The Colonial State as a Social Field: Ethnographic …geostein/docs/SteinmetzASR2008.pdf · percent...

Why did some modern overseas coloniessuch as German Southwest Africa engage

in genocide against their indigenous subjectswhile other colonies such as German Samoaattempted to preserve the colonized in a condi-tion of precapitalist traditionalism And why didthe German colony of Qingdao orKiaochowJiaozhou in the Chinese Shandongprovince follow such a different path This colo-nial city-state shifted from a framework of treat-ing its Chinese subjects as radicallyincommensurable and inferior beings during the

first period of German rule (1897 to 1904) toa program of civilizational exchange and open-ended transculturation in the decade beforeWorld War I1 These different models of gover-nance remained largely unchanged under thecolonial rulers who took over the Germancolonies after 1918

All forms of colonialism involve a culturalpolitical and psychological assault on the col-onized Nonetheless the type of native policyimplemented by the colonizer may make anenormous difference for the colonizedmdashindeedperhaps the difference between life and deathThe lasting importance of such variations isvisible in the long-term legacies of colonial-ism The distribution of land in contemporaryNamibia remains racially weighted (Werner

The Colonial State as a Social FieldEthnographic Capital and Native Policy inthe German Overseas Empire before 1914

George SteinmetzUniversity of Michigan

What led modern colonizers to treat their subject populations in radically differing ways

ranging from genocide to efforts to ldquosalvagerdquo precolonial cultures In Southwest Africa

Germany massacred the Ovaherero and Witbooi in Samoa Germany pursued a program

of cultural retraditionalization and in the Chinese leasehold colony of

QingdaoKiaochow the Germans moved from policies of racialized segregation to a

respectful civilizational exchange Bourdieu is not generally seen as a theorist of empire

despite the partial genesis of his lifelong research program in the late colonial crucible

of French Algeria (Bourdieu 1958 Yacine 2004) Nonetheless Bourdieursquos theoretical

workmdashmost notably his conceptions of field and capitalmdashhelps solve the main riddle of

the colonial state Different European social groups competed inside the colonial state

field for a specific form of symbolic capital ethnographic capital This involved

exhibiting an alleged talent for judging the culture and character of the colonized a gift

for understanding ldquothe nativesrdquo Competitive dynamics among the colonial rulers

decisively shaped the ongoing production of native policies Policy formation was also

influenced by geopolitical and economic interests responses by the colonized and the

metropolitan governmentrsquos final authority in appointing and dismissing colonial

officials The effects of these additional mechanisms were typically mediated by the

internal dynamics of the semi-autonomous colonial state

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 2008 VOL 73 (August589ndash612)

Direct all correspondence to George SteinmetzDepartment of Sociology University of Michigan500 S State St Ann Arbor MI 48104-1382 Ireceived helpful comments on earlier versions ofthis article from members of the Centre de sociolo-gie europeacuteenne (Paris) and the Bergstraesser Institute(Freiburg) and from several anonymous reviewers

1 See Gruumlnder (2004) for the best overview of theentire German colonial empire

Delivered by Ingenta to University of Michigan At Ann Arbor

Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

1993) and even in the 1980s ldquoalmost thirtypercent of the estimated 6000 farm units wereowned by Germans or by persons of Germandescent who spoke German at homerdquo (Weigand1985156ndash57) The Ovaherero Witbooi andother Khoikhoi or Nama communities contin-ue to struggle with the traumatic aftereffects ofthe genocidal war that ended a century ago(Koumlssler 2005 Zimmerer and Zeller 2003) InSamoa some of the institutions introduced bythe Germans have been maintained by the inde-pendent postcolonial state including the Landand Titles Court which was created to adjudi-cate intra-Samoan disputes over the inheritanceof chiefly titles (Meleisea 1987 Schmidt 1994)

A theoretical enigma emerges alongside thisempirical puzzle as soon as we try to applyexisting theories of colonialism to these casesWorld system theory focuses on historical wavesof colonization and decolonization and tries toexplain why countries in the global core acquireand relinquish colonies (Bergesen andSchoenberg 1980) This theory is not interest-ed though in explaining intercolonial varia-tions in policy even when they are as significantas the difference between massacre and cultur-al salvage Marxist accounts often claim thatcolonial officials are ldquoeither identical with thecommercial men or more or less under theirdominationrdquo (Du Bois [1945] 197521) yethave difficulty accounting for policies thatdirectly contradict the demands and interests ofEuropean investors planters and settlers

A different class-analytic approach predictsa general association between settler colonial-ism and extreme levels of violence directedagainst the colonized (Osterhammel 2005) Ifthis theory were correct we would expectGerman colonialism to have been more violentin Samoa than in Southwest Africa becauseSamoa had more settlers than Namibia at theirrespective moments of colonial annexation(1900 and 1884) and was more attractive andprofitable for Europeans at that time Yet theGerman colonial state created a settler societyin Southwest Africa through deliberate policyand discouraged further white settlement inSamoa Settler interests cannot explain why thecolonial state responded to resistance in Samoawith appeasing gestures while engaging in geno-cide expropriation and forced proletarianiza-tion in Southwest Africa In German Cameroonthe colonial state promoted a European-con-

trolled plantation sector whereas in GermanTogo it discouraged plantations in favor ofAfrican smallholders (Erbar 1991 Michel 1970Sebald 1988) Class structures were as much theresult of colonial state policy as they were itsdeterminants

The ldquoperipheralistrdquo or ldquoexcentricrdquo approachargues that colonialism is shaped mainly byresistance and collaboration among the colo-nized (Robinson 1986) Like the precedingapproach this theory cannot explain varyingstate responses to resistance in different con-texts It cannot explain for example why theGermans responded to uprisings in Kiaochowand its hinterland with extreme violence andrepression during the first part of the colonialperiod but with conciliatory gestures in thesecond part

Postcolonial or discourse-theoreticalapproaches do not fare much better Much ofthis research is inspired by the thesis that thestate is a product of ldquoideasrdquo or ldquoculturerdquo(Steinmetz 1999 Yee 1996) and more specifi-cally by Saidrsquos (1978117) dictum that ldquofromtravelerrsquos tales || colonies were createdrdquo Thisapproach is correct insofar as all the ideologi-cal raw materials used by colonial policymak-ers in forging native policy were drawn from thecorpus of representations of native cultures thatEuropeans brought with them into the newlyconquered territories There is a strong surface-level correlation between the main thrust ofnative policies in each of the German coloniesand the dominant strand of precolonial ethno-logical discourse concerning the relevant indige-nous populations But precolonial ethnographywas too multivocal to permit an explanatoryshort-circuit from ethnographic discourse tocolonial practice Saidrsquos (197896) claim thatEuropean discourse about non-European cul-tures ldquocould never revise itself rdquo is belied by thesheer polysemy of most European ethnograph-ic and Orientalist discourse in the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries At the moment of imperi-alist conquest a plurality of possible framingswere available for characterizing the colonizedThe main thrust of German statecraft inKiaochow was organized around two differentvisions of the Chinesemdashinitially Sinophobiaand later Sinophilia As this study shows thesetransformations in native governance were relat-ed to reversals of fortune among the main elitegroups competing inside the colonial bureau-

590mdashndashAMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

cracy Historical sociologists need to explainhow and why actors in the colonial state fieldmade their selections from this heterogeneousstock of racial ethnic and civilizational imagesand how these choices shaped their approach tonative governance

In this article I argue that such policy shiftscan best be explained by theorizing the colonialstate as a semi-autonomous field with its ownspecific form of symbolic capital its own spe-cific stakes of competition The term ldquoautono-myrdquo as Bourdieu (200052) notes is based onnomos which suggests a ldquomicrocosmrdquo gov-erned by ldquoits own lawrdquo which is ldquothe principleand rule of its own functioningrdquo A field is astructured space of objective positions that oper-ates as a universe of possible stances a ldquospaceof possibilities or options given to participantsin the field at any given momentrdquo (Bourdieu1997454 see also Bourdieu 1991)Corresponding to this distribution of specificcapital and potentials is a homologous space ofstruggle between opposed postures or position-takings (prises de position) The adjustmentbetween the space of possibilities and the spaceof struggle is effected by the habitus an inter-nalized system of acquired dispositions thatcontinues to develop over time Social strugglesare mainly about conserving or subverting theprinciples by which field-specific capital is dis-tributed They may also attempt to change thevery definition of the fieldrsquos dominant form ofcapital

When the colonial state was operating as afield in this sense it was partially liberatedfrom the metropolitan government and partial-ly free from the demands and interests of localcolonial economic actors The colonial statewas not completely immune to these externalpressures but these pressures were mediated bythe statersquos internal competitive dynamics Whenthe colonial state surrendered its autonomymdashforexample when Southwest Africa was tem-porarily placed under the control of the GermanGeneral Staff in 1904 or when colonial gover-nors were directly instructed to implement spe-cific policiesmdashit was no longer operating as afield in the strict sense even if it continued toexist as an apparatus or machine Before askingwhy the colonial state should be conceived ofas a special kind of field we need to establishthat modern colonies actually had states and

we need to determine what sort of states thesewere

THEORIZING THE MODERNCOLONIAL STATE

Modern colonies can be defined as territoriesin which (1) political sovereignty has beenseized by a foreign political power and (2) theindigenous population is treated by the con-quering state as fundamentally inferior (eg asbarbarians savages heathens an inferior racea stagnant civilization or denizens of a ldquofailedstaterdquo) These two criteria can be summarizedas the sovereignty criterion and the rule of dif-ference criterion

Political and legal theorists have objectedthat European colonies cannot be seen as states(or as having states) at all because they lackedthat status in international law (Young 1994)This objection can be countered by showingthat colonial governments were perpetuallyoperating compulsory institutions that exer-cised a relative monopoly of violence insideclearly bounded territoriesmdashthe core ofWeberrsquos (1958) famous definition of the state2

With regard to the question of perpetual oper-ation the German colonies had explicit rulesabout replacement and the chain of commandwhen governors were absent or unable to per-form their duties Even the most remote bound-aries such as the border between the RwandandashBurundi section of German East Africa and theBelgian Congo (Louis 1963) were definedthrough international negotiations and markedin the landscape to show where one coloniz-errsquos sovereignty gave way to anotherrsquos

To count as a state a colonial apparatus alsoneeds to assert its partial independence fromthe metropolitan state and from the indige-nous polity Autonomy from the native state isalready implicit in the idea of the monopoly ofviolence Although the Germans claimedSouthwest Africa as a colony in 1884 forexample they had nothing approaching amonopoly over physical coercion prior to thecreation of a colonial army in 1889 Most colo-

THE COLONIAL STATE AS A SOCIAL FIELDmdashndash591

2 Weberrsquos (1958) definition is modified by Tilly(1990) who notes that a statersquos monopoly of violenceis always relative to other coercive institutions oper-ating in a given territory


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

nial governors and district officials were ableto enhance their autonomy from the metro-politan state over time During the first year ofthe Kiaochow colony the governor had to sub-mit his decisions to the naval authorities inBerlin for approval before they could be pub-lished and enforced Starting in 1899 howev-er prior approval was required only for ldquothemost important and far-reaching regulationsrdquo(Seelemann 198287) In fact none of theKiaochow governorsrsquo orders were ever over-turned by the central authorities (Schrecker1971) although one governor was replacedwhen he resisted pressure to implement a moreconciliatory course toward the colonyrsquosChinese subjects District commissioners(Bezirksamtmaumlnner) also had a great deal ofautonomy from their respective colonial gov-ernors In German East Africa TogoCameroon and Kiaochow district commis-sioners could adjudicate all legal cases involv-ing indigenous subjects and could impose anypunishment except the death penalty withoutconsulting higher authorities Even a deathsentence could be summarily imposed by adistrict commissioner ldquoin the case of an upris-ing a surprise attack or some other state ofemergencyrdquo (von Trotha 1994110 see alsoCrusen 1914)

The metropole always retained the powerto dismiss governors and other colonial offi-cials and at certain moments the colonial statecame under the direct command of metropol-itan authorities Nonetheless once the centralauthorities appointed a governor they did notmicromanage the ongoing production of pol-icy Several factors enhanced the independenceof colonial governors By defining the colonialstate as a space in which ethnographic sagac-ity was of central importance colonial officialscould suggest that it was impossible to under-stand the colonial situation from afar and thatonly officials on the spot could make coherentpolicy Governorsrsquo independence was alsoenhanced by the underdevelopment of telecom-munications and the slow pace of maritimetransportation Even in colonies connected toBerlin by telegraph cable governors wereallowed to make momentous decisions on thespot In October 1904 General Lothar vonTrotha initiated his genocidal campaign againstthe Ovaherero without consulting anyone

informing the chief of the General Staff byletter rather than by telegraph3

By failing to attain legitimacy in the eyes oftheir conquered subjects colonies violatedWeberrsquos final criterion of ldquostatenessrdquo Resistancemovements arose in almost every colony imme-diately following annexation At the same timemany colonizers found it increasingly difficultto justify conquest to themselves and to parlia-ments and electorates in the metropole4 By theend of the nineteenth century Europeans hadbegun to question early-modern arrangementsthat declared populations living below the equa-tor or beyond the ldquoamity linesrdquo or the Christianecumene to be outside humanity Of coursethis same period saw the apotheosis of biolog-ical racism in Europe and the United Stateswhich generated new justifications for colo-nialism Each episode of imperial annexationand colonial warfare elicited protest in the met-ropolitan press and among the political partiesThe American Anti-Imperialist League opposedUS plans to annex former Spanish colonies atthe end of the nineteenth century (Lanzar1930ndash1932 Sumner [1898] 1911) In 1931French surrealists and leftists mounted an anti-imperialist exposition in Paris to counter theofficial Colonial Exposition (Lebovics 1992) InGermany the Social Democratic and CatholicCenter parties refused in 1906 to approve newcredits for the war in Southwest Africa leadingthe chancellor to dissolve the Reichstag andcall new elections (Reinhard 1978) Germancolonial officials repeatedly speculated aboutwhether the first Geneva Convention was appli-cable to colonial warfare Even if they con-cluded that such conventions did not apply inAfrica (Steinmetz 2007) it is revealing thatthey felt compelled to discuss the issue

In an effort to make colonialism seem morelegitimate to Europeans themselves colonialpolicy was premised on a ldquorule of differencerdquo(Chatterjee 1993) that is on assumptions about


3 Von Trotha to von Schlieffen Oct 4 1904 inGerman Federal Archives (Bundesarchiv Berlin)Reichskolonialamt (RKA) vol 2089 pp 5r 6r

4 Even in the sixteenth century some Europeanschallenged the legitimacy of colonialism as shownin the famous Valladolid debate of 1550 to 1551concerning the treatment of the natives of the NewWorld


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

the inferiority of the colonized and their inca-pacity for self-government Although colonialgovernments multiplied distinctions among thecolonized in an effort to dilute opposition theentire colonized population was juxtaposedagainst the colonizers in a binary legal politi-cal and social structure Of course the ldquorule ofdifferencerdquo like all rules could be brokenIntermediate groups and exceptional individu-als moved from one camp to the other like theldquohalf-casterdquo children of mixed SamoanndashEuropean unions who petitioned to be treatedlegally as ldquonon-nativesrdquo by demonstrating theirldquoWesternrdquo lifestyle and education (Wareham2002) Even here though the legal categorieswere fundamentally dualistic and mixed-her-itage people were classified as either natives ornon-natives5 As soon as a statersquos polices beganto systematically violate the rule of differencethat state was exiting from colonial status

NATIVE POLICY AS THECENTERPIECE OF MODERNCOLONIAL RULE

In addition to the growing illegitimacy of con-quest the colonial states founded in the nine-teenth and early twentieth centuries confrontedanother historically novel problem of govern-ability Many of the societies annexed in thisldquomodernrdquo period were already familiar withtheir conquerors due to the swarms of Europeanmissionaries merchants and explorers who hadpenetrated the most remote corners of the globeThis preexisting familiarity with Europeans dis-tinguished the victims of the nineteenth-centu-ry scramble for Africa and Oceania from theNative Americans during the conquest of theNew World

More to the point Europeans believed thattheir new subjects were more familiar with themthan they were with the colonized They thoughtthat the colonized were capable of switchingstrategically between European and local semi-otic codes thereby eluding the colonizerrsquosunderstanding and control From Samoa to

Southern Africa non-Western subjects weredescribed as having a special ldquotalent for mim-icryrdquo (Muumlller 187379) Sociologist Edward ARoss (191129) discussed ldquothe unfathomable-ness and superhuman craftiness of the Orientalrdquoin an account of travels in China includingQingdao in 1910 According to geneticistEugen Fischer (1913303) what mattered mostfor the European colonizer was ldquonot whether ornot there are mulattoesrdquo in a colony ldquobut onlythat [the mulattoes] must under all circum-stances continue to be nativesrdquo rather than slid-ing menacingly between native and Europeanidentities The crux of the problem accordingto another German specialist on SouthwestAfrica was that ldquothe Hottentot knows us betterthan we know himrdquo (Schultze 1907335)

Modern native policy was a response to thissupposed biculturalism this talent for cunningmimicry and code-switching Native policy triedto compel the colonized to adhere to a constantand stable definition of their own culture and toprevent them from shifting strategically amongcultural codes Native policy became the cen-terpiece of colonial governance often trumpingconcerns of economic exploitation As the mottoon the masthead of one German colonial jour-nal Die deutschen Kolonien proclaimedldquoColonial policy is essentially native policyrdquo

In addition to being a program of enforcedcultural essentialism native policy was premisedon the inferiority of the governed Policies ofgenuine assimilation were incompatible withthe rule of difference Except for a tiny groupof evolueacutes assimilation was only held out as aneternally deferred promise At the same timeEuropean rulers could not tolerate autonomouscultural difference among the colonized Evenin characteristic cases of ldquoindirect rulerdquo whichwas organized around ldquotraditionrdquo and ldquocus-tomary lawrdquo (Mamdani 1996) the colonizedwere expected to present a stable unchangingversion of their own culture Native policyattempted to lock the colonized into a culturalposition located somewhere between absolutedifference and complete assimilation A widerange of possible approaches existed betweenthese two extremes The colonized could beframed as children or as an earlier version of thecolonizer as in social-evolutionary perspec-tives (Fabian 1983) and discourses of ldquonoblesavageryrdquo (Steinmetz 2004) as a degenerate orstagnant civilization (Grosrichard 1998) or as


5 In Togo after 1913 Africans were prohibitedfrom taking German names (Sebald 1988) whereasin Southwest Africa the native ldquohelpersrdquo (Bambusen)were given ldquocomicalrdquo German names like Mumpitzldquolittle Cohnrdquo and Bebel (Freimut 190937)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

inherently inferior as in theories of polygene-sis and scientific racism (Stocking 1987)

Native policy can thus be defined as encom-passing all policies aimed at providing a stableuniform definition of the character and cultureof the colonized and urging them to act in accor-dance with this definition By enlisting theSouthwest African Witbooi as trackers andsharpshooters in the colonial army for examplethe colonial government tried to contain thelegendary ldquovolatilityrdquo (Anon 1 1854ndash1855152)and ldquounpredictability of characterrdquo (Fritsch1872305) of the ldquoHottentotsrdquo and to make thembehave like reliable ldquonoble savagerdquo warriors6

By discouraging Samoans from commodifyingtheir sacred woven mats and preventing themfrom writing modern individual wills theGerman colonizers tried to halt their partial

westernization in order to configure them asnoble savages

The pressure on the colonial state to stabilizethe colonized through native policy put a pre-mium on the colonizerrsquos supposed ability tounderstand his subjects Colonizers were led toframe their interventions as stemming from aprofound grasp of the nativesrsquoculture and char-acter Possession of a facility for understandingthe Other became the dominant currency of thecolonial state field Although the specific cap-ital of this field was thus broadly ldquoethnograph-icrdquo this does not mean that state agents neededformal training in ethnology or anthropologyAfter all these academic disciplines had bare-ly emerged at the time New institutions openedat the turn of the century such as the ColonialInstitute in Hamburg and the Seminar forOriental Languages in Berlin Future colonialofficials and civil servants in many of thecolonies were required to earn a certificate fromthese institutes before beginning their serviceTraining at the Hamburg Institute for bureau-crats bound for Togo included native languagesand English Islam area studies (Landeskunde)


Map 1mdashThe German Colonial Empire in 1914

Source From Deutsche Kolonien (Dresden Cigaretten-Bilderdienst Dresden 1936) p 3Note Circles show locations of Samoa Southwest Africa and Kiaochow (left to right) and black patches show loca-tions of all German colonies

6 The Witbooi were a partially Europeanized com-munity of Cape Khoikhoi who had migrated northinto Namibia during the nineteenth century For cen-turies Europeans called the Khoikhoi ldquoHottentotsrdquo(Merians 1998)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

and ethnology as well as political economicmedical veterinarian agricultural cartograph-ic and bookkeeping sciences (von Trotha 1994)Colonial science was so underdeveloped andhad such low status in the metropoles howev-er that people holding degrees from these newschools could not automatically dominate thecompetition for ethnographic capital in thecolonies Claims to ethnographic acuity couldalso be grounded in evidence of personal char-acter general knowledge or formal training inolder fields such as Orientalism philology andlaw

The colonial state was doubly autonomousAs noted its officials were not subjected toconstant oversight by the metropolitan stateThey were also independent enough fromEuropean economic interests in the colony todisregard and even oppose the demands of set-tlers planters and investors In SouthwestAfrica the colonial army exterminated the set-tlersrsquo main labor force in 1904 creating a laborshortage that lasted for years In German Samoathe government refused settlersrsquo demands thatSamoans be compelled to work on Europeanplantations and banned the sale of native-ownedland to foreigners In German Togo andCameroon colonial officials opposed ldquothe veryEuropean merchants whose interests they pre-sumably representedrdquo (Austen and Derrick1999130)

BOURDIEU AND THE COLONIALSTATE AS A FIELD

Membership in a field is based on tacit accep-tance of a set of assumptions and beliefs on anagreement that ldquoexceeds the oppositions that areconstitutive of the struggles in the f ieldrdquo(Bourdieu 200056) But while a field usuallyhas gatekeepers and conditions of entry it issometimes difficult to determine who belongsto a field and who is excluded from it (Bourdieu2000) One methodological advantage of takingthe state as an object of analysis is that mem-bership in its field is somewhat easier to estab-lish At the very least it includes all stateemployees governors district commissionersjudges policemen off icers and soldiersIndividuals and groups empowered by the stateto carry out official functions may also partic-ipate in the field In parliamentary systems thelegislative branch of government and the polit-

ical parties are partly inside the state field butin the colonies analyzed here there were at bestrudimentary parliaments representing settlersand they were strictly advisory to the govern-ment Colonial officials were administrativelyappointed rather than elected Colonized sub-jects were excluded from participating in the for-mulation of native policy7 although they werecrucial to policy implementation acting forexample as native police chiefs and judgesThe colonized could ensure the success of nativepolicies by playing their assigned roles or under-mine policy by withholding their cooperation

We need to distinguish between field auton-omy and field settlement An autonomous fieldis one that is dominated by a specific form ofsymbolic capital8 that is recognized by all actorsin the field as legitimate and one in whichchanges are driven mainly by internal strug-gles Such a field is characterized by a sharedcommitment to ldquoeverything that is linked to thevery existence of the fieldrdquo a shared interest andbelief in ldquothe value of the stakesrdquo (Bourdieu199373ndash74) by an illusio or ldquoinvestment inthe gamerdquo (Bourdieu 1991180) This autonomyis always relative because any field is also influ-enced by external causal chains And while allparticipants may recognize the same form ofsymbolic capital as dominant they may dis-agree about the principles of its distribution Forexample the autonomy of an artistic field isindicated by participantsrsquo agreement that judg-ments should take an aesthetic rather than apolitical or economic form The participantsneed not agree though about the criteria usedto rank different artists artworks or aestheticjudgments

Although Bourdieu claims that the politicalfield is generally less autonomous than the artis-tic field his political writings deal mainly withelectoral democracies in which laypeople can


7 For exceptions see Go (forthcoming) and Cooper(1996) Knoll (1978) incorrectly states that Africansparticipated in the municipal administration of Lomeacutein Togo Starting in 1914 the ldquorespectable citizensrdquoof Lomeacute obtained the right to have two representa-tives meet weekly with the governor (Erbar 1991)

8 Because ldquoeach particular species of capital istied to a fieldrdquo (Bourdieu 200064) social life isinherently characterized by a proliferation of differ-ent types of capital


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

constrain the political fieldrsquos autonomy throughelections (Bourdieu 2000) The colonial state ismore similar to nondemocratic political formssuch as absolutist or totalitarian states or ldquotra-ditionalrdquo empires It is therefore theoreticallyjustified to compare the colonial state to liter-ary and scientific fields (Bourdieu 1996a 1997)insofar as colonial policymaking could sys-tematically ignore external economic and socialforces

There are two main reasons why some fieldsmay lack relative autonomy of this sort First afieldrsquos illusiomdashthe consensus among partici-pants concerning the definition of its specificsymbolic capitalmdashmay be subverted Second afield may be directly forcibly subjected to exter-nal forces that undermine its autonomy

A settled field is one in which all partici-pants agree not only about the value of the gameand the species of symbolic capital that is dom-inant but also about the ldquocriteria of evaluationrdquoto be used (Bourdieu 200052) that is how thatsymbolic capital should be measured and dis-tributed The dominant values in a settled fieldare doxic tacitly accepted by all rather thanneeding to be explicitly defended as orthodoxyGenerally such agreement occurs automatical-ly only in fields where some institution monop-olizes the definition of distinction such as theCatholic Church in the medieval European reli-gious field The colonial state was sometimesable to impose a specific definition of ethno-graphic distinction A colonial governor couldcultivate writers and scientists who shared hisview of native culture granting them privilegedaccess to informants and specific regions ortribes

Whether settled or not all fields involvedemands by every actor that all other actorsrecognize their own holdings of symbolic cap-ital as well as their performances perceptionsand practices (Steinmetz 2006) The Hegelianroots of Bourdieursquos theory become evident oncewe consider the French sociologistrsquos frequent useof the word ldquorecognitionrdquo This word has twodistinct translations in German Erkennen andAnerkennen Erkennen is recognition in theempirical sense of comparing a token to a men-tal type Hegel (1983) uses Anerkennen todescribe the emergence of the subject fromwebs of mutual recognition This leads Hegel toassert that ldquoman is necessarily recognized andnecessarily gives recognition || he is recogni-

tionrdquo (p 111) No matter how much a socialfield is riven by dynamics of conflict it is alsoa space of mutual recognition In this respectit is incorrect to characterize Bourdieusian fieldtheory as having an exclusively agonistic viewof social subjectivity (eg Martin 2003)Participants in fields are necessarily involved indynamics of both recognition and competitionidentification and dis-identification with otherparticipants

At the beginning of German colonization inthe first half of the 1880s it was still unclearwhether these colonial states would attain theproperties of fields Indeed Southwest Africawas initially governed by a private charteredcompany like British India before the 1860s(Lardinois 2008) and several other Germancolonies It was not even obvious in 1884 thatthere would ever be a Southwest African colo-nial state9 By the end of the 1880s however acolonial state was emerging and it soon beganto attain relative autonomy from the colonialeconomic field and from the metropolitan stateThe colonial state began to be characterized bycompetition for a particular form of symboliccapital ethnographic capitalmdasha reciprocallyrecognized talent for making judgments of thecolonized This field was organized around aform of symbolic capital that would have beenillegible or at least irrelevant in the metropol-itan field of power (although not perhaps in theemerging academic disciplines of ethnologyand cultural anthropology)

If colonial state f ields were partlyautonomous in this sense they were entwinedwith the metropole via the colonial field ofpower which bridged the two spaces The statefields of different German colonies were close-ly linked and they were also connected to thestate fields in the neighboring colonies of otherEuropean powers and to a global field of colo-nial strategies10 Wilhelm Solf the German


09 On the transition from chartered company tostate rule in British India see Lardinois (2008)

10 Nor was the colonial state a mere subfield of themetropolitan state field Subfields tend to derivetheir criteria of judgment from the field that encom-passes them either accepting them or deliberatelyrejecting them and this was not the case in the colo-nial state On the distinction between field and sub-field see Steinmetz (forthcoming)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

State Secretary of the Colonies from 1911 to1918 served in Calcutta and German EastAfrica (Tanzania) before being named governorof Samoa (1900 to 1911) and he was ambas-sador to Japan between 1920 and 1928 Whilegovernor of Samoa Solf frequently comparedhis own polices with those in the neighboringBritish colonies some of which he visited Allcolonial administrators spent a period as internsin the Colonial Department (later the ColonialOffice von Trotha 199490) Officials in thecolonies were sometimes able to ldquocolonizerdquo theresponsible section of the metropolitan ColonialOffice The civil servants in the Foreign Officeresponsible for overseeing German Samoa werethemselves former envoys to precolonial SamoaThey agreed with Solf rsquos policy course andhelped him maintain his independence fromsettlers in Samoa and their allies in theReichstag The selection of new cadres forGerman Togo was undertaken by top adminis-trators from that colony while they were visit-ing Berlin (Sebald 1988234) The SouthwestAfrican ldquoNative Ordinancesrdquo of 1907 weredrawn up in Berlin by veterans of SouthwestAfrican politics all of whom subsequentlyreturned to the colony to occupy key adminis-trative posts (Zimmerer 2001)

The actors and their dispositions and habi-tuses originated outside the colonial state buthad to be reconfigured in ways that made themsuited for producing colonial ethnographic judg-ments The colonial state is no different fromother fields in this respect Fields are alwayspopulated by actors coming from elsewhereequipped with holdings of capital and habitus-es that need to be adapted to the idiom of thenew arena

To understand how this transposition of exter-nal actors capitals and habituses worked inthe German imperial context we need to recon-struct the power stalemate among the elite socialclasses in the German empire (1871 to 1918)The three main actors in the German state werethe nobility the propertied bourgeoisie and theBildungsbuumlrgertum (ie the educated middleclass)11

Many of the officers and career diplomatsinvolved in the German colonial empire hadnoble titles of great antiquity The nobility hadconverted its inherited cultural capital to eco-nomic and modern political capital over thecourse of the nineteenth century But at the endof the century the nobility was losing out to thecapitalist bourgeoisie both economically andwith respect to some aspects of state policy-making (Steinmetz 1993) The aristocracyretained its hold over the German diplomaticservice which was part of the Foreign Office(Philippi 1985) and it continued to dominate theofficer ranks of the Prussian army and itsGeneral Staff (Craig 1955235) Overall theldquopercentage of aristocrats in the higher level ofthe colonial service gradually diminished albeitat a slower rate in the colonies than in the cen-tral administrationrdquo The military played a lessimportant part ldquoas the pioneering period drewto a closerdquo (Gann and Duignan 197790 93)

The second participant in this elite standoffwas the propertied bourgeoisie In 1885 manyof the major German bankers had been talkedinto investing in Southwest Africa by Bismarck(Drechsler 1996) The membership of theGerman Colonial Association ldquoread like alsquoWhorsquos Whorsquo of prominent f igures in theGerman business worldrdquo (Blackbourn1998333) Some colonial officials includingKarl Ebermeier the governor of Cameroonbeginning in 1912 were drawn from this class

The third elite class fraction active in colo-nial governance was the Bildungsbuumlrgertumor cultivated middle class whose metropolitansociopolitical power base was in the universitiescultural and scientific associations researchinstitutes and the Protestant church TheBildungsbuumlrgertum was the classic bearer ofeducational titles of cultural nobility Bildungmeans education cultivation and the ldquoform-ing of the person in accordance with || ethicalnormsrdquo and is closely related to Kultur (Ringer196987 see also Koselleck 1990) Many colo-nial governors were drawn from theBildungsbuumlrgertum and many had law degreesincluding Albert Hahl (governor of GermanNew Guinea 1902ndash) Heinrich Schnee (gover-nor of East Africa 1912ndash) Theodor Seitz (gov-


11 On the elite class struggle within the metropol-itan German state see Steinmetz (1993) The Germanworking class was almost completely absent from thecolonies European beachcombers in the Pacific(Dening 2004) were a ldquolumpenrdquo class never recog-

nized as a legitimate participant in colonial gover-nance


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

ernor of Cameroon 1907 to 1910 andSouthwest Africa 1910ndash) Wilhelm Solf (gov-ernor of Samoa 1900 to 1911) and TheodorGunzert (governor of German East Africa 1902to 1916)

The ranks of district commissioners also con-tained numerous Bildungsbuumlrger In Togo in1905 for example the seven district officialsincluded ldquoa physician a doctor of philosophya former missionary an architect and a lawyerrdquoalong with two military officers (Gann andDuignan 197787) The German foreign ser-vice in India and China tended to employ peo-ple with degrees in law Sinology Sanskritologyand other Oriental languages The training ofGerman translators in China included a periodof apprenticeship to a mandarin scholar inBeijing (Matzat 1985)

Some German missionaries can also be con-sidered part of the Bildungsbuumlrgertum (Turner1980) Most missionaries were outside the colo-nial state although some were invited to fill offi-cial functions especially in native educationMissionaries paved the way for conquest in allthree of the colonies examined here by offeringcomprehensive representations of the indige-nous populations The most extensive descrip-tions of Samoan culture before colonialannexation in 1900 came from British mis-sionaries In Southwest Africa the RhenishMissionary Society initiated European settle-ment before the colonial period and helpednegotiate the transfer of sovereignty to theGermans (Menzel 1992) In Shandong provinceGerman Catholic missionaries provoked theincident that justified the German Navyrsquos inva-sion of Jiaozhou harbor in 1897

Characterizing the three main elite socialclasses as nobility capitalists andBildungsbuumlrgertum is shorthand for the formsof capital they brought to the colonies Manyindividuals occupied intermediate or combinedclass locations (Wright 1985) and many hadbiographical trajectories that propelled themfrom one position in the German field of powerto another Such complications made a differ-ence for their activities in the colonial statefield Economic capital grants a freedom fromnecessity that can help individuals assert anldquoautonomousrdquo and ldquoanti-economicrdquo stance with-in a non-economic field as illustrated by thecase of Flaubert in the French literary field(Bourdieu 1996a) and by Weber in the field of

early German sociology (Radkau 2005) ThePrussian nobleman Ferdinand von Richthofenan explorer of China who initially pointedGerman officials toward Kiaochow illustratesanother combination of class positions VonRichthofenrsquos aristocratic family connectionsaccounted for his inclusion in the first Prussianexpedition to China in the 1860s and for hisprivileged access to Bismarck in reporting on histravels Although von Richthofen specialized inthe modern and less distinguished discipline ofgeography and had only a rudimentary knowl-edge of Chinese (Osterhammel 1987) he wasable to dominate the field of China studies andascend into the pinnacles of the German aca-demic elite In 1900 he was named Dekan ofBerlin University (von Drygalski 1905)

Actors inside the colonial state helped toconsolidate it as a field by framing their per-formances as claims to ethnographic sagacityAn officialrsquos position on native policy typical-ly foregrounded his existing holdings of capi-tal translated into forms appropriate to the fieldColonial officials and civil servants refined andrationalized their ethnographic perceptions andactions in the course of ongoing struggles in thefield Those with origins in the Bildungs-buumlrgertum often emphasized empathic andhermeneutic approaches to understanding theindigenes thereby calling attention to their ownability to speak exotic languages and to thinktheir way into foreign worldviews Colonialmilitary noblemen tended to evaluate the colo-nized in martial terms and to emphasize thearistocracyrsquos hereditary specialization in thearts of physical coercion and the command ofsubordinates Capitalist investors and self-employed settlers assessed the colonized interms of their capacity for labor

The forms of capital each group brought tothe colonies did not function in the same waysas in the metropole but were translated into theparticular language of the field (Converselycolonial symbolic capital could not be import-ed back into metropolitan fields without furtherefforts at conversion) A cultivated Bildungs-buumlrger could not dominate a colonial state fieldby discussing Plato and Kant Nonetheless hisgeneral education and disposition allowed himto adopt a posture of hermeneutic empathy andto exude perceptiveness when faced with a for-eign Other Members of the settler class alsoadjusted their discourse to the demands of the



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

setting The leader of the settler opposition toSolf in Samoa Richard Deeken (1901164)described Samoans as lazy and argued thatldquocolonies are a business venture or they arenothingrdquo but he also thought that Samoan cul-ture needed special protection Deekenrsquos bookis replete with the language of the ldquoSouth Seaidyllrdquo (p 125) and stories of warm hospitalitycombined with images of scantily clad Samoanwomen caressing male visitors and seducingthem with the ldquosavage passionrdquo (p 142) of theirdances These tropes were drawn from the sameethnographic framework that dominated thecolonial state field The settlersrsquoeconomic pos-ture was thus adjusted to the fieldrsquos doxa

The reversals of fortune among two groupsof field-founding nomothetes in SouthwestAfrica illustrate the translation of external pres-sures into the terms of the field Agents sent tothe colonies from the metropole to change thecourse of colonial policy were quickly insertedinto the extant logic of the field Some took upldquoready-made positionsrdquo in the local array ofpossibilities while others created new posi-tions altering the overall field of forces

The first group of authorities in SouthwestAfrica was associated with the military nobili-ty Captain Curt von Franccedilois governor(Landeshauptmann) from 1891 to 1894 hadbeen involved in colonial military campaignsbefore coming to Southwest Africa His fatherwas a hero of the Franco-Prussian war (vonFranccedilois 1972 Meyer 1926) Along with hisbrothers and other allies Captain von Franccediloistook an extremely harsh view of the Witbooipeople who had launched the first armed upris-ing against the Germans at the end of the 1880sIn a surprise attack on the Witbooi compoundin April 1893 he exhorted his troops to ldquodestroythe triberdquo (von Buumllow 1896286) Von Franccediloiswas unable to subdue the Witbooi revolt and theForeign Office sent Theodor Leutwein as areplacement the following year

Leutwein was a university-educated middle-class son of a Lutheran minister and a lecturerin military tactics prior to his posting to thecolony (Esterhuyse 1968) He began attackingthe previous administration as brutal and incom-petent and insisting on his own superior abili-ty to think his way into the subjectivity of thecolonized Leutwein attempted to stabilize theWitbooi by integrating them into the colonialarmy and treating them as noble savage warriors

The colonial war with the Ovaherero beganin January 1904 and by the middle of that yearLeutwein was replaced as commander of thecolonyrsquos armed forces by Lothar von Trotha ascion of the ldquoancient aristocracy of the Saale dis-trictrdquo (Pool 1991243ndash44) who had made hisname in imperial engagements in China andGerman East Africa (Deutschland in China1902230) The first generation of field foundersnow reemerged supporting von Trotharsquos attackon Leutwein (von Franccedilois 1905) Von Trothaand Leutwein engaged in a furious war of wordseach claiming to possess a better understandingof indigenous character and each trying to dis-qualify the other in the eyes of the Berlin author-ities Leutwein drew on classical metaphorscomparing the Ovaherero uprising to the SicilianVespers revolt in 128212 This effort to flaunt ahumanistic education marked a failure to trans-late cultural capital generated in the metropoleinto terms fungible in the colony It was a move-ment outside the orbit of the colonial statersquoslocal history Leutweinrsquos ideological helpless-ness partly reflected the absence of more com-pelling representations of the Ovaherero in theone-dimensional ethnographic repertoire he hadinherited

In response to Leutwein von Trotha esca-lated his rhetoric writing ldquoI know enough ofthese African tribes || I finish off the rebel-lious tribes with blatant terrorism and crueltywith rivers of blood and rivers of moneyrdquo andadding that his ldquoexact knowledge of so manycentral African tribes demonstrates || withabsolute necessity that the Negro never bowsto treaties but only to raw violencerdquo13 In con-trast to Leutwein von Trotha continued toclaim a kind of ethnological expertise specif-ic to the colonial field posing as an experi-enced colonist with ldquoexact knowledgerdquo ofAfricans that is as an alter Afrikaner (oldAfrican)mdasha term that referred to Germanswho had extensive experience in Africa Evenin a heightened state of emergency von Trotharevealed his investment in the illusio of the


12 Leutwein to Colonial Department May 171904 in Bundesarchiv Berlin RKA vol 2115 p 66r

13 Von Trotha to Leutwein Nov 5 1904 inBundesarchiv Berlin RKA vol 2089 p 100v vonTrotha to von Schlieffen Oct 4 1904 in Ibid p 5v(my emphasis)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

field The claim to ldquoknow these African tribesrdquohad a currency that it would not have had in1884 before the field existed and that it cer-tainly did not have in metropolitan bureau-cratic and military f ields Von Trotharsquoscontinuing commitment to the local game isespecially noteworthy insofar as the colonyhad been temporarily subordinated to the directcontrol of the German General Staff

As emphasized above we need to distinguishthe autonomization of a field from its substan-tive settlement around specific definitions of dis-tinction Although every German colonial statefield had become relatively autonomous fromthe metropolitan state by the 1890s and whileeveryone behaved as if ethnographic capitalwas the fieldrsquos defining currency there was notagreement in each colony about what countedas ethnographic excellence In Southwest Africathere was a continuous shifting among dominantdefinitions of distinction and hence a continu-ous redistribution of field-specific capitalMilitary criteriamdasha commitment to disciplineand ordermdashprevailed before 1894 and between1904 and 1907 Leutweinrsquos colonial hermeneu-tics dominated the field between 1894 and 1904with an emphasis on detailed ethnologicalknowledge and policies of retraditionalizationAfter 1908 the colonyrsquos native policies tiltedtoward the constitution of a copper and dia-mond mining proletariat and evaluations of thecolonized according to economic criteria cameto dominate the state field

It is impossible to know whether Generalvon Trotha would have continued to radicalizehis interventions to the point of genocide in1904 if he had not been locked in a polarizingbattle with a middle-class rival Von Trotharsquosdelirious cruelty was directed as much againstLeutwein as against the Ovaherero Leutweinwas not just von Trotharsquos main opponent in thecolonial state field but also represented for himthe forces deposing the nobility from its ancientdomination in Germany Unlike the Africanrebels Leutwein was not killed or imprisonedbut his career was ruined by the coordinatedattack on his competence

Drawn-out contests between different frac-tions of a splintered dominant class may pre-vent a field from being settled while enhancingits autonomy as field-specific modes of actionbecome more systematic and clearly definedSouthwest Africa is not the only colony in

which we can trace a purification of ethno-graphic standpoints over time The governor ofSamoa honed his approach to native policy inthe course of struggles with local settlers andNavy commanders Solf rsquos program ofPolynesian retraditionalization was rooted in awell-wrought paternalistic vision of Samoansas peaceable noble savages In this respect hispolicies corresponded closely to the dominantEuropean vision of Samoans during the secondhalf of the nineteenth century (Steinmetz 2004)It was not a foregone conclusion though thatSolf would adopt this perspective Other ethno-graphic postures were available in the pre-colonial archive and were exemplif ied byspecific European groups in Samoa on the eveof annexation The settlers who wanted thegovernment to compel Samoans to work ontheir plantations mobilized a generic vision ofthe lazy native (Alatas 1977) The Navy offi-cers who patrolled the Pacific wanted to con-tinue their nineteenth-century policy of gunboatdiplomacy which involved bombardingSamoan villages from warships and deportingtroublesome leaders to faraway islands alongwith other decidedly unhermeneutic practicesThey mobilized an alternative representation ofSamoans as ignoble savages (Linnekin 1991)But Solf derided the settlers and Navy cap-tains as unqualified for colonial rule The set-tlers Solf wrote had ldquotoo little education tof ind their way in the complicated mentalprocesses of a Samoan brainrdquo and tended to fallback on crude racist formulas such as ldquobloodyKanaka this damned niggerrdquo (Solf 19068766) Solf enrolled other officials into his para-digm most importantly his successor ErichSchultz who became an expert on Samoancustomary law (Schultz 1911) and head of theLand and Titles Commission Like Solf Schultzbelieved the Germansrsquo central goal was theldquopreservation of the Samoansrsquo customs andmores and their peculiar character [ihreEigenart] per serdquo14

Figure 1 illustrates a settled colonial statefield that is one like German Samoa in whichmost participants recognize the same forms ofsymbolic capital whether they are endowed


14 Schulz to Osbahr March 8 1914 New ZealandNational Archives Archives of the German ColonialAdministration VI 28 pt 1 p 61


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

with large or small amounts of it TheBildungsbuumlrgertum is shown here as the dom-inant sector of the dominant class the nobilityand bourgeoisie as the dominated sectors Inother colonies or historical moments the nobil-ity or the bourgeoisie might well be dominantmeaning that the + and ndash signs would be asso-ciated with different corners of the triangularfield

The colonial state field as depicted in Figure1 is embedded within the colonial field ofpower a space that contains both state and non-state European actors All white residents in

European colonies possessed a certain amountof ldquoracialrdquo capital vis-agrave-vis all colonized resi-dents due to the rule of difference and weretherefore inside the field of power The colonialldquosocial spacerdquo encompasses both the colonizedand the colonizers15 The metropolitan field ofpower was thus transposed into the colonies in


Figure 1 Illustration of a Settled Colonial State Field (left) Showing Transposition of the Axes ofthe Power Conflict from the Metropolitan State Field (right) to the Colony (left)

Note This figure excludes any indication of the different types and levels of capital The labels ldquonobilityrdquo ldquocapi-talist bourgeoisierdquo and ldquoBildungsbuumlrgertumrdquo stand in for these differences as discussed in the text

15 The colonized society might also be analyzed asa field or a system of fields Chinese social life incolonial Kiaochow for example continued to bepartially organized around the sorts of political cul-

Capitalistbourgeoisie


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

a truncated form but the initial triangular struc-ture of the elite was reproduced

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THECOLONIAL STATE FIELD TOEXPLAINING COLONIAL NATIVEPOLICY

Like any social practice or historical eventcolonial policy was overdetermined by an arrayof causal processes and could never be explainedby the field mechanism alone16 The historicalarchive of ethnographic representations definedthe space of policy possibilities available at anygiven moment Cooperation or resistance bythe colonized determined whether a givenregime of native policy could be successfullyimplemented or had to be replaced Geopoliticaldynamics among the great powers led metro-politan authorities to insist on specific lines ofaction from the colonies European colonizersused imagos of the colonized to provide imag-inary solutions to their metropolitan social-classdilemmas and this could intensify or weakentheir support for specific forms of native poli-cy17 But certain aspects of colonial policy canonly be accounted for by considering the inter-nal dynamics of the colonial state construed asa field

SOUTHWEST AFRICA In Southwest Africa theGermans pursued different native policies withrespect to each indigenous community but the

genocidal attack on the Ovaherero stands outmost starkly in the pre-1918 historical record(even if the suffering of the Witbooi was moreprolonged and the genocide more complete interms of the proportion of the population killed)The campaign against the Ovaherero might beexplained as an unmediated and inevitable resultof the overwhelmingly negative and dehuman-izing representations of this community pro-duced by German missionaries and settlers sincethe 1840smdasha colonial version of Goldhagenrsquos(1996) explanation of the Nazi Judeocide ButGeneral von Trotha did not decide to extermi-nate the Ovaherero until five months after hisarrival in the colony In preparation for theAugust 11 battle of Waterberg (Hamakari)mdashwhere the Ovaherero had gathered in the tens ofthousands with their cattle and were then deci-sively defeatedmdashthe Germans set up POWcamps Von Trotha did not yet have plans toexterminate the Ovaherero at this time(Lundtofte 2003 Pool 1991) In his Order ofAnnihilation on October 2 1904 however vonTrotha announced ldquoThe Herero are no longerGerman subjects || The Herero nation must ||leave the country || All Herero armed orunarmed || will be shot dead within theGerman borders I will no longer accept womenand children but will force them back to theirpeople or shoot at themrdquo18 During the next twomonths German troops sealed off the easternedge of the desert into which the Ovahererohad fled and blocked access to waterholes wait-ing for nature to do the work of exterminatingthe enemy

One possible explanation for this move togenocide is that by October von Trotha hadimbibed the hatred of the Ovaherero that wasso pervasive among German settlers and thecolonial army But Von Trotharsquos decision couldnot have been predicted before October It wasone option in a space of possibilities andindeed some of his leading officers questionedhis approach Major (later First Lieutenant)Ludwig von Estorff commander of the EasternDivision (Ostabteilung) during the Waterbergcampaign wrote that von Trotharsquos policy ofldquodecimating the people was as foolish as it wascruel we could have saved many of the people


tural and economic capital that prevailed in Chinesesociety at large (Muumlhlhahn 2000 Will 2004)

16 For a more complete multicausal account seeSteinmetz (2007)

17 Solfrsquos vision of Samoans offered him an imag-inary solution to his metropolitan social-class dilem-ma insofar as it described Samoa as a sort ofmeritocracy of nobles in which honorific titles weregained through strategy struggle skill and deliber-ate selection rather than through inheritance Thefact that Samoan status competition rewarded oratoryand etiquette and disdained monetary wealth (Holmes1969) could have great appeal to a BildungsbuumlrgerThe governorrsquos fondness for Samoans led him togive his own children Samoan names Bildungsbuumlrgerlike Richard Wilhelm (1914) identified with Chinesemandarins for similar reasonsmdashEuropeans had longdescribed the mandarinsrsquo power as grounded in edu-cational merit rather than inheritance

18 Von Trotharsquos proclamation of Oct 2 1904 inBundesarchiv Berlin RKA vol 2089 p 7r


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

and their herds of cattle if we had spared themand allowed them to return their punishmenthad already been sufficientrdquo Von Estorff ldquosug-gested this to General von Trotha but he desiredtheir complete annihilationrdquo (von Estorff1968117) Von Estorff also criticized the dead-ly conditions at the Shark Island POW campwhere 90 percent of the prisoners died due todeliberate neglect (Erichsen 2003)19 Nor wasthere unanimous support among the settlersfor von Trotharsquos course of action (Rohrbach1909) His movement toward the most radicalposition can best be explained by his spiralingclash with Leutwein who retained his title asgovernor until August 1905 Von Trotharsquos boastabout his ldquoblatant terrorism and crueltyrdquo and

ldquorivers of blood and rivers of moneyrdquo was notmade in public after all but in a letter toLeutwein

GERMAN SAMOA German Samoa was a verydifferent sort of colonial state field more hege-monized by one particular definition of ethno-graphic acuity As a result there was morecontinuity in the direction of Samoarsquos nativepolicies But here too we can observe thesharpening of ethnographic visions over timeSolf and Schultz strengthened their opposi-tion to any precipitous ldquomodernizationrdquo ofSamoans the more the settlers pushed for itSolf also defined his approach against theNavy officers especially those he associatedwith the German nobility For example Solfdescribed one navy captain a personal friendof the Kaiser who tried to infringe on Solf rsquosauthority and seemed to favor a return to gun-boat diplomacy in Samoa as ldquostupid and


Map 2mdashSouthwest Africa during the German Colonial Period

Source Map by Rob Haug

19 Report on mortality in the POW camps inSouthwest Africa for the High Command of theColonial Army in Bundesarchiv Berlin RKA vol2140 pp 161ndash162


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

vainrdquo20 During his first overseas posting withthe German Consulate in Calcutta in 1889 Solfhad worked under an aristocratic envoy BaronEdmund von Heyking The relationship betweenSolf and von Heyking was highly antagonisticfrom the start and it came to a crisis when theBaron attacked Solf for his participation in theAsiatic Society of Bengal a famous venue forBritish Sanskritists21 Solf rsquos self-presentationas an Anglicized student of Oriental cultures rep-resented a bid for distinction in an occupation-al milieu still dominated by aristocrats VonHeyking was openly disdainful of the ethno-

graphically curious ranks of the foreign officetranslating staff and during a later posting asGerman Consul to China he was said to viewany interest in Chinese culture as a sign of aldquosubaltern mentalityrdquo (Franke 195498)

Solfrsquos animosity toward the German nobili-ty was intensified by interactions of this sortIndeed Solf was dismissed from his Calcuttaposting But he had the family means to returnto Germany and earn a new law degree whichallowed him to shift into the colonial service andtake up a position as a judge in German EastAfrica His bourgeois background was an essen-tial ingredient in his ability to reassert himselfas a political Bildungsbuumlrger in the officialoverseas service This background also seemsto have contributed to Solf rsquos somewhat defiantself-presentation as an Anglicized cosmopoli-tan gentleman

Solfrsquos view of Samoans stemmed from hisclass habitus and from the mix of capital hebrought with him to the colony and was rein-


Map 3mdashContemporary Oceania Showing Location of Samoa (formerly German Samoa)


20 Solf to Dr Siegfried Genthe February 22 1900in Bundesarchiv Koblenz Wilhelm Solf papers vol20 p 134

21 Solf to von Heyking Sept 4 1890 inBundesarchiv Koblenz Solf papers vol 16 pp71ndash73 von Heyking to Solf January 15 1891 inIbid p 275


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

forced by his parallel struggles in the Germanfield of power and the colonial state fieldAlthough these two realms were relatively inde-pendent of one another he moved back andforth between them and operated in both simul-taneously Solf rsquos ethnographic vision fore-grounded the sorts of hermeneutic and linguisticsensitivities with which he was endowed and thathelped him dominate the Samoan colonial field

GERMAN KIAOCHOW The dynamics of thecolonial state field also illuminate the evolutionof native polices in Kiaochow The GermanNavy invaded the town of Qingdao and the sur-rounding villages in 1897 The ldquoLease Treatyrdquoof 1898 granted Germany sovereignty over thearea it called ldquoKiautschourdquo in ShandongProvince for 99 years22 During the first seven

or eight years of German rule native policyreflected the values of the Navy officers whoserved as governors The Navy and its ThirdNaval Infantry Battalion stationed in Kiaochowwas closely involved in the campaign against theBoxer rebellionmdasha campaign marked by anapotheosis of Sinophobia and brutality againstthe Chinese (Kuss and Martin 2002 Soesemann1976) The Germans tried to extend their con-trol beyond the leasehold boundaries using Navytroops railway lines and coal mining operations(Schrecker 1971) The city of Qingdao wasdesigned according to principles of strict racialand cultural apartheid A bifurcated legal sys-tem subjected the colonyrsquos Chinese subjects todraconian punishments (Crusen 1914Muumlhlhahn 2000)


Map 4mdash Shandong Province 1897 to 1914 Showing Location of German Kiaochow Colony(Jiaozhou leasehold)


22 The leasehold was an area of 553 km2 with80000 to 100000 inhabitants encompassing the vil-

lage of Qingdao several larger towns and 275 vil-lages Qingdao City grew from about 700 to 800inhabitants in 1897 to about 50000 in 1914 (Matzat1998)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

After 1904 the colony began to move awayfrom its violent segregationist beginningsengaging in more open-ended processes of civ-ilizational exchange and cultural syncretismGerman troops pulled back inside the colonyrsquosboundaries In 1907 the Navy secretary beganlaying plans for a ChinesendashGerman universityin Qingdao23 The university which opened in1909 was jointly financed and administeredby the Chinese and German governmentsProfessors from both countries taught Chinesestudents in Western and Chinese disciplines Inthe department of law and political economystudents studied both Chinese and Europeanlaw The department published theGermanndashChinese Legal Journal which carriedChinese translations of German law and a col-umn in German by the Chief Judge of ShandongProvince on important Chinese legal decisionsOne of the schoolrsquos law professors KurtRomberg argued for a synthesis of Germanand Chinese legal forms paraphrasing theConfucian principle of tiyong (substance andfunction or essence and practical use Cua2002) This principle was adopted by Chinesereformers such as Zhang Zhidong who coinedthe phrase ldquothe old [ie Chinese] learning is thesubstancemdashthe new [Western] learning is thevehiclerdquo (Stichler 1989275) Such syncretismaccording to Romberg (191123 25) wouldcontribute to an ldquoorderly staterdquo in China andwould render ldquosuperfluousrdquo European ldquocon-sular jurisdiction and foreign barracksrdquoInstitutions like the GermanndashChinese universi-ty were moving the colony toward processes ofopen-ended transculturation and away fromassumptions of racialndashcivilizational hierarchymdashand therefore away from colonialism

Another example of the change in native pol-icy was the creation of a ldquoChinese Committeerdquoin 1902 (Muumlhlhahn 2000) The committeersquos 12members were selected by Chinese merchantsfrom the three provincial guilds active inKiaochow (Zhang 1986) After 1910 the gov-ernor selected four representatives from these

guilds (Houmlvermann 1914) Although this was astep backward in terms of Chinese control theidea was that the representatives would even-tually become part of the governorrsquos advisorycommittee which had hitherto consisted exclu-sively of Europeans (Mohr 1911) KiaochowrsquosChinese inhabitants were increasingly beingtreated as quasi-citizens A Chinese chamber ofcommerce was created in 1909 (Anon 219092) After 1911 when many former Qingdynasty officials and exiles from the RepublicanRevolution took refuge in Qingdao eliteChinese were permitted to live in the cityrsquosEuropean quarter

These changes were initiated from outside thecolonial state field by the Navy and the GermanForeign Office whose policymakers had decid-ed to cultivate China as an international allybecause Germany was becoming increasinglyisolated in Europe The Navy replacedKiaochowrsquos governor Truppel when he resis-ted granting the Chinese equal status in runningthe university For Truppel such a joint ventureseemed like a colonial ldquocategory mistakerdquo(Begriffsverwirrung) an ldquoinjury to German sov-ereignty in the protectoraterdquo He insisted that theChinese were not the colonizerrsquos partners butrather their ldquocharges (Schutzgenossen)rdquo or ldquosub-jectsrdquo24 He was correct of course at least ifKiaochow was to continue to be a colony

An equally important determinant in the pol-icy shift was the large group of Sinophiles insidethe colonial state most of them translatorsproto-Sinologists or missionaries from the lib-eral Weimar and Berlin mission societies whoregarded China as a civilization equal or supe-rior to Europe (Gerber 2002 Matzat 1985)This group now began to impose its definitionsof ethnographic acuity on the colonial statefield The interpreter-Sinologist Otto Frankeand the missionary-Sinologist Richard Wilhelmwere openly disdainful of German capitalistsand military noblemen (Franke 1954 Wilhelm1914) If these Sinophilic Bildungsbuumlrger hadnot been present the metropolitan authoritiesmight not have accomplished their goal of lib-eralizing Kiaochowrsquos administration The cen-


24 Truppel to von Rex Sept 1 1908 BundesarchivBerlin Deutsche Botschaft China vol 1259 p 35vTruppel to von Rex Aug 18 1908 in Ibid vol1258 p 215

23 The university is discussed in Stichler (1989)Muumlhlhahn (2000) and in a report by Otto FrankeAugust 7 1908 in Bundesarchiv Berlin DeutscheBotschaft China vol 1258 pp 184ndash87 For the lawschoolrsquos curriculum see Deutsch-chinesischeHochschule (1910)


Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

tral state helped legitimate this new dominantgrouping in the colony Native policy was joint-ly determined by geopolitical calculations andthe dynamics of the field although in thisinstance the triggering event was outside thecolony

CONCLUSION THE COLONIALSTATE AND STATE THEORY

The modern colonial state was structured likea field Its internal dynamics of competitionstimulated the production of a continuous streamof ethnographic representations and projectsfor native governance These were the ideacutees-forces that Bourdieu (2000) defines as the stakesof the political field in generalmdashperformativeideas that both represent and divide the socialworld Bourdieu (1996b 1999) analyzed themodern state as the universe of a new noblessede robe (nobility of the gown) based on schol-arly titles rather than pedigrees of noble birthThis scholarly aristocracy Bourdieu arguedworks to establish ldquopositions of bureaucraticpower that will be relatively independent of thepreviously established temporal and spiritualforms of powerrdquo (1996b377) The state helpsreproduce this new nobility by recognizing itscredentials and legitimating its claims to dom-inate the state The state becomes anautonomous field with its own specific form ofcapital By the same token the colonial statefield autonomized itself from the central stateand from the European colonial field of powerand developed its own self-referential strugglesand specific form of symbolic capital

There are several differences between centraland colonial state formation beyond the ques-tions of foreign sovereignty and the rule of dif-ference Bourdieursquos theory of the state is linkedto his writings on the political field whichassume the existence of elections and parlia-mentary or legislative structures Bourdieursquos(2000) brief comments on Soviet-style regimesemphasize that even those states still laid claimto a kind of pseudo-representativeness Thecolonial states examined here however wereessentially dictatorships over European settlersas well as indigenous populations The compe-tition for political power took place entirelyinside the administration courts police armyand other bureaucratic offices Even if weacknowledge that colonial states were dictator-

ships though this does not mean they werenecessarily autonomous from external deter-mination Dictatorships have been analyzed asexpressions of elite social classes (Poulantzas1974) economic interests (Aly 2007) and massideologies (Goldhagen 1996)

The model of the colonial state as a fieldmoves beyond approaches that reduce state pol-icy to extra-state determinations and suggestsone way of rethinking the theme of state auton-omy that has been discussed since Weber andrevived more recently by neo-Marxists and neo-Weberians (Block 1988 Poulantzas 1978 Tilly1990) The state autonomy literature has notbeen able to identify and explain the intereststhat ldquostate managersrdquo pursue This literatureoften falls back on general concepts such as aldquowill to powerrdquo an inherent desire for order oran interest in the accumulation of territory forits own sake Even more problematic are ldquoration-al choicerdquo approaches that set out to describe thestate as autonomous from social-class interestsbut end up reaff irming its heteronomy bydescribing state mangers as maximizers of eco-nomic capital Nor do these theories explainwhy different parts of the state system includ-ing the local state (Steinmetz 1993) and thecolonial state sometimes become partially inde-pendent from the central state but stop short ofprovoking state breakup or fragmentation

Bringing field theory to bear on the localstate and the colonial state also illuminates theshortcomings of Bourdieursquos cursory specula-tions about the state as a ldquocentral bank of sym-bolic creditrdquo (1996b376) that dominates allother fields and is constituted ldquoas the holder ofa sort of meta-capitalrdquo (199957) that under-writes the values of all other species of capitalIn many ways these ideas about the state do notreally correspond to Bourdieursquos insights in therest of his work The state may well have theambition to become a meta-field governed bya form of meta-capital but this does not dis-tinguish the state from the economic or religiousfields from which similarly encompassingambitions also arise The state contributes to theemergence of literary scientific and profes-sional fields by officially consecrating theirmembers but these fields may themselves con-tribute to state formation as shown here Fieldtheory explains why peripheral governmentssometimes become fields in their own rightdeveloping specific internal criteria for judging



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

representations and practices and generatingnew ideacutees-forces and policies By doing thisfield theory sheds light on the ways colonialstates and local or regional governments resistthe centralizing effect of the state sometimesbreaking away altogether This theory may alsoilluminate the centrifugal tendencies and thebreakup of non-colonial empires

In each of the colonies examined here addi-tional causal processes overdetermined theeffects of the colonial state field First the lega-cy of precolonial ethnographic stereotypes pro-vided all the raw materials colonizers used toelaborate their ideas about the treatment of thecolonized and in their struggles with one anoth-er Second colonizersrsquo identifications withimages of the colonized across the racialndashcul-tural boundary could either strengthen or under-cut their commitment to an ethnographic visionthat promised to help them accumulate field-specific capital

A third mediating mechanism was respons-es by the colonized For any native policy regimeto succeed the colonized (or at least some of thecolonized) had to be willing to play theirassigned parts In Samoa Matarsquoafa Iosefaagreed to step into the role of ldquoParamountChiefrdquo which the Germans created and assignedto him Conversely the uprising in SouthwestAfrica that started in 1904 brought Leutweinrsquossystem of native policy to a sudden halt

A fourth mechanism was rooted in interna-tional relations The German chief of staff sup-ported von Trotharsquos genocidal course of actionpartly to palliate the international humiliationof defeat by an African adversary during the firstpart of 1904 In Kiaochow during the yearsbefore the Great War geopolitical interests ledthe German Navy foreign office and diplo-matic corps to throw their weight behind theldquoSinophilesrdquo in the colonial administration in aneffort to curry favor with Beijing Europeaneconomic interests and goals also played a rolein shaping native policy

There is every reason to expect that FrenchBritish and Dutch colonies were also struc-tured as fields and that ethnographic capitalwas often their characteristic form of symbol-ic capital It seems unlikely that the compara-tive salience of educational capital or theunusual prestige of the Bildungsbuumlrgertum innineteenth-century Germany (Conze and Kocka[1985] 1992) led to a uniquely strong empha-

sis on claims to ethnographic expertise in theGerman colonies Historians of the British(Cannadine 2001 Comaroff and Comaroff1991ndash1997 Hall 2002) and French (Cohen1971 Sibeud 2002) empires have shown thatsymbolic class struggles also raged amongBritish and French colonizers Goh (2007 2008)shows that native policymaking was driven inpart by internal struggles among colonizers inthe American Philippines and British Malaya inwhich colonizers made claims to ethnographicmastery As for early modern colonial states itmay well be that ethnographic capital was notas important in this period for the reasons dis-cussed in this article What about the typical USimperial strategy of indirect empire (Mannforthcoming) which encourages the creationof dependent but autonomous regimes TheUnited States may attempt to avoid reliance onplace-specific ethnographic knowledge andapply universal ldquoneoliberalrdquo theories of marketsmodernization and democratization (Steinmetz2003) Eventually though even this imperialstrategy may be forced to abandon universaltheory and call for more detailed ethnographicadvice (Rohde 2007) opening the door to thekinds of competitive dynamics discussed here

George Steinmetz is Professor of Sociology at theUniversity of Michigan His previous work includesRegulating the Social The Welfare State and LocalPolitics in Imperial Germany (Princeton UniversityPress 1993) StateCulture State Formation after theCultural Turn (Cornell University Press 1999) ThePolitics of Method in the Human Sciences (DukeUniversity Press 2005) The Devilrsquos HandwritingPrecoloniality and the German Colonial State inQingdao Samoa and Southwest Africa (Universityof Chicago Press 2007) and the documentary filmldquoDetroit Ruin of a Cityrdquo codirected and producedwith Michael Chanan (Intellect Books 2006)

REFERENCES

Alatas Hussein Syed 1977 The Myth of the LazyNative London UK Cass

Aly Goumltz 2007 Hitlerrsquos Beneficiaries New YorkMetropolitan

Anon 1 1854ndash1855 ldquoUnsere Namaqua- und Herero-Missionrdquo Berichte der RheinischenMissionsgesellschaft 11(10)145ndash52

Anon 2 1909 ldquoDie chinesische Handelskammer inTsingtaurdquo Tsingtauer Neuste NachrichtenOctober 12 pp 2ndash3

Austen Ralph and Jonathan Derrick 1999



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

Middlemen of the Cameroons Rivers CambridgeUK Cambridge University Press

Bergesen Albert and Ronald Schoenberg 1980ldquoLong Waves of Colonial Expansion andContractionrdquo Pp 231ndash77 in Studies of the ModernWorld-System edited by A Bergesen New YorkAcademic Press

Blackbourn David 1998 The Long NineteenthCentury A History of Germany 1780ndash1918 NewYork Oxford University Press

Block Fred 1988 ldquoBeyond Relative AutonomyState Managers as Historical Subjectsrdquo Pp 81ndash98in Revising State Theory Philadelphia PA TempleUniversity Press

Bourdieu Pierre 1958 Sociologie de lrsquoAlgerie ParisPresses universitaires de France

mdashmdashmdash 1991 ldquoPolitical Representation Elementsfor a Theory of the Political Fieldrdquo Pp 171ndash202in Language and Symbolic Power CambridgeMA Harvard University Press

mdashmdashmdash 1993 ldquoSome Properties of Fieldsrdquo Pp72ndash77 in Sociology in Question London UKSage

mdashmdashmdash 1996a The Rules of Art Cambridge UKPolity Press

mdashmdashmdash 1996b The State Nobility Elite Schoolsand the Field of Power Stanford CA StanfordUniversity Press

mdashmdashmdash 1997 ldquoPassport to Dukerdquo Metaphilosophy28(4)449ndash55

mdashmdashmdash 1999 ldquoRethinking the State Genesis andStructure of the Bureaucratic Fieldrdquo Pp 53ndash75 inStateCulture edited by G Steinmetz Ithaca NYCornell University Press

mdashmdashmdash 2000 Propos sur le champ politique LyonPresses universitaires de Lyon

Buumllow Franz Joseph von 1896 Deutsch-Suumldwestafrika Berlin ES Mittler

Cannadine David 2001 Ornamentalism How theBritish Saw Their Empire Oxford UK OxfordUniversity Press

Chatterjee Partha 1993 The Nation and ItsFragments Princeton NJ Princeton UniversityPress

Cohen William B 1971 Rulers of Empire TheFrench Colonial Service in Africa Stanford CAHoover Institution Press

Comaroff Jean and John Comaroff 1991ndash1997 OfRevelation and Revolution 2 Vols Chicago ILUniversity of Chicago Press

Conze Werner and Juumlrgen Kocka eds [1985] 1992Bildungssystem und Professionalisierung in inter-nationalen Vergleichen Stuttgart Klett-Cotta

Cooper Fred 1996 Decolonization and AfricanSociety Cambridge UK Cambridge UniversityPress

Craig Gordon A 1955 The Politics of the PrussianArmy 1650ndash1945 Oxford UK Oxford UniversityPress

Crusen Georg 1914 ldquoModerne Gedanken imChinesen-Strafrecht des KiautschougebietesrdquoMitteilungen der internationalen kriminalistischenVereinigung 21(1)134ndash42

Cua Antonio S 2002 ldquoOn the Ethical Significanceof the Ti-Yong Distinctionrdquo Journal of ChinesePhilosophy 29(2)163ndash70

Deeken Richard 1901 Manuia SamoaSamoanische Reiseskizzen und BeobachtungenOldenburg Gerhard Stalling

Dening Greg 2004 Beach Crossings Voyagingacross Times Cultures and Self Philadelphia PAUniversity of Pennsylvania Press

Deutsch-chinesische Hochschule 1910 Programmder deutsch-chinesischen Hochschule in TsingtauTsingtau (Qingdao) Np

Deutschland in China 1900ndash1901 1902 DuumlsseldorfA Bagel

Drechsler Horst 1996 Suumldwestafrika unter deutsch-er Kolonialherrschaft Stuttgart Franz SteinerVerlag

Drygalski Erich von 1905 ldquoGedaumlchtnisrede aufFerdinand Freiherr von Richthofenrdquo Zeitschriftder Gesellschaft fuumlr Erdkunde zu Berlin 40681ndash97

Du Bois W E B [1945] 1975 Color andDemocracy Millwood NY Kraus-ThomsonOrganization

Erbar Ralph 1991 Ein lsquoPlatz an der Sonnersquo DieVerwaltungs- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte derdeutschen Kolonie Togo 1884ndash1914 StuttgartFranz Steiner Verlag

Erichsen Casper W 2003 ldquoZwangsarbeit imKonzentrationslager auf der Haifischinselrdquo Pp80ndash85 in Voumllkermord in Deutsch-Suumldwestafrikaedited by J Zimmerer and J Zeller Berlin Links

Esterhuyse J H 1968 South West Africa 1880ndash1894Cape Town C Stuik (Pty) Ltd

Estorff Ludwig von 1968 Wanderungen undKaumlmpfe in Suumldwestafrika Ostafrika und SuumldafrikaWiesbaden Wiesbadener Kurier Verlag

Fabian Johannes 1983 Time and the Other HowAnthropology Makes its Object New YorkColumbia University Press

Fischer Eugen 1913 Die Rehobother Bastards unddas Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen JenaVerlag von Gustav Fischer

Franccedilois Alfred von 1905 Der Hottentotten-Aufstand Berlin Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn

Franccedilois Curt von 1972 Ohne Schu durch dick undduumlnn Erste Erforschung des TogohinterlandesIdstein Esch-Waldems (Eigenverlag)

Franke Otto 1954 Erinnerungen aus zwei WeltenBerlin Walter de Gruyter amp Co

Freimut Ernst 1909 Gedanken am WegeReiseplaudereien aus Deutsch-SuumldwestafrikaBerlin Deutscher Kolonial-Verlag

Fritsch Gustav 1872 Die Eingeborenen Suumldafrikasethnographisch und anatomisch beschriebenBreslau Hirt



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

Gann Lewis H and Peter Duignan 1977 The Rulersof German Africa 1884ndash1914 Stanford CAStanford University Press

Gerber Lydia 2002 Von Voskamps lsquoheidnischemTreibenrsquound Wilhelms lsquohoumlherem ChinarsquoHamburgHamburger Sinologische Gesellschaft

Go Julian Forthcoming American Empire and thePolitics of Meaning Durham NC Duke UniversityPress

Goh Daniel 2007 ldquoStates of EthnographyColonialism Resistance and Cultural Transcriptionin Malaya and the Philippines 1890sndash1930srdquoComparative Studies in Society and History49(1)109ndash42

mdashmdashmdash 2008 ldquoGenegravese de lrsquoeacutetat colonial Politiquescolonisatrices et reacutesistance indigegravene (Malaisie bri-tannique Philippines ameacutericaines)rdquo Actes de larecherche en sciences sociales 171ndash17256ndash73

Goldhagen Daniel Jonah 1996 Hitlerrsquos WillingExecutioners New York Alfred A Knopf

Grosrichard Alain 1998 The Sultanrsquos CourtEuropean Fantasies of the East London UKVerso

Gruumlnder Horst 2004 Geschichte der deutschenKolonien 5th ed Paderborn Ferdinand Schoumlningh

Hall Catherine 2002 Civilising Subjects Metropoleand Colony in the English Imagination1830ndash1867 Oxford UK Polity

Hegel Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 1983 Hegel and theHuman Spirit Detroit MI Wayne State UniversityPress

Holmes Lowell D 1969 ldquoSamoan Oratoryrdquo Journalof American Folklore 82(326)342ndash52

Houmlvermann Otto 1914 Kiautschou Verwaltung undGerichtsbarkeit Tuumlbingen JCB Mohr

Knoll Arthur J 1978 Togo under Imperial Germany1884ndash1914 A Case Study in Colonial RuleStanford CA Hoover Institution Press

Koselleck Reinhart ed 1990 Bildungsguumlter undBildungswissen Stuttgart Klett-Cotta

Koumlssler Reinhart 2005 In Search of Survival andDignity Two Traditional Communities in SouthernNamibia under South African Rule WindhoekNamibia Gamsberg Macmillan

Kuss Susanne and Bernd Martin eds 2002 DasDeutsche Reich und der Boxeraufstand MuumlnchenIudicium

Lanzar Maria C 1930ndash1932 ldquoThe Anti-ImperialistLeaguerdquo The Philippine Social Science ReviewVol III(1)8ndash41 Vol III(2)118ndash32 VolIV(4)239ndash54

Lardinois Roland 2008 ldquoEntre monopole marcheacuteet religion Lrsquoeacutemergence de lrsquoEacutetat colonial en Indeanneacutees 1760ndash1810rdquo Actes de la recherche en sci-ences sociales 171ndash17290ndash103

Lebovics Herman 1992 True France Ithaca NYCornell University Press

Linnekin Jocelyn 1991 ldquoIgnoble Savages and OtherEuropean Visions The La Perouse Affair in

Samoan Historyrdquo The Journal of Pacific History263ndash26

Louis William Roger 1963 Ruanda-Urundi1884ndash1919 Oxford UK Clarendon Press

Lundtofte Henrik 2003 ldquolsquoI believe that the nationas such must be annihilated ||rsquo mdashthe Radicali-zation of the German Suppression of the HereroRising in 1904rdquo Pp 15ndash53 in Genocide edited byS L B Jensen and G Llewellyn KoslashbenhavnDanish Center for Holocaust and GenocideStudies

Mamdani Mahmood 1996 Citizen and SubjectPrinceton NJ Princeton University Press

Mann Michael Forthcoming ldquoThe RecentIntensification of American Economic and MilitaryImperialism Are They Connectedrdquo In Sociologyand Empire edited by G Steinmetz Durham NCDuke University Press

Martin John Levi 2003 ldquoWhat Is Field TheoryrdquoAmerican Journal of Sociology 109(1)1ndash49

Matzat Wilhelm 1985 Die Tsingtauer Landordungdes Chinesenkommissars Wilhelm SchrameierBonn Selbstverlag des Herausgebers

mdashmdashmdash 1998 ldquoAlltagsleben im SchutzgebietZivilisten und Militaumlrs Chinesen und DeutscherdquoPp 106ndash20 in Tsingtau Ein Kapitel deutscherKolonialgeschichte in China 1897ndash1914 edited byH Hinz and C Lind Berlin DeutschesHistorisches Museum

Meleisea Malama 1987 The Making of ModernSamoa Suva Fiji Institute of Pacific Studies ofthe University of the South Pacific

Menzel Gustav 1992 CG Buumlttner WuppertalGermany Verlag der Vereinigten EvangelischenMission

Merians Linda E 1998 ldquolsquoHottentotrsquo The Emergenceof an Early Modern Racist Epithetrdquo ShakespeareStudies 26123ndash44

Meyer Herrmann Julius 1926 Meyers Lexikon 7thed Vol 4 Leipzig Bibliographisches Institut

Michel Marc 1970 ldquoLes plantations allemandes dumont Camerounrdquo Revue franccedilaise drsquohistoiredrsquooutre-mer 57(2)183ndash213

Mohr F W 1911 Handbuch fuumlr das SchutzgebietKiautschou Leipzig Koumlhler

Muumlhlhahn Klaus 2000 Herrschaft und Widerstandin der ldquoMusterkolonierdquo Kiautschou Muumlnchen ROldenbourg

Muumlller Friedrich 1873 Allgemeine EthnographieVienna Austria Alfred Houmllder

Osterhammel Juumlrgen 1987 ldquoForschungsreise undKolonialprogramm Ferdinand von Richthofen unddie Erschlieung Chinas im 19 Jhrdquo Archiv fuumlrKulturgeschichte 69150ndash97

mdashmdashmdash 2005 Colonialism Princeton NJ MarkusWiener Publishers

Philippi Hans 1985 ldquoDas deutsche diplomatischeKorps 1871ndash1914rdquo Pp 41ndash80 in Das



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

Diplomatische Korps 1871ndash1945 edited by KSchwabe Boppard am Rhein Harald Boldt Verlag

Pool Gerhard 1991 Samuel Maherero WindhoekGamsberg Macmillan Publishers

Poulantzas Nicos 1974 Fascism and DictatorshipNew York Verso

mdashmdashmdash 1978 Political Power and Social ClassesNew York Verso

Radkau Joachim 2005 Max Weber die Leidenschaftdes Denkens Muumlnchen Hanser

Reinhard Wolfgang 1978 ldquolsquoSozialimperialismusrsquooder lsquoEntkolonialiserung der HistoriersquoKolonialkrise und lsquoHottentottenwahlenrsquo1904ndash1907rdquo Historisches Jahrbuch9798384ndash417

Ringer Fritz K 1969 The Decline of the GermanMandarins The German Academic Community1890ndash1933 Cambridge MA Harvard UniversityPress

Robinson Ronald 1986 ldquoThe Excentric Idea ofImperialism with or without Empirerdquo Pp 267ndash89in Imperialism and After edited by W J Mommsenand J Osterhammel London UK Allen amp Unwin

Rohde David 2007 ldquoArmy Enlists Anthropology inWar Zonesrdquo New York Times October 5 pp A1A12

Rohrbach Paul 1909 Aus Suumldwest-Afrikas schwerenTagen Berlin Wilhelm Weicher

Romberg Kurt 1911 ldquoKu Hung Mingrdquo Deutsch-chi-nesische Rechtszeitung 1(1)22ndash26

Ross Edward A 1911 The Changing Chinese NewYork The Century Co

Said Edward 1978 Orientalism New York VintageSchmidt Galumalemana Netina 1994 ldquoThe Land

and Titles Court and Customary Tenure in WesternSamoardquo Pp 169ndash82 in Land Issues in the Pacificedited by R Crocombe and M Meleisea SuvaFiji University of the South Pacific

Schrecker J E 1971 Imperialism and ChineseNationalism Cambridge MA Harvard UniversityPress

Schultz Erich 1911 ldquoThe Most Important Principlesof Samoan Family Lawrdquo The Journal of thePolynesian Society 2043ndash53

Schultze Leonhard Sigmund 1907 Aus Namalandund Kalahari Jena Gustav Fischer

Sebald Peter 1988 Togo 1884ndash1914 BerlinAkademie-Verlag

Seelemann Dirk Alexander 1982 ldquoThe Social andEconomic Development of the KiaochouLeasehold (Shantung China) under GermanAdministration 1897ndash1914rdquo PhD dissertationUniversity of Toronto

Sibeud Emmanuelle 2002 Une science imperialepour lrsquoAfrique La construction des savoirsafricanistes en France 1878ndash1930 Paris Eacutecoledes hautes eacutetudes en sciences sociales

Soesemann Bernd 1976 ldquoDie sog Hunnenrede

Wilhelms IIrdquo Historische Zeitschrift222(3)342ndash58

Solf Wilhelm 1906 ldquoEntwicklung desSchutzgebiets Programmrdquo Bundesarchiv KoblenzWilhelm Solf papers Vol 27 pp 64ndash114

Steinmetz George 1993 Regulating the Social TheWelfare State and Local Politics in ImperialGermany Princeton NJ Princeton UniversityPress

mdashmdashmdash 1999 ldquoCulture and the Staterdquo Pp 1ndash49 inStateCulture edited by G Steinmetz Ithaca NYCornell University Press

mdashmdashmdash 2003 ldquoThe State of Emergency and theNew American Imperialism Toward anAuthoritarian Post-Fordismrdquo Public Culture15(2)323ndash46

mdashmdashmdash 2004 ldquoThe Uncontrollable Afterlives ofEthnography Lessons from German lsquoSalvageColonialismrsquo for a New Age of EmpirerdquoEthnography 5251ndash88

mdashmdashmdash 2006 ldquoBourdieursquos Disavowal of LacanPsychoanalytic Theory and the Concepts oflsquoHabitusrsquoand lsquoSymbolic Capitalrsquordquo Constellations13(4)445ndash64

mdashmdashmdash 2007 The Devilrsquos HandwritingPrecolonial Ethnography and the German ColonialState in Qingdao Samoa and Southwest AfricaChicago IL University of Chicago Press

mdashmdashmdash Forthcoming ldquoLa sociologie historique enAllemagne et aux Etats-Unis un transfert manqueacute(1930ndash1970)rdquo Genegraveses 71 (June 2008)

Stichler Hans-Christian 1989 Das GouvernementJiaozhou und die deutsche Kolonialpolitik inShandong 1897ndash1909 PhD dissertation HumboldtUniversity Berlin

Stocking George Jr 1987 Victorian AnthropologyNew York The Free Press

Sumner William Graham [1898] 1911 ldquoTheConquest of the United States by Spainrdquo Pp297ndash334 in War and other Essays New HavenCT Yale University Press

Tilly Charles 1990 Coercion Capital and EuropeanStates AD 990ndash1990 Cambridge MA Blackwell

Trotha Trutz von 1994 Koloniale HerrschaftTuumlbingen JCB Mohr

Turner R Steven 1980 ldquoThe Bildungsbuumlrgertumand the Learned Professions in Prussia1770ndash1830 The Origins of a Classrdquo HistoireSociale-Social History 13(25)105ndash35

Wareham Evelyn 2002 Race and Realpolitik ThePolitics of Colonisation in German SamoaFrankfurt am Main Peter Lang

Weber Max 1958 ldquoPolitics as a Vocationrdquo Pp77ndash128 in From Max Weber Essays in Sociologyedited by H Gerth and C Wright Mills New YorkOxford University Press

Weigand Guido 1985 ldquoGerman Settlement Patternsin Namibiardquo Geographical Review 75(2)156ndash69

Werner Wolfgang 1993 ldquoA Brief History of Land



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

Dispossession in Namibiardquo Journal of SouthernAfrican Studies 19(1)135ndash46

Wilhelm Richard 1914 ldquoAus unserer Arbeit(Konfuziusgesellschaft)rdquo Zeitschrift fuumlrMissionskunde und Religionswissenschaft8248ndash51

Will Pierre Eacutetienne 2004 ldquoLa distinction chez lesmandarinsrdquo Pp 215ndash32 in La liberteacute par la con-naissance Pierre Bourdieu (1930ndash2002) edited byJ Bouveresse and D Roche Paris Odile Jacob

Wright Erik Olin 1985 Classes London UK VersoYacine Tassadit 2004 ldquoPierre Bourdieu in Algeria

at Warrdquo Ethnography 5(4)487ndash509

Yee Albert S 1996 ldquoThe Causal Effects of Ideas onPoliticsrdquo International Organization 5069ndash108

Young Crawford 1994 The African Colonial Statein Comparative Perspective New Haven CT YaleUniversity Press

Zhang Yufa 1986 ldquoQingdao de shiliquanrdquo Pp801ndash38 in Jindai Zhongguo quyushi yantaohuilunwenji ed Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yan-jiusuo Taipei Academia Sinica

Zimmerer Juumlrgen 2001 Deutsche Herrschaft uumlberAfrikaner Muumlnster Lit

Zimmerer Juumlrgen and Joachim Zeller eds 2003Voumllkermord in Deutsch-Suumldwestafrika BerlinLinks



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027

1993) and even in the 1980s ldquoalmost thirtypercent of the estimated 6000 farm units wereowned by Germans or by persons of Germandescent who spoke German at homerdquo (Weigand1985156ndash57) The Ovaherero Witbooi andother Khoikhoi or Nama communities contin-ue to struggle with the traumatic aftereffects ofthe genocidal war that ended a century ago(Koumlssler 2005 Zimmerer and Zeller 2003) InSamoa some of the institutions introduced bythe Germans have been maintained by the inde-pendent postcolonial state including the Landand Titles Court which was created to adjudi-cate intra-Samoan disputes over the inheritanceof chiefly titles (Meleisea 1987 Schmidt 1994)

A theoretical enigma emerges alongside thisempirical puzzle as soon as we try to applyexisting theories of colonialism to these casesWorld system theory focuses on historical wavesof colonization and decolonization and tries toexplain why countries in the global core acquireand relinquish colonies (Bergesen andSchoenberg 1980) This theory is not interest-ed though in explaining intercolonial varia-tions in policy even when they are as significantas the difference between massacre and cultur-al salvage Marxist accounts often claim thatcolonial officials are ldquoeither identical with thecommercial men or more or less under theirdominationrdquo (Du Bois [1945] 197521) yethave difficulty accounting for policies thatdirectly contradict the demands and interests ofEuropean investors planters and settlers

A different class-analytic approach predictsa general association between settler colonial-ism and extreme levels of violence directedagainst the colonized (Osterhammel 2005) Ifthis theory were correct we would expectGerman colonialism to have been more violentin Samoa than in Southwest Africa becauseSamoa had more settlers than Namibia at theirrespective moments of colonial annexation(1900 and 1884) and was more attractive andprofitable for Europeans at that time Yet theGerman colonial state created a settler societyin Southwest Africa through deliberate policyand discouraged further white settlement inSamoa Settler interests cannot explain why thecolonial state responded to resistance in Samoawith appeasing gestures while engaging in geno-cide expropriation and forced proletarianiza-tion in Southwest Africa In German Cameroonthe colonial state promoted a European-con-

trolled plantation sector whereas in GermanTogo it discouraged plantations in favor ofAfrican smallholders (Erbar 1991 Michel 1970Sebald 1988) Class structures were as much theresult of colonial state policy as they were itsdeterminants

The ldquoperipheralistrdquo or ldquoexcentricrdquo approachargues that colonialism is shaped mainly byresistance and collaboration among the colo-nized (Robinson 1986) Like the precedingapproach this theory cannot explain varyingstate responses to resistance in different con-texts It cannot explain for example why theGermans responded to uprisings in Kiaochowand its hinterland with extreme violence andrepression during the first part of the colonialperiod but with conciliatory gestures in thesecond part

Postcolonial or discourse-theoreticalapproaches do not fare much better Much ofthis research is inspired by the thesis that thestate is a product of ldquoideasrdquo or ldquoculturerdquo(Steinmetz 1999 Yee 1996) and more specifi-cally by Saidrsquos (1978117) dictum that ldquofromtravelerrsquos tales || colonies were createdrdquo Thisapproach is correct insofar as all the ideologi-cal raw materials used by colonial policymak-ers in forging native policy were drawn from thecorpus of representations of native cultures thatEuropeans brought with them into the newlyconquered territories There is a strong surface-level correlation between the main thrust ofnative policies in each of the German coloniesand the dominant strand of precolonial ethno-logical discourse concerning the relevant indige-nous populations But precolonial ethnographywas too multivocal to permit an explanatoryshort-circuit from ethnographic discourse tocolonial practice Saidrsquos (197896) claim thatEuropean discourse about non-European cul-tures ldquocould never revise itself rdquo is belied by thesheer polysemy of most European ethnograph-ic and Orientalist discourse in the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries At the moment of imperi-alist conquest a plurality of possible framingswere available for characterizing the colonizedThe main thrust of German statecraft inKiaochow was organized around two differentvisions of the Chinesemdashinitially Sinophobiaand later Sinophilia As this study shows thesetransformations in native governance were relat-ed to reversals of fortune among the main elitegroups competing inside the colonial bureau-



Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027













Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027












Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027












Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027













Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027









Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027








REFERENCES








Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











































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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027













Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027













Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027













Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027









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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027








REFERENCES








Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027











































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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027










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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027









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Mon 04 Aug 2008 170027








REFERENCES








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REFERENCES








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The Colonial State as a Social Field: Ethnographic …geostein/docs/SteinmetzASR2008.pdf · percent...

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