The cost of Guantánamo Bay - The New York Times · 2019-11-12 · Snowden, of course, is the...
1
.. INTERNATIONAL EDITION | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 2019 FLIGHT TIMES WHY YOU’RE STILL ON THE RUNWAY PAGE 9 | BUSINESS SPECIES AT RISK SALMON DWINDLE IN U.S. WATERS PAGE 14 | SCIENCE CONFRONTING HISTORY STIRRING SOLO SHOW FOR OBAMA PORTRAITIST PAGE 17 | CULTURE ties built up over the years has grown in- creasingly expensive, even as the num- ber of prisoners has declined. A Defense Department report in 2013 calculated the annual cost of operating Guantánamo Bay’s prison and court system at $454.1 million, or nearly $90 million less than last year. At the time, Holding the Nazi war criminal Rudolf Hess as the lone prisoner in Germany’s Spandau Prison in 1985 cost an estimat- ed $1.5 million in today’s dollars. The per-prisoner bill in 2012 at the “super- max” facility in Colorado, home to some of the highest-risk prisoners in the United States, was $78,000. Then there is Guantánamo Bay, where the expense now works out to about $13 million for each of the 40 pris- oners being held there. According to a tally by The New York Times, the total cost last year of holding the prisoners — including the men ac- cused of plotting the Sept. 11, 2001, at- tacks on the United States — paying for the troops who guard them, running the war court and doing related construc- tion, exceeded $540 million. The $13 million-per-prisoner cost al- most certainly makes Guantánamo the world’s most expensive detention pro- gram. And nearly 18 years after the George W. Bush administration took a crude compound called Camp X-Ray and hastily established it as a holding station for enemy fighters picked up in the war on terrorism, it has taken on a sprawling and permanent feel, with the expense most likely to continue far into the future. Because of the relative isolation of its location on a United States Navy base on Cuba’s southeast coast, the military as- signs around 1,800 troops to the deten- tion center, or 45 for each prisoner. The troops work out of three prison build- ings, two top-secret headquarters, at least three clinics and two compounds where prisoners consult their lawyers. Some also stand guard across the base at Camp Justice, the site of the war court and parole board hearing room. The prison’s staff members have their own chapel and cinema, housing, two dining rooms and a team of mental health care workers, who offer comfort dogs. Judges, lawyers, journalists and sup- port workers are flown in and out on weekly shuttles. The 40 prisoners, all men, get halal food, access to satellite news and sports channels, workout equipment and Play- Stations. Those who behave — and that has been the majority for years — get com- munal meals and can pray in groups, and some can attend art and horticul- ture classes. The estimated annual cost of $540 million covers the 12-month period that ended last Sept. 30 and does not include expenses that have remained classified, presumably including a continued Cen- tral Intelligence Agency presence. But the figures show that the range of facili- GUANTÁNAMO, PAGE 8 A communal cellblock for some of the prisoners who are detained at Guantánamo Bay. The military assigns around 1,800 troops to the detention center, or 45 per prisoner. PHOTOGRAPHS BY DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES The cost of Guantánamo Bay GUANTÁNAMO BAY, CUBA For each of 40 prisoners, the expense last year worked out to $13 million BY CAROL ROSENBERG Judges, lawyers, journalists and support workers are flown in and out on weekly shut- tles. The detention center zone has its own headquarters, motor pool and minimart. Revealing state secrets is hard, but revealing yourself in a memoir might be harder. As Edward Snowden puts it in the preface of “Permanent Record”: “The decision to come forward with evidence of government wrongdoing was easier for me to make than the decision, here, to give an account of my life.” Snowden, of course, is the former intelligence contractor who, in 2013, leaked documents about the United States government’s surveillance programs, dispelling any notions that the National Security Agency and its allies were playing a quaint game of spy vs. spy, limiting their dragnet to specific persons of interest. Technolog- ical change and the calamity of 9/11 yielded new tools for mass surveillance and the incentive to use them. Sweeping up phone records of Amer- ican citizens, eavesdropping on foreign leaders, harvesting data from internet activity: For revealing these secret programs and more, Snowden was deemed a traitor by the Obama admin- istration, which charged him with violating the Espionage Act and re- voked his passport, stranding him in Moscow, where he remains. “Permanent Record” is a riveting account and a curious artifact. The book is unlikely to change anyone’s mind about Snowden, but when it comes to privacy and speech and the Constitution, his story clarifies the stakes. For someone who worked in the intelligence community, the very idea of an autobiography feels uncom- fortable. “It’s hard to have spent so much of my life trying to avoid identifi- cation,” he writes, “only to turn around completely and share ‘personal disclo- sures’ in a book.” Notice the scare quotes; Snowden is instinctively careful about entering anything about himself into the perma- nent record of “Permanent Record.” The man who emerges from such “personal disclosures” seems conse- quently guarded and meticulous — ideal traits for a spy or a whistle- blower. Born in 1983 in North Carolina, Snowden comes from a family whose service includes the F.B.I. (his grandfa- ther), the Coast Guard (his father), the N.S.A. (his mother) and the Army (himself). He remembers the first thing he ever hacked was bedtime, changing all the clocks in the house so that he could stay up later on his sixth birthday. As a teenager, Snowden learned how to hack school, examining the class syllabus to figure out how he could exploit its weaknesses; the goal was to do the least amount of work without flunking out. School was at best a distraction, he says, and at worst “an illegitimate system” that “wouldn’t recognize any SNOWDEN, PAGE 2 ‘Permanent Record’ of a very loud whistle-blower BOOK REVIEW Edward Snowden reveals some of his own secrets, with the caution of a spy BY JENNIFER SZALAI Edward Snowden’s book clarifies the stakes behind his sweeping revelations. LINDSAY MILLS The New York Times publishes opinion from a wide range of perspectives in hopes of promoting constructive debate about consequential questions. After oil installations were blown up in Saudi Arabia over the weekend, Presi- dent Trump declared that the United States was “locked and loaded,” a phrase that seemed to suggest he was ready to strike back. But then he prom- ised to wait for Saudi Arabia to tell him “under what terms we would proceed.” His message on Twitter offered a re- markable insight into the deference Mr. Trump gives to the Saudi royal family and touched off a torrent of criticism from those who have long accused him of doing Riyadh’s bidding while sweep- ing Saudi violations of human rights and international norms under the rug. It was hard to imagine him allowing NATO, or a European ally, such latitude in determining how the United States should respond. But for Mr. Trump, the Saudis have always been a special case, their economic import having often overwhelmed other considerations in his mind. Whether and how to commit forces is one of the most critical decisions any American president can make, but Mr. Trump’s comment gave the impression that he was outsourcing the decision. The fact that the other country was Saudi Arabia — a difficult ally that came under intense criticism for the killing and dismemberment of Jamal Khashoggi, the dissident and Washing- ton Post contributor — reinforced the longstanding criticism that the energy- rich kingdom buys American support. “What struck me about that tweet was not just that it’s obviously wrong to allow Saudi Arabia to dictate our foreign policy, but that the president doesn’t seem to be aware of how submissive it makes him look to say that,” said Repre- sentative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of New Jersey and a former assistant sec- retary of state. “It is a big deal to attack oil fields,” Mr. Malinowski added. “It does affect more than just Saudi Arabia’s interests. But whatever we do, we have to do what’s best for us, and we have to recognize that the Saudis have a profound bias.” Mr. Trump told reporters on Monday that he had not “promised” to protect the Saudis and that he would “sit down with the Saudis and work something out.” But he expressed caution, suggesting that for all of his bellicose language, he SAUDI ARABIA, PAGE 7 Deference to Saudis on display after raid WASHINGTON Trump’s response brings accusations that he takes direction from Riyadh BY PETER BAKER AND DAVID E. SANGER Yemen’s war has to end. And the secret is that the way it ends is no secret at all. On Sept. 14, a drone attack on Aramco facilities in Saudi Arabia de- stroyed approximately half of Saudi crude oil production. The Houthi mili- tia in Yemen claimed responsibility for the attack; Saudi Arabia and the United States, however, are pointing fingers at Iran. This situation threat- ens to turn regional tensions into a shooting war, as well as destabilizing the global economy. And for Yemen, the risk of being drawn into a war between states, and not merely between proxies, is now very real. If more evidence was needed for the urgency of a political solution in Yemen, then these attacks provide it. Most wars appear to have no solution. They are occasioned by rival states, fu- eled by rival ideolo- gies and imperme- able to the cries of the victims. Yemen is in some ways no different. Every single family in the country has lost a generation of education among its children; every single family has seen a relative or a friend killed. Few see the sense in a war among their leaders that costs each and every one of them so dearly. This is a conflict the international community can resolve. And because we can, we must. The details of this settlement are in plain sight. Seven elements will necessarily underpin any agreement to end the war. First, the monopoly on force must be returned to the government of Yemen. No Yemenis outside the state should be allowed to use violence to achieve their ends. This is a simple but absolute requirement. The militias that fight over Yemen’s land must be replaced by the exclusive authority of the state. This can be achieved through a process overseen by the United Na- tions of gradually transferring weap- ons from the militias to the new gov- ernment. Second, the government must be more than a coalition. It must be an inclusive partnership among the politi- cal parties that now take different sides. This is the state that will require that differences be resolved through politics and that force is its servant and not its threat. Third, the government must ensure that its country will not be used for attacks on neighbors or even those It’s no secret. We can end Yemen’s war. Martin Griffiths OPINION And world leaders must, before it blows up the rest of the Middle East. GRIFFITHS, PAGE 13 A TEST FOR NEW SAUDI ENERGY CHIEF Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman was named energy minister just before an attack crippled oil production. PAGE 9 Reinventing Democracy: New Models for Our Changing World Register to attend: athensdemocracy.org In Cooperation With: Issue Number No. 42,459 Andorra € 3.70 Antilles € 4.00 Austria € 3.50 Bahrain BD 1.40 Belgium € 3.50 Bos. & Herz. KM 5.50 Cameroon CFA 2700 Canada CAN$ 5.50 Croatia KN 22.00 Cyprus € 3.20 Czech Rep CZK 110 Denmark Dkr 30 Egypt EGP 32.00 Estonia € 3.50 Finland € 3.50 France € 3.50 Gabon CFA 2700 Germany € 3.50 Great Britain £ 2.20 Greece € 2.80 Hungary HUF 950 Israel NIS 13.50 Israel / Eilat NIS 11.50 Italy € 3.50 Ivory Coast CFA 2700 Jordan JD 2.00 Lebanon LBP 5,000 Luxembourg € 3.50 Slovenia € 3.40 Spain € 3.50 Sweden Skr 35 Switzerland CHF 4.80 Syria US$ 3.00 The Netherlands € 3.50 Tunisia Din 5.200 Qatar QR 12.00 Republic of Ireland 3.40 Reunion € 3.50 Saudi Arabia SR 15.00 Senegal CFA 2700 Serbia Din 280 Slovakia € 3.50 Malta € 3.50 Montenegro € 3.40 Morocco MAD 30 Norway Nkr 33 Oman OMR 1.40 Poland Zl 15 Portugal € 3.50 NEWSSTAND PRICES Turkey TL 17 U.A.E. AED 14.00 United States $ 4.00 United States Military (Europe) $ 2.00 Y(1J85IC*KKNPKP( +%!"!$!@!{
Transcript of The cost of Guantánamo Bay - The New York Times · 2019-11-12 · Snowden, of course, is the...
..
INTERNATIONAL EDITION | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 2019
FLIGHT TIMESWHY YOU’RE STILLON THE RUNWAYPAGE 9 | BUSINESS
SPECIES AT RISKSALMON DWINDLEIN U.S. WATERSPAGE 14 | SCIENCE
CONFRONTING HISTORYSTIRRING SOLO SHOWFOR OBAMA PORTRAITISTPAGE 17 | CULTURE
ties built up over the years has grown in-creasingly expensive, even as the num-ber of prisoners has declined.
A Defense Department report in 2013calculated the annual cost of operatingGuantánamo Bay’s prison and courtsystem at $454.1 million, or nearly $90million less than last year. At the time,
Holding the Nazi war criminal RudolfHess as the lone prisoner in Germany’sSpandau Prison in 1985 cost an estimat-ed $1.5 million in today’s dollars. Theper-prisoner bill in 2012 at the “super-max” facility in Colorado, home to someof the highest-risk prisoners in theUnited States, was $78,000.
Then there is Guantánamo Bay,where the expense now works out toabout $13 million for each of the 40 pris-oners being held there.
According to a tally by The New YorkTimes, the total cost last year of holdingthe prisoners — including the men ac-cused of plotting the Sept. 11, 2001, at-tacks on the United States — paying forthe troops who guard them, running thewar court and doing related construc-tion, exceeded $540 million.
The $13 million-per-prisoner cost al-most certainly makes Guantánamo theworld’s most expensive detention pro-gram. And nearly 18 years after the
George W. Bush administration took acrude compound called Camp X-Rayand hastily established it as a holdingstation for enemy fighters picked up inthe war on terrorism, it has taken on asprawling and permanent feel, with theexpense most likely to continue far intothe future.
Because of the relative isolation of itslocation on a United States Navy base onCuba’s southeast coast, the military as-signs around 1,800 troops to the deten-tion center, or 45 for each prisoner. Thetroops work out of three prison build-ings, two top-secret headquarters, atleast three clinics and two compoundswhere prisoners consult their lawyers.Some also stand guard across the baseat Camp Justice, the site of the war courtand parole board hearing room.
The prison’s staff members have theirown chapel and cinema, housing, twodining rooms and a team of mentalhealth care workers, who offer comfortdogs.
Judges, lawyers, journalists and sup-port workers are flown in and out onweekly shuttles.
The 40 prisoners, all men, get halalfood, access to satellite news and sportschannels, workout equipment and Play-Stations.
Those who behave — and that hasbeen the majority for years — get com-munal meals and can pray in groups,
and some can attend art and horticul-ture classes.
The estimated annual cost of $540million covers the 12-month period thatended last Sept. 30 and does not includeexpenses that have remained classified,presumably including a continued Cen-tral Intelligence Agency presence. Butthe figures show that the range of facili- GUANTÁNAMO, PAGE 8
A communal cellblock for some of the prisoners who are detained at Guantánamo Bay. The military assigns around 1,800 troops to the detention center, or 45 per prisoner.PHOTOGRAPHS BY DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
The cost of Guantánamo BayGUANTÁNAMO BAY, CUBA
For each of 40 prisoners,the expense last yearworked out to $13 million
BY CAROL ROSENBERG
Judges, lawyers, journalists and support workers are flown in and out on weekly shut-tles. The detention center zone has its own headquarters, motor pool and minimart.
Revealing state secrets is hard, butrevealing yourself in a memoir mightbe harder. As Edward Snowden puts itin the preface of “Permanent Record”:“The decision to come forward withevidence of government wrongdoingwas easier for me to make than thedecision, here, to give an account of mylife.”
Snowden, of course, is the formerintelligence contractor who, in 2013,leaked documents about the UnitedStates government’s surveillanceprograms, dispelling any notions thatthe National Security Agency and itsallies were playing a quaint game ofspy vs. spy, limiting their dragnet to
specific persons of interest. Technolog-ical change and the calamity of 9/11yielded new tools for mass surveillanceand the incentive to use them.
Sweeping up phone records of Amer-ican citizens, eavesdropping on foreignleaders, harvesting data from internetactivity: For revealing these secretprograms and more, Snowden wasdeemed a traitor by the Obama admin-istration, which charged him withviolating the Espionage Act and re-voked his passport, stranding him inMoscow, where he remains.
“Permanent Record” is a rivetingaccount and a curious artifact. Thebook is unlikely to change anyone’smind about Snowden, but when itcomes to privacy and speech and theConstitution, his story clarifies thestakes. For someone who worked inthe intelligence community, the veryidea of an autobiography feels uncom-fortable. “It’s hard to have spent somuch of my life trying to avoid identifi-cation,” he writes, “only to turn aroundcompletely and share ‘personal disclo-sures’ in a book.”
Notice the scare quotes; Snowden isinstinctively careful about enteringanything about himself into the perma-nent record of “Permanent Record.”The man who emerges from such“personal disclosures” seems conse-quently guarded and meticulous —ideal traits for a spy or a whistle-blower.
Born in 1983 in North Carolina,Snowden comes from a family whoseservice includes the F.B.I. (his grandfa-ther), the Coast Guard (his father), theN.S.A. (his mother) and the Army(himself). He remembers the firstthing he ever hacked was bedtime,changing all the clocks in the house sothat he could stay up later on his sixthbirthday. As a teenager, Snowdenlearned how to hack school, examiningthe class syllabus to figure out how hecould exploit its weaknesses; the goalwas to do the least amount of workwithout flunking out.
School was at best a distraction, hesays, and at worst “an illegitimatesystem” that “wouldn’t recognize any SNOWDEN, PAGE 2
‘Permanent Record’ of a very loud whistle-blowerBOOK REVIEW
Edward Snowden revealssome of his own secrets,with the caution of a spy
BY JENNIFER SZALAI
Edward Snowden’s book clarifies thestakes behind his sweeping revelations.
LINDSAY MILLS
The New York Times publishes opinionfrom a wide range of perspectives inhopes of promoting constructive debateabout consequential questions.
After oil installations were blown up inSaudi Arabia over the weekend, Presi-dent Trump declared that the UnitedStates was “locked and loaded,” aphrase that seemed to suggest he wasready to strike back. But then he prom-ised to wait for Saudi Arabia to tell him“under what terms we would proceed.”
His message on Twitter offered a re-markable insight into the deference Mr.Trump gives to the Saudi royal familyand touched off a torrent of criticismfrom those who have long accused himof doing Riyadh’s bidding while sweep-ing Saudi violations of human rights andinternational norms under the rug.
It was hard to imagine him allowingNATO, or a European ally, such latitudein determining how the United Statesshould respond. But for Mr. Trump, theSaudis have always been a special case,their economic import having oftenoverwhelmed other considerations inhis mind.
Whether and how to commit forces isone of the most critical decisions anyAmerican president can make, but Mr.Trump’s comment gave the impressionthat he was outsourcing the decision.
The fact that the other country wasSaudi Arabia — a difficult ally that cameunder intense criticism for the killingand dismemberment of JamalKhashoggi, the dissident and Washing-ton Post contributor — reinforced thelongstanding criticism that the energy-rich kingdom buys American support.
“What struck me about that tweetwas not just that it’s obviously wrong toallow Saudi Arabia to dictate our foreignpolicy, but that the president doesn’tseem to be aware of how submissive itmakes him look to say that,” said Repre-sentative Tom Malinowski, Democrat ofNew Jersey and a former assistant sec-retary of state.
“It is a big deal to attack oil fields,” Mr.Malinowski added. “It does affect morethan just Saudi Arabia’s interests. Butwhatever we do, we have to do what’sbest for us, and we have to recognizethat the Saudis have a profound bias.”
Mr. Trump told reporters on Mondaythat he had not “promised” to protectthe Saudis and that he would “sit downwith the Saudis and work somethingout.”
But he expressed caution, suggestingthat for all of his bellicose language, he SAUDI ARABIA, PAGE 7
Deferenceto Saudis on displayafter raidWASHINGTON
Trump’s response bringsaccusations that he takesdirection from Riyadh
BY PETER BAKERAND DAVID E. SANGER
Yemen’s war has to end. And the secretis that the way it ends is no secret atall.
On Sept. 14, a drone attack onAramco facilities in Saudi Arabia de-stroyed approximately half of Saudicrude oil production. The Houthi mili-tia in Yemen claimed responsibility forthe attack; Saudi Arabia and theUnited States, however, are pointingfingers at Iran. This situation threat-ens to turn regional tensions into ashooting war, as well as destabilizingthe global economy.
And for Yemen, the risk of beingdrawn into a war between states, andnot merely between proxies, is nowvery real. If more evidence was neededfor the urgency of a political solution inYemen, then these attacks provide it.
Most wars appearto have no solution.They are occasionedby rival states, fu-eled by rival ideolo-gies and imperme-able to the cries ofthe victims. Yemen isin some ways nodifferent. Every
single family in the country has lost ageneration of education among itschildren; every single family has seena relative or a friend killed. Few seethe sense in a war among their leadersthat costs each and every one of themso dearly.
This is a conflict the internationalcommunity can resolve. And becausewe can, we must. The details of thissettlement are in plain sight. Sevenelements will necessarily underpin anyagreement to end the war.
First, the monopoly on force must bereturned to the government of Yemen.No Yemenis outside the state should beallowed to use violence to achieve theirends. This is a simple but absoluterequirement. The militias that fightover Yemen’s land must be replaced bythe exclusive authority of the state.This can be achieved through aprocess overseen by the United Na-tions of gradually transferring weap-ons from the militias to the new gov-ernment.
Second, the government must bemore than a coalition. It must be aninclusive partnership among the politi-cal parties that now take differentsides. This is the state that will requirethat differences be resolved throughpolitics and that force is its servantand not its threat.
Third, the government must ensurethat its country will not be used forattacks on neighbors or even those
It’s no secret.We can endYemen’s war.Martin Griffiths
OPINION
And worldleaders must,before itblows up therest of theMiddle East.
GRIFFITHS, PAGE 13
A TEST FOR NEW SAUDI ENERGY CHIEFPrince Abdulaziz bin Salman wasnamed energy minister just before anattack crippled oil production. PAGE 9
Reinventing Democracy:
New Models for Our Changing World
Register to attend: athensdemocracy.org
In Cooperation With:
Issue NumberNo. 42,459Andorra € 3.70
Antilles € 4.00Austria € 3.50Bahrain BD 1.40Belgium € 3.50Bos. & Herz. KM 5.50Cameroon CFA 2700
Canada CAN$ 5.50Croatia KN 22.00Cyprus € 3.20Czech Rep CZK 110Denmark Dkr 30Egypt EGP 32.00Estonia € 3.50
Finland € 3.50France € 3.50Gabon CFA 2700Germany € 3.50Great Britain £ 2.20Greece € 2.80Hungary HUF 950
Israel NIS 13.50Israel / Eilat NIS 11.50Italy € 3.50Ivory Coast CFA 2700Jordan JD 2.00Lebanon LBP 5,000Luxembourg € 3.50
Slovenia € 3.40Spain € 3.50Sweden Skr 35Switzerland CHF 4.80Syria US$ 3.00The Netherlands € 3.50Tunisia Din 5.200
Qatar QR 12.00Republic of Ireland ¤� 3.40Reunion € 3.50Saudi Arabia SR 15.00Senegal CFA 2700Serbia Din 280Slovakia € 3.50
Malta € 3.50Montenegro € 3.40Morocco MAD 30Norway Nkr 33Oman OMR 1.40Poland Zl 15Portugal € 3.50
NEWSSTAND PRICESTurkey TL 17U.A.E. AED 14.00United States $ 4.00United States Military
(Europe) $ 2.00
Y(1J85IC*KKNPKP( +%!"!$!@!{
