The Cappadotian Fathers

8/18/2019 The Cappadotian Fathers

1/16

The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical PoliticsAuthor(s): Philip M. Beagon

Source: Vigiliae Christianae , Vol. 49, No. 2 (May, 1995), pp. 165-179

Published by: Brill

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1584393Accessed: 22-04-2016 17:34 UTC

R F R N S

Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:

http://www.jstor.org/stable/1584393?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents

You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at

http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted

digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about

JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Brill is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Vigiliae Christianae

This content downloaded from 212.128.132.111 on Fri, 22 Apr 2016 17:34:24 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms


2/16

THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS, WOMEN AND

ECCLESIASTICAL POLITICS

BY

PHILIP M. BEAGON

It will be the task of a future generation of social historians to explain

the explosion of interest in the role of women in the early church seen

in the last twenty years or so. Averil Cameron has analysed some of the

contemporary factors at work, prominent among them being the issue

of the ordination of women.' Various factions in the modern

theological debate seek to interpret the ancient texts in ways that sup-

port their respective positions. But there is a further problem; the

evidential status of those selfsame texts to which each side appeals. This

question also has been tackled by Professor Cameron. She wishes to put

us on guard against the rhetoric of the Cappadocian Fathers, especially

the two Gregories, when they wrote about women, in particular the

sister of Gregory of Nyssa and Basil of Caesarea, Macrina:2

...for just as real women were denied an answer to the rhetoric of their por-

trayal, so a male author ostensibly writing about women was writing about

authority and control, and about the resolution of irreconcilable polarities.

Like the other major writers of the period...each of them also wrote on

Christological themes and on the theory and practice of virginity.

One would not wish to argue with the contention that we must under-

stand the way in which the church fathers say what they say. But form

and content are not necessarily uneasy bedfellows. Indeed I hope to

show how the recoverable historical data actually explains the highly

favourable rhetorical portrayal of Macrina with which we are con-

fronted in the Vita Macrinae and the De Anima et Resurrectione.3

I shall also try to make a wider point. It may well be true that one

can see the writings of Basil and the two Gregories on virginity and

related topics as part of a 'repressive discourse' aiming at control and

subordination. But one should also acknowledge that those same

patristic sources enable one to paint a very different picture. Verna

Harrison has well shown how the theological attitude of the Cappado-

? E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1995

Vigiliae Christianae 49, 165-179



3/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

cian Fathers towards women is much more positive than is often

imagined.4 She has demonstrated how it is the first creation account in

Genesis 1. 27, where God creates male and female together, rather than

the second (Gen. 2. 22), where Eve is created from Adam's rib, which

underpins the Cappadocians' patristic anthropology.5 As a result the

stress in their thinking is upon the equality of men and women rather

than the subordination of the female to the male. Hence Basil writes

(Hom. on Psalm 1, PG 29 216D-217A), the virtue of man and woman

is one, since also the creation is of equal honour for both, and so the

reward for both is the same. Listen to Genesis. 'God', it says, 'created

the human; in the image of God he created them; male and female he

created them'. And the nature being one, their activities also are the

same; and the work being equal, their reward also is the same . Like-

wise in the Vita Moysis (GNO VII 1, p. 5, 1. 16f.) Gregory of Nyssa

speaks of male and female having an equal capacity to choose the path

of virtue or vice. The growth of ascetic movements in Asia Minor, in

which distinctions between male and female were blurred, surely helped

to mould Cappadocian patristic thought on this issue.6 It is interesting

to contrast the attitude of Basil and the two Gregories with the views

of a contemporary writing at Rome, Ambrosiaster. As has been recently

argued, he relies upon the second creation account in Genesis to support

his views on the subordination of the female to the male; perhaps in

reaction to the threat posed to clerical authority by the circle of high-

born female ascetics gathered around Jerome.7

On a theological level therefore the 'progressive' views of the Cap-

padocian Fathers on male-female equality have been demonstrated.

What this paper will seek to add is a demonstration of the importance

and vitality of women both in the actual development of ecclesiastical

structures in Cappadocia at the time and also in the theological debates

then raging. Peter Brown has written that:8

Macrina represented for Gregory the quiet antipodes of the world of the

city in which he and his great brother Basil had made their way at such

great cost. That world was always far from her.

In The Body and Society Brown creates a powerful image of Cap-

padocian Christianity as tranquil and gelid, offering a contrast with hot

deserts and frantic cities. Attractive though the picture is, to imagine the

Cappadocian religious female as only inhabiting some quiet antipodes

will not do. She is also to be found in the thick of the ecclesiastical

politics

166



4/16

THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS, WOMEN AND ECCLESIASTICAL POLITICS

I I

In 375 Basil sat down to write a letter which marked the formal rup-

ture from his long-time friend and mentor, Eustathius, bishop of

Sebaste in Armenia Minor. Eustathius had been Basil's initial inspira-

tion in the monastic life, inducing him to give up his studies at Athens

in the mid-350s. However Eustathius' heterodox views on the divinity

of the Holy Spirit had caused Basil increasing episcopal embarrassment.

