts, body orsoul.' If considered in regard to the body alone,he is perishable; if in regard to the soul alone, heis imperishable. So the Philosopher spoke wellof its incorruptibility when he said in the secondbook on the Soul, " And this only can be separatedas a thing eternal from that which perishes.Y-

3. If man holds a middle place between theperishable and imperishable, then, inasmuch as

2. De Csusis, Lect, 2: II Generated intelligence compre-hends both nature and the horizon of nature. that is to saythe soul. for it is above nature." •

3. The nature and origin of the human soul is discussedCes«. 4. 2 J. In Purge 25 Statius discourses on genera-tion and the soul, and its attributes find due place there.Other references are:-

Confl. 4. 2 J. 2: II We must know that man is com-posed of soul and body; but of the soul is that nobility •••which is as the seed of the Divine virtue."

Par. 7. J 39: II The soul of every brute and of the plants.being endued by complexion with potency. draws in the rayand the movement of the holy lights. But your life the high-est Goodness inspires."

So Thomas Aquinas, S. To J. 76. 4. 4: II The soul isthe substantial form of manj ": so also L c. J -2. 94. 3:II The proper form of man is his rational soul."

4. De .Anima 2. 2. 21.

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every mean shares the nature of the extremes,man must share both natures.' And inasmuchas every nature is ordained for a certain ultimateend, it follows that there exists for man a two-fold end, in order that as he alone of all beingspartakes of the perishable and the imperishable,so he alone of all beings should be ordained fortwo ultimate ends. One end is for that in himwhich is perishable, the other for that which isimperishable.

4. Ineffable Providence has thus designedtwo ends to be contemplated of man: first, thehappiness of this life, which consists in the ac-tivity of his natural powers," and is prefiguredby the terrestrial Paradise; 7 and then the bless-edness of life everlasting, which consists in theenjoyment of the countenance of God, to whichman's natural powers may not attain unlessaided by divine light, and which may be sym-bolized by the celestial Paradise,"

5. De Pari • .ARim. 3. I.

6. CORV. 3. IS. 5: II Felicity ••• is action accordingto virtue, in the perfect life." So Aristotle says in Eth, I.

13. I: II Happiness is a certain energy of the soul accordingto perfect goodness." Dante uses this definition again CORV.

4· 17· 14·7. Purg, 2S-33 describes the terrestrial Paradise and its

place in the order of the universe.S. The whole of the Parad~o develops the gradual reve-

DE MONARCHIA 1995. To these states of blessedness, just as to

diverse conclusions, man must come by diversemeans. To the former we come by the teachingsof philosophy, obeying them by acting in con-formity with the moral and intellectual virtues; 9

!ation of God's self to man. For Dante's valuation of theactive and speculativelife, seeDe Mon. I. 3. 3, and note 14.;I. 4, and note I. See Can«, 2. 5, many parts of GOIIO. 3,and GOIIO. 4. 21,22, 23.

GUllO. 4. 22. 5:" The use of the mind is double, thatis, practical and speculative. • • • Its practical use is to actthrough us virtuously, that is, righteously, by temperance,fortitude, and justice; the speculative is not to operate ac-tively in us, but to consider the works of God and nature;and the one and the other use make up our beatitude."

GOIIO. 4. 22. 9: .. In our contemplation God is alwaysin advance of us; nor can we ever attain to Him here, whois our supreme beatitude."

GOIIO. 4. 22. 10: .. Our beatitude ••• we may firstfind imperfectly in the active life, that is, in the exercise ofthe moral virtues, and then almost perfectly in the contempla-tive life, that is, in the exercise"of the intellectual virtues."

S. To I. 2. 3. 8: .. The last and perfect happiness of mancannot be other than in the vision of the Divine Essence!'

9. GUllO. 4. 17 treats of the twelve moral virtues, whichinclude the cardinal, - fortitude, temperance, liberality, muni-ficence, magnanimity, love of honor, meekness, affability,truth, discretion, justice, and prudence.

GallZ. 3. 5 : .. All virtues take their rise from one soleroot - that primal virtue, which makes mankind blest inacting it - which is the elective habit."

The cardinal virtues were the active virtues, as the theolo-

200 DANTE ALIGHIERI [RIC. III

to the latter through spiritual teachings whichtranscend human reason, and which we obeyby acting in conformity with the theological vir-tues, Faith, Hope, and Charity." Now the for-mer end and means are made known to us byhuman reason, which the philosophers havewholly explained to us; and the latter by theHoly Spirit, which has revealed to us supernat-ural but essential truth through the Prophetsgical were the contemplative. So Purg, 3 I. 107: "Be-fore that Beatrice descended to the world were we ordainedto her for handmaids." And in Perg, 29. 130 the cardinalvirtues are on the left of the symbolic car.

10. The theological virtues are called in Purg, 7. 34,"the three holy virtues." Purg, 3 I. 1II: "The threebeyond who look more deeply." They are on the right ofthe car in Purg, 29. 121: .. Three ladies, whirling on theright wheel's side, came dancing, the one so red that hardlywould she have been marked with fire; the second was as ifher flesh and bones had been made out of emerald; the thirdappeared snow but lately.driven."

Thomas Aquinas discusses the cardinal virtues S. r. 1-2.61 ; the theological virtues S. T. 1-2. 62.

C01J!!. 3. 14' 5: "We believe that every miracle maybe reasonable to a higher intellect, and therefore possible.Whence our precious faith has its origin, from which comesthe hope of things desired, but not seen; and from this areborn the works of charity. By which three virtues we ascendto philosophize in that celestial Athens, where Stoics, andPeripatetics, and Epicureans, by the art of Eternal Truth,harmoniously concur in one desire."

DE MONARCHIA 201

and Sacred Writers, through Jesus Christ, thecoeternal Son of God, and through His disci-ples. II Nevertheless, human passion would castall these behind, were not men, like horsesastray in their brutishness, held to the road bybit and rein,"

II. De Mon. z. 8, and note I ; De Mon. 3. 16. 6.I z. This figure, which compares man to a horse needing

bit and spur to keep him in his road and under control of hisrider, is almost as much a favorite with Dante as that of thewax and seal. He must have found it originally in PI. p.9: II Be ye not as the horse or as the mule, which have nounderstanding: whose mouth must be held in with bit andbridle, lest they come near unto thee." The most impor-tant uses of this metaphor are as follows: -

Conu. 4. 9. 3: II The Emperor • • • is the rider ofhuman will, and it is very evident how wildly this horse

• goes over the field without a rider."Conu. 4. z6. 4: "This appetite • • • should obey the

reason, which guides it with curb and spur."Purg: 6. 88: II What boots it that Justinian should have

put thy bit in order again, if the saddle is empty? "Purg; 13. 40: II This circle scourges the sin of envy,

and therefore are the lashes of the scourge wielded by love.The rein will have to be of the contrary sound."

Purg, 14. 143: II That was the hard bit which ought tohold the man within his bound."

Purg, 16. 94: "It behoved to lay down laws for a bit;it behoved to have a king who should discern of the true cityat least the tower."

Purg; zoo 55: "I found so fast within my hands therein of government of the kingdom, and such power of new

202 DANTE ALIGHIERI

6. Wherefore a twofold directive agent wasnecessary to man, in accordance with the twofoldend; the Supreme Pontiff to lead the humanrace to life eternal by means of revelation, If andthe Emperor to guide it to temporal felicityby means of philosophic instruction," Andacquirement, and so full of friends, that to the widowedcrown was the head of my son promoted." The words areHugh Caper's, L. c, zz. 19; z5. 119: "Through thisplace needs one to keep the rein tight on the eyes, becausefora little cause one might go astray." L. c, z8. 71: "TheHellespont, • • • a bridle still to pride of men."

Purg, 33. 141: "The bridle of my art lets me go nofurther."

Par. 7. z6: "For not enduring to the faculty that willsany curb, for its own advantage, that man who was neverborn, in damning himself, damned all his progeny."

13. Par. 5.76: "Ye have the old and new Testament, .and the Pastor of the Church who guides you; let this suf-fice you to your salvation." See De Mon. 3. 16. 5, andnote 9.

14. From the philosophic nature of the Canoito and theComedy it is impossible to indicate here even the most impor-tant sections devoted to philosophy, classical or mediaeval.Con», 3. II. Z defines philosophy as "No other than afriendship for knowledge; wherefore anyone might be calleda philosopher, according to that natural love which inspires allmen with a desire for knowledge." L. c. 3. II. 3: " Philoso-phy has for subject the understanding, and for form an almostdivine love for the intelligible." L. c, 3. I z. 4: "Philo-sophy is a loving use of Wisdom; which exists above all inGod, because in Him is supreme Wisdom, and supreme Love,

DE MONARCHIA 203since none or few - and these with exceedingdifficulty - could attain this port, were not thewaves of seductive desire calmed, and mankindmade free to rest in the tranquillity of peace,therefore this is the goal which he whom we callthe guardian of the earth and Roman Princeshould most urgently seek; then would it bepossible for life on this mortal threshing-floor IS

to pass in freedom and peace. The order ofthe world follows the order inherent in the re-volution of the heavens. To attain this orderit is necessary that instruction productive ofliberality and peace should be applied by theguardian of the realm, in due place and time,as dispensed by Him who is the ever presentWatcher of the whole order of the heavens.

and supreme Power, which cannot exist elsewhere, except asit proceeds from Him."

In Confl. 4. 6. 9 relations are established between philo-sophic and imperial authority. .. When joined together theyare most useful and most full of power•••• Unite thephilosophical and the imperial authority to rule well and per-fectly."

Philosophy is, Purg, 6. 45, II A light betwixt the truthand understanding."

Psrg, 18. 46: II All that reason has seen I can tellthee."

I S. II In ainola ista mortalium." The same word is usedin the Italian form, II aiuola," in Par. 22. lSI and 27.86.

!l04 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

And He alone foreordained this order, that byit in His providence He might link togetherall things, each in its own place."

7. If this is so, and there is none higher thanHe, only God elects and only God confirms.Whence we may further conclude that neitherthose who are now, nor those who in any waywhatsoever have been, called Electors ,17 have the

16. De Consolo Phil. 3. 9: .. All things Thou dost pro-duce after the Divine Exemplar, Thou the most beautiful,carrying in thy mind the beautiful world."

This idea of God's foresight and the foreordination of allthings in the universe is found repeatedly in all Dante's writ-ings. See quotations in notes to De Mon. I. 6.

Inf. 7. 72: "He, whose knowledge transcends all, madethe heavens, and gave them their guide."

Par. 18. 118: "The Mind wherein thy motion and thyvirtue have their origin."

17. "In the Holy Roman Empire the college of lay andecclesiasticalprinces in whom the right of choosing the King ofthe Romans was vested. With the extinction of the Carolin-gian line, after the breaking up of the Empire of Charles theGreat, the kingship in Germany became elective, the right ofelection residing in certain of the great feudatories, thoughjust in whom or on what grounds is not clear from the earlymediaeval accounts. An electoral body is vaguely mentionedin chronicles of 1152, 1198, and 1230, but there is no clearindication as to who composed the body•••• The electo-ral college was first clearly defined in 1356 in the GoldenBull, a constitution for the Holy Roman Empire, issued byEmperor Charles IV. This document prescribed the exact

CH. XVI] DE MONARCHIA 2.05

right to be so called; rather should they beentitled heralds of divine providence. Whenceit is that those in whom is vested the dignityof proclamation suffer dissension among them-selves at times, when, all or part of them beingshadowed by the clouds of passion, they discernnot the face of God's dispensation.

8. It is established, then, that the authorityof temporal Monarchy descends without medi-ation from the fountain of universal authority.And this fountain, one in its purity of source,

form and manner of election of the • King of the Romansand future Emperor.' Seven electors are there named, eachholding some hereditary office in the Imperial court. ( I)

Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor of the Holy RomanEmpire for Germany; (%) Archbishop of Cologne, as Arch-chancellor for Italy; (3) Archbishop of Treves, as Arch-chancellor for the Gallic Provinces and ArIes; (4) King ofBohemia, Arch-Cupbearer; (5) Count Palatineof the Rhine,Arch-Steward; (6) Duke of Saxony, Arch-Marshal; (7)Margrave of Brandenburg, Arch-Chamberlain. It seemsthat the electors had no legal powers beyond that of election,and though the German princes held that an election by theGerman electors held for the Holy Roman Empire, the popescontended that they alone as Vicars of God could bestowthe Imperial dignity." - New International En{yc. See alsoBryce, Holy Roman Empire, c. 14; Hallam, Middle .Ages,chap. 8, part % ; Turner, Germanic Constitution (New York,1888); the Golden Bull is translated in Henderson, SelectHistories] Documents of the Middle .Ages (London, 189%).

2.06 DANTE ALIGHIERI [BK. III

flows into multifarious channels out of theabundance of its excellence.

9. Methinks I have now approached closeenough to the goal I had set myself, for I havetaken the kernels of truth from the husks offalsehood, in that question which asked whetherthe office of Monarchy was essential to the wel-fare of the world, and in the next which madeinquiry whether the Roman people rightfullyappropriated the Empire, and in the last whichsought whether the authority of the Monarchderived from God immediately, or from someother. But the truth of this final question mustnot be restricted to mean that the Roman Princeshall not be subject in some degree to the RomanPontiff, for felicity that is mortal is ordered ina measure after felicity that is immortal. Where-fore let Caesar honor Peter as a first-born sonsh~uld honor his father, so that, refulgent withthe light of paternal grace, he may illumine withgreater radiance the earthly sphere over whichhe has been set by Him who alone is Ruler ofall things spiritual and temporal."

18. This harmonious rule of two powers by the acknow-ledgment of filial relationship between Pope and Emperor.by recognition of the differing character of their functions, isprayed for by Dante in many parts of the C01JflitO and Com.edy, and is stated most briefly and forcibly in Purg, 16. 107 :

CH. XVI] DE MONARCHIA 207.. Rome, that made the good world, was wont to have twosuns, that showed the one and the other road, both of theworld and of God."

The close of the Letter to the Princes and Pe(}/In ofItaly is strangely like the close of the De M(}l1arcnia. Pro-claiming Henry VII as the rightful Emperor, Dante writes:.. This is he whom Peter, the Vicar of God, admonishesusto honor; whom Clement, now the successorof Peter, illu-minates with the light of the apostolic benediction, in orderthat where the spiritual ray does not suffice, the splendor ofthe lesser light may illumine.'.. .

The dual organization of Church and Empire is also setforth in symbolic fashion in Inf. 14.' IOZ fT., and in Dante'svision Purg, 3z.

BIBLIOGRAPHYLATIN TEXTS.

Fraticelli, P. J., Opere Minori. Florence, 1834-40(1855, etc. ; last ed., 1887-93).

Giuliani, G., Opere Larine di Dante Alighieri. Flor-ence, 1878-82.

Moore, E., Tutte Ie Opere di Dante Alighieri. Oxford,1894.

Witte, K., Dantis Alighieri De Monarchia libri tres,codicum manuscriptorumope emendati. Editio altera,Vienna, 1874.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE DE MONARCHIA.

Church, F. J., De Monarchia. London and NewYork, 1878.

Wicksteed, P. H., The De Monarchia, Hull, 1897.OTHER DANTE TRANSLATIONS.

Butler, A. J., Dante's Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise.London, 1891-92.

Hillard, K., The Banquet. London, 1889.Latham, C. S., Dante's Eleven Letters. Houghton,

Mifflin & Co., 1891.Longfellow, H. W., The Divine Comedy. Houghton,

Mifflin & Co., 1891.Norton, C. E., The Divine Comedy. Houghton,

Miffiin & Co., 1891.Plumptre, E. H., The Commedia and Canzoniere. D.

C. Heath, 1899.Rossetti, D. G., Dante and his Circle. Crowell &

ce., 1899.

210 BIBLIOGRAPHYREFERENCE BOOKS, HISTORIES, ETC.

Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae, Paris, 188o.Bryce, J., Holy Roman Empire. London, 1901.Carnoldi, G. M., The Physical System of St. Thomas.

London, 1893.Church, R. W., Dante and Other Essays. London,

19°1.Dinsmore, C. A., Aids to the Study of Dante. Hough-

ton, MifRin & Co., I9°3.Dinsmore, C. A., The Teachings of Dante. Hough-

ton, MifRin & Co., 1903.Farrar, F. W., Dante, in Lecrures and Addresses. New

York, 1886.Gardner, E. G., Dante's Ten Heavens. Westminster,

1898•Gardner, E. G., Dante, in the Temple Primers. Lon-

don, 1900.Gaspary, A., Italian Literature to the Death of Dante.

London, I90 I.

Gierke, 0., Political Theories of the Middle Ages.Cambridge, 1900.

Hallam, H., Middle Ages (Vol. f). New York, 1888.Milman, H. H., History of Latin Christianity (Vol. 6).

New York, 189%'Moore, E., Studies in Dante. 3 vols. Oxford, 1896-

19°f·Ozanarn, F., Dante and Catholic Philosophy. New

York, 1897.Pastor, L., History of the Popes from the Close of the

Middle Ages (Vol. I). London, 1891.Rickaby, J., Aquinas Ethicus. New York, 1896.Scartazzini, G. A., Companion to Dante. London,

1893.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Symonds, J. A., Introduction to the Study of DanteEdinburgh, 1890.

Toynbee, P., Dante Dictionary. Oxford, 1898.Toynbee, P., Dante Studies and Researches. London,

19°2.Vaughan. R. B., The Life and Labours of St. Thomas.

London, 1872.Villari, P., The Two First Centuries of Florentine

History. London. 1894-95.

ADAM, our first parent, 60; his sin pun.ished in Christ, 128.

Aeacidae us.Aeneas, father of the Roman people,

19; compared to Hector/ 80; h,.wives, 82, 83; his SOD, 82; his shield,86; Anchises' prophecy to, 103, 104;in single combat, 120.

AKathoD, 161.Alexander, 112, 114-Allen, estimate of De ilfon., 1.Anchises, 103.Antaeus. loS. J 19-Apostles, Acts o/tne, 108, .88.Apostles, the twelve, 170, 181.A'l.uinas. See Thomas Aqumas.Anstotle as wnter on happmess, .;

called Philosopher, 8, etc.; Pol, '5.J9,20, 45, 46, 77.102, lOS j Etk.,S,33,35, .8, 51, 58,14, 80, 98, ,0S. 126,136, 161,179, 18S; Afet., 30,44, .7, 54,55,183. 192; PItYI., 27. 102, 151. 193;Soph. Elench., ISO; Ana!. Pr., 16.;Cakg-., 195 i De An., 191.

Ascanius, 82.Assaraclls, 80-Atalanta, 1"9-Atlas, 8., 8••Augustine, '46; City 0/ God, IS';

Christian Doctrine, 152.AU'pstus, the divme monarch, 60;

Caesar, 115 j exerciser of Roman au...thority, 127.

Ausonia, 131.Averroes, his treatise concerning- tne

Soul, 13.

Benedict, 182.Boccaccio, Lift 0/Dante, xxxiii.Boethius, 29, 114.Boniface VIII, assumption of Imperial

digDlty, xxix.Bruni, his comment on the De Mo".,

UXlV.Brutus, 93.Bryce, opinion of the Empire of Charles,

XXVI; calls the De Alon. an epitaph,xlvii; estimate of HIldebrand, xilx;opinion of the De ilIon., I.

INDEXCaesar, xxix, xliii, 6«),96, 127, 188,189,

.06. See also Augustus.Ca.ar.has, 131.Camillus, 93.Canticles, 118-Cato, Marcus, 94, q6.Cause, relation to effect, 7, 100; uni..

versal cause, 39; De Causu, 39.Charles the Great, .8 r,Christ, salutation, 16; incarnate God,

56; necessary to salvation, 106i thedoor, 106; love of Justice, 1l6i thepoor, 124; His aid awaited, 125;blrtl.!t 125 If.; Son of Man, 121; death,128n.; the sin of Adam punished inHIm, 128; redemption, 129; theBridegroom, 131, 14S; one of theTrimty, 136; Son of God, 145; re-bukes the pnests,',v;; the Shepherd,148; ruler of all things, 161; con-cerning the swords, 168; concerningtempoi-algoods, 170; the foundation ofthe Church, 117; His life the form ofthe Church, 194; Lord of the tempo-ral kingdom, 195; co-eternal Son, 201.

Ch"onicles, Second, .08.Church, its destitunon, 124 If.; the

Mother, 142, 148; relation to her ofthe Scriptures, '45 If.; the Bnde, '45;Councils of, 146; Decretals, 147;tradinons, 147 i Christ its foundation,171; disqualified for temporal power ••80; not the source of Impenat power,187 if. i lacks power of transference.190 If.; lacks power to confer author-ity, 193 ff.; the form of, 194.

Church. Dean, relation of the De ilf_to the Comm,dza, 1.

Cicero. See Tully.Cincinnatus, 9'.Cloelia, 87.Constantine, his donation referred to,

I2S, '31; healed by Sylvester, 175 ;the donation, 175; his lack of powerto alienate Imperial digmty, 176, 180;

Co~~t.t :t::D!n~:~ht,189·Cormthians, Eputle tD, 171'Councils, of the Church, '46.

Creusa.Ba,CupidltY,34, 35,36,37,49; avarice, 92,

Q3. J43·Cyrus, 112.

Daniel, 136-Dante, umt)" manifest in his works,

xvnff.; his political ideal, XlXff.; hisreligious, ideal, xx If.; political party,XXVll; exile, XXXI; change In politics,xl; relation to Henry VII, xhii ; oneepitaph of, xlv. Convito, its pur-pose, xviii; nobihty as definedtherein, xxxviii; date, XXXIX; mark.ings on the moon, xh; the lastEmperor, xhi. De Jf!onarchia, Itspurpose, XVU1; the embodiment ofDante's political message, xx; sum-mary of Book I, xxiii ; Book II,xxiv; Book III, xxvi; a Ghibellmetreatise, XXX; Boccaccro's account,xxxiii; Brum's comment, xxxiv;Villani's comment, xxxv; date ofcomposrtion, XXIV ft.; modernness ofsome theories therein, xlviii if; opin-ions of, L De Vulgar; Eloquentia,its relauon to the De blon., xxxvri ;date, XXXIX. Paradiso, spurious re-ference ill De Jf!tm., xli; see 43,note 6.

Dardanus, 81, 82.Darius, J 12.David, the sinner, ..8; holiest of kings,

49; the Psalmist, 56, 195; and G<>-hath, 119; moved by the Holy Spirit,136, 153; the Prophet, '45.

D, Causts, 39.Decii,94.Decretals, 144, 146.De Jf!tmarchza. See Dante.De Vulgari Eloguentia. Se« Dante.Dido, 83.Digests, of the Roman Law, 88.Dinsmore, his opinion of Dante's po-

litical theories, xh".

Electors, 204.Electra, 81.Elias, 171.Empire. See Monarchy.Empyrean, defined, xxi.Aphesia,", Epistle to, 129.Epicurus, 92, 95.Euclid, 4.Euryalus, 109.Evangehsts, the four, 173.

Fabricius, 92, J22.Fra llano, his apocryphal letter, xxxii.Free will, 40-43.

INDEXGalen, 48-Garamantes, 52.Genesis, 149.Glubelline, Dante's party, xxvii; de-

fined, XXVUl; compared WIth Guelf,XXVIii ff.; element of the De Alon.,xxx; Dante's adoption of, xl i theparty'. atntude toward Henry VII,xlvr,

Gslbertus Porretanus. See lIIaster of theS'X Principles,

God, Higher Nature, 3; Primal Good,Ji; Monarch, 25; Frrst Agent, 2S;Single Mover, 28; sufficiency of,29; the Lord, 67 ; Divine Providence,68,119; Prince of Heaven, 6Q; Pri-mallllotor, 71; Ultimate Perfection,72; Artist, 7Z; relation to Right,73 i HIS WIll invisible, 74; miracles,84; First Agent, 8S; Divine Inte1-hgence, 101; mam.festation of HisWill, 108 If; love of Justice, 116 If.;Divine Will, U7i Father, 129; One ofthe Trinity, 136; manifest in nature,'38; Eternal Spirit, 153; relation toHIS vicar, 162; Iirmtanon of power,166; Prince of the Umverse, J96;Watcher of the heavens, 203; rulerof all things, 206.

Golden /;'1/1, xxx.Goliath, "9.Gospel, 78, 107, 118; of Luke, 131; of

John, 194.Guelf, defined, xxviii; compared with

Ghibellme, xxvui If.; the party'. at-titude toward Henry VII, xlvi,

Hadrian, Pope, 18,.Hallam, mention of Dante'. political

work, h.Hannibal, 87, 122.Hewew., Epistle to, 106.Hebrews, J30.Hector, 80.Henry VII, hi. relation to~heDe Mm.,

xlii:ff ; Dante's letter to, xlii; failureof Italian campaign, xlvi; Dante'seulogy of, xlvii.

Hera, uS, 11<).Hercules, J08, 119'Herod,131•

Higher Nature, 3.Hippomenes, 101)0Holy Spirit, its divine persuasion,

63; one of the Trinity, 136; the in-spiranon of holy writers, 15]; In theCouncils, 146; revealer of truth,200.

Homer, Od., 20; 1/.,80.Hostilius, 121~

Intellect, man's differentiating charac-teristic, 13; active and speculative,J4, IS, 53, 6z, 14, 19B.

Isaiah, tho Prophet, '30; inspired bySeraphim, 138.

Jacob, 47, 157.Job, 153.John, 130,165; teatifies of Peter, 171 H.;

Gospel of, 194.Judah,157'Julius Caesar. See Caesar.Justice, under a Monarch, 31; defined,

3 r; opposition to, 34; related to cu-pidity. 36; related to chanty, 38 iChrist's love of, 116; God's love of,118; in the Church, 124-

Juvenal, 77.

Latinus, 83.Lavima, 83-Letters, relation to the De 111""., xhi,

xhv; Henry VII's coming, xhii ; par-allel passages, xliv.

Leol Pope, 18a,

LeVI,157'Lezuticu», 100, .89.Livy, 79. SSt 86,87,92,93. 94. tl3, 121,

U:!!il, his idea of Dante's mission,xix; his opinion of the De ilIon., Ii.

Lucan, Pharsalza, 85, 108, 112, 113.II •• 122.

Luke, the writer of the gentleness ofChrist, 61; the scribe, liS. 127, 131 ;argument of the sword, 168; Christ'smandate concerning temporal goods,169; testifies of Peter, 172; Christ'smission, 174; concerning temporalgoods, 180.

IIfagi, 161.Manlius, 87'lIIark, testifies of Peter, 172.lIIaster, Peter Lombard, 163.Master of the S'x Principle •• 33.lIIatthew, testifies of Christ's presence

at Councils, 146; Christ's rebuke,147, 153; oblation of the Magi, 161 ;power gt.ven to Peter. 165; testifies ofPeter1171 ff.; Chnst's mission, 174 tforbids temporal possessions, 180.

l\.Jatthras, 108.Melissus, 151.Michael, 18••Milman, eshmate of the De Alon , Ii.Alonarch, leader and lord, 21; the

single mover of men, 2Q; supremejudge, 30; immune from cupidity,37; relation to Justice, 3 r, 34 ; cause

INDEX 215of men'. well· being, 39; has no ene-mies, 40; his influence on men, 4S;chief servant. 46; best quahfied torule, 49; governor in general mat-ters, 52; relation to concord, 58;Roman Prince, 69; Caesar, 6g; in-ability to alter Emprre, 179; stand-ard of measurement, J8~; relationto God, 'if>; humanity's guide totemporal fehcity, 202; guardian ofthe earth, 203.

Monarchy, knowledge or, 4; defined,5 i necessary to humamty, 20, 23.25,27,29,3°,31,4°,46,49,54,59.its authority not dependent on theCburch, .q6 ; derived from God,20S·

lIIoses, 53, 84, 130, '53, 154, 157; andElias, 171; 191~

!IfUCIUS, 94-

Nature, the art of God, 9; purposeful-ness of, 9; sufficiency of, 29; super ..fluuy displeasing to, So; threefold,71; instrument of divine art, 72;ordains all things by Right, 101;her intention 1SGod's will, 138; me-dium of God'. acts, 190.

Nmus, III.Numa Pompilius, 85. 86.

Orosius, 82, III, 121.Otto, the Emperor, 182~Ovid, lJlet., 108, log, 111.

Paradise, terrestrial and celestial, 198..Paradiso, See Dante.Parmenides, 151.Paul, his salutation, 17; his testimony

of universal peace, 61; the Apostle,123, 128, I2Q, 177 i his admomtion,136, 153 ; hIS declaration to Festus,188; to the Jew., ISq.

Peace, Dante's search for, xxxi; neces-sary to human race, 16; other refer-ences, see notes 17 ff.; salutation ofChrist and disciples •• 6 H.; chief ofman's blessings, 38 i at Christ'sbirth, 60; cherished by the Empire,90; Christ brings not peace, but asword, 17t, freedom and peace, 203.

Peter, his b essmg, 11(,); keeper of tilekeys, 137; the predecessor of thePope .., .42,160, 162; power deputedby Christ, 164, I~S, 167; speaks ofthe sword .., Ih8 if.; charactenzed,17. ft.; Head Shepherd, '73 i com-manded to follow Christ, 194; hisname synonymous with Pope, 206.

Peter Lombard •• 63.

Pharaoh, 84, 107.Philosopher, the. Se« Aristotle.Pilateravicar of 'Trberius, 13'; Christ

disc ima temporal ambitions before,194·

Poet, the. See Virgil.Pope, disbelieves in supremacy of the

Empire, 142 i his blessing, 156;power relative to God, J60, 162;powerdefinedtl67; Sylvester, 11S; re-ceives gtfts not for possession, 181;Hadrian, 181; Leo, 182; Benedict,18~i standard of measurement, 18S;the Head Shepherd, '94; Christ theideal. 194 i humanity's guide to lifeeternal, 202; honor due to, 206-

Porsenna, 87. 94·Priam, 81; his daughter Creusa, 82.Primum mob"l~.28.Proverbs, 135.Psalms. 1]6.Pyrrhus, C)6, 118, Jl9. 122.Pythagoras, Correlations, 54.

Right. dwells in the mind of God, 73;is the divme will, 73, 74; 10 miracles,84; defined, 88; the end of, B9, 97,99; ordained by Nature, 100; Insingle combat, 116; foundation ofEmpire. '77'

Roman Empire, exists by Right, 70;approved by miracles, 8S; Its source,qQ; gained by single combat, 120 ff.;founded on human Right, '77.

Roman people, sovereign throughoutthe earth, 68; not usurpers, 10,76; the noblest people. 77, 83 ; badIn view the end of Right, 90, 91;ordained for Empire by Nature,101, 103; attained Empire by Right,104; victorious over all contestants,110; world jurisdiction, liS; victoryover Albamans, 121; over Snbinesand Samnites, 121; over Phoeni-cians, 122; attained Empire byRight. '3"

Romulus, 87.

INDEXSaviour. See Christ.Samuel. 107, '58 If.Saul, 1°7, IS8 ff.Scartazzmr, his theory, of the date of

the De Afon., xxxviti If.Scipio, 122.Scriptures, the Holy, ,06, .45, 146,

148, 152.Scythia, '4"Scythians, 52, 122.Seal and wax, 75, '95.Semiramis, Ill.Seneca, The Ft1Ur Virtues, 8<}.Shepherd, Christ, 148; Head Shep-

herd (Peter), '73; (Pope), '94,Solomon. '35,Sylvester, '75.

Testaments, Old and New, '45; thetwo,IQI.

Theophilus, '74.Thomas Aquinas, Contra Gentdes, 84,

85·Trberius, 1]0.Timothy, 123.Tomyno;, JI2.Tully, defender of old age, 4; Rltet .•

B9; De Off., 9', CJ6, '09, "7; DIst«, 92, 95-

Turnus, 83, 120, J21,

Una", Sanctam, Papal bull, xxix,xxxviii, xl,

Vegetius, De Re Ali/itari, "7,Vesoges, I t I.VIllani, mentions the De Jl-Et»I., xxxv.Virgil, Bleeo/us. 31 i divine Poet, 78,

etc.j Aeneid, 79, 80, 86, 93, 94, J03,109, 114, 120.

Virgin 111 other. 127.V,r_to tlte Four, B9.Virtues, moral, 199; theological, 200.

Word, '54'

Xerxes, "z.

(Ce mibtt~ibe PtC_!IE lectrotyjed "Old printed by H. O. H ougAttJ,. 6> C_.

C".,."..idp, Mas•., U. S. A.