The final straw was the circulation by Eustathius of a purported cor-

respondence between Basil and the famous heretic Apollinaris, which

had allegedly taken place some fifteen to twenty years earlier. Basil was

therefore constrained to offer a defence of his theological orthodoxy:

I have never held erroneous opinions about God, or, being otherwise

minded, unlearned them later. The conception of God which I received in

childhood from my blessed mother and my grandmother Macrina, this,

developed, have I held within me. (Ep. 223)

Basil also appeals to the authority of his grandmother, in Ep. 204, as

his link with the authentic traditions of Gregory Thaumaturgus, the

acknowledged founding-father of Pontic-Cappadocian Christianity.9

Gregory of Nazianzus tells us (Or. 43, 6) how the elder Macrina pre-

served the faith in the hills during the persecutions. One should also

note the martyr Julitta, in whose honour a sermon of Basil survives (PG

31 237-262). While it is true that Basil begins by saying that it is hardly

appropriate to call Julitta a woman, given the way she has transcended

the weakness of her sex, it is more significant to note the positive role

envisaged for women in this text.'? As Julitta walks happily to the fires

of martyrdom she exhorts the women of Caesarea not to use the

weakness of their sex as an excuse for not equalling men in the practice

of virtue. Women, she says, are made from the same cupa,ua as men.

The correspondence of the Cappadocian Fathers and John

Chrysostom reveals that the rich female landowner was still a feature of

Cappadocia in the late fourth century. In the letters of Gregory of

Nazianzus (Ep. 57 = Bas. Ep. 321) we read of the vineyards of Thecla

supporting thirsty church-builders. Simplicia (G. Naz. Ep. 79) is a

woman of some substance. Basil does battle with the authorities over

the financial affairs of the widow Julitta (Epp. 107-9). In Ep. 296 he

gravely thanks an unnamed woman for the loan of a mule.'2 John

Chrysostom tells us that Olympias had land-holdings in Cappadocia

(Ep. 9.2). Such women as these were the bedrock of Cappadocian

1 67



5/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

Christianity. I shall demonstrate presently how correspondence with

such women was a forum for the discussion and definition of matters

of church teaching and discipline.

It is in such a tradition therefore that one must locate Macrina.

Gregory of Nyssa supplies the details about his family's social status

and wealth. The eldest in a family of nine, Macrina is the only one of

five sisters whose name is known. Indeed Macrina had two names. Her

mother Emmelia had a vision just before Macrina's birth in which it was

revealed that her child was to carry the secret name of Thecla. The

follower of St. Paul was a potent role-model in Christian Anatolia and

the name was common in Cappadocia at this time.'3 Indeed, not long

after Gregory wrote, one of the saint's good works was to protect

imperial messengers crossing Cappadocia.'4 That Macrina should bear

this secret name is one indication that Gregory's account is much more

than just a biography of his sister, as much recent research has

stressed.'5 But as well as being part of a wider rhetorical discourse the

Vita remains, on perhaps a more prosaic level, a vital source of pros-

opographical information about her family. Macrina is portrayed as the

rock at its heart. When her father dies she ensures that her mother does

not react with an unseemly display of grief. She undertakes the educa-

tion of the youngest son, Peter, and ensures it has a sound biblical basis.

There is no reason to doubt this information-certainly no way of

disproving it-but when Gregory asserts that Macrina was the crucial

influence in converting his brother Basil to asceticism, after he returned

from Athens puffed up by academic success, it is a different matter.

This does not fit happily with Basil's own account of his spiritual

development. What is missing in the Vita Macrinae is any mention of

Eustathius of Sebaste.

III

Eustathius is one of the more colourful figures of fourth century

ecclesiastical politics.'6 His ecclesiastical career goes back to the 320s

(Soc. 2.43.1-7, Soz. 2.24.9) and he may have been a pupil of Arius (Bas.

Epp. 130 and 223). Although excommunicated by the council of

Gangra, he was bishop of Sebaste by the late 350s.'7 Sozomen (3.14.31-

37) highlights Eustathius' role as a founder of monasticism, which we

know to have been of an extreme kind. The canons of the Council of

Gangra condemn the ascetic excesses of the Eustathians-in particular

1 68



6/16


the abolition of gender differences. But interestingly, the ultra-orthodox

Epiphanius of Salamis concedes that many thought Eustathius

admirable for his life and conduct (Panarion 75).

One such was clearly Basil. In Ep. 244 Basil describes himself as

having been a slave of Eustathius since boyhood and in the earliest sur-

viving Basilian letter, dating from the mid-350s, Ep. 1, Basil tells how

he followed his mentor all over the near-east in pursuit of his

'philosophia', i.e. asceticism.'8 Eustathius was a leading figure in the

Homoiousian party in the 360s and 370s and for at least part of that

time Basil was his acolyte, attending the Council of Constantinople in

359-60: from Basil's point of view an inglorious episode. It is no sur-

prise that the information is preserved for us only in the fragments of

the Arian Philostorgius and in the words of Eunomius, albeit through

the distorting prism of Gregory of Nyssa's Contra Eunomium.'9 In 364

Basil acted as an adviser to Eustathius before the Council of Lampsacus

and it seems probable that Basil wrote his Contra Eunomium about this

time at Eustathius' request.

Relations between Basil and Eustathius were still good at the outset

of Basil's episcopate. Basil turned to two disciples of Eustathius, Basil

and Sophronius, when he founded his hospice (Epp. 119 & 223). How-

ever, towards the end of 371, Eustathius' disciples left Caesarea, accus-

ing Basil of Sabellianism. Basil (Ep. 119) sent his brother, Peter, to

Eustathius to explain things. Then Basil and Eustathius met in June 372

at Sebaste where they came to an agreement on the Holy Spirit. But

Basil now found himself shunned by the Nicene Theodotus of Nicopolis

on account of his Eustathian connections. In 373 Basil made a final visit

to Sebaste and secured Eustathius' signature to an 'orthodox' profes-

sion of faith. But the agreement did not last. Eustathius began to cir-

culate the Basil-Apollinaris correspondence, perhaps having doctored

it.20 Basil replied with Ep. 223. In 376 Eustathius was involved with the

Galatian bishops who succeeded in deposing Gregory of Nyssa.

This summary of Eustathius' career has demonstrated the close and

long-lasting nature of his ties with Basil. It also reveals the inadequacy

of Gregory's assertion that it was Macrina who converted Basil to

asceticism. Given the circumstances in which Gregory composed the

VM, in the midst of his battle against Messalianism, the damnatio

memoriae of Eustathius is hardly surprising. The temptation to assign

a more prominent role to Macrina is also understandable. All this has

been recognised before, especially by Gribomont. But I wish to stress

1 69



7/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

how this recoverable context of the circumstances in which the VM was

composed clearly, on one level at least, motivates the highly favourable

rhetorical portrayal of Macrina.2'

This is not to deny that Macrina was indeed a powerful influence in

the development of asceticism, both within her own family and also

generally in Cappadocia. Indeed it is the purpose of the second half of

this paper to illustrate the centrality of women in the ecclesiastical

debate in Cappadocia. As one scholar has recently stated, (feminist

scholars) have too quickly accepted the traditional view that the only

history of women within orthodoxy is a history of silence and

oppression .22

In the VM a contrast is drawn between the biblically-based education

Macrina provided for the youngest son Peter, and the traditional

rhetorical training his elder brothers received. Yet one should not read

this text in isolation: its companion dialogue is the all too often

neglected De Anima et Resurrectione. In this clear platonic imitation,

Macrina is a Socratic figure and is several times explicitly called

'teacher' by Gregory.23 The Macrina of the De Anima is very different

from that of the VM. We find her well-acquainted with traditional

pagan learning as she combats Gregory's ostensible doubts. Now of

course the traditional view has always been that the learning here is

Gregory's, not Macrina's. Here it must be said that Cameron's

approach to the text, which can happily permit the two apparently con-

tradictory portraits to co-exist, is an advance on the approach which

uses the VM as an unproblematic source of historical data while dismiss-

ing the De Anima as rhetoric. To maintain the consistency of my own

approach, treating the works both symbolically and empirically, I do

not dismiss the possibility of Macrina's possessing secular knowledge.

It prompts me to ask if there are any indications of the level of female

education in Cappadocia. There is not much, but enough to suggest that

the chasm between pagan and Christian learning suggested by the VM

is overdone.

Although Cappadocia is ill-served epigraphically, there are a handful

of inscriptions illustrative of the female role within the church. A stele

found at Aksaray (ancient Colonia Archelais) and dating probably from

the beginning of the sixth century commemorates the deaconess Maria,

who is eulogized with a Pauline quotation describing her good works.

A second stele of similar date commemorates another obviously pious

Christian woman Sosipatra, the name recalling Cappadocia's most

170



8/16


famous adopted daughter, whose fabulous career is recorded by

Eunapius 24

But most relevant in the present context is the inscription of

Euthymia, which perhaps dates as little as twenty-five years after

Macrina's death. N. Thierry, who discovered it at Kemerhisar, (ancient

Tyana), in 1972, dated it on artistic grounds to the end of the fourth or

the beginning of the fifth century.25

Acknowledge this monument, passerby. Here lies good Euthymia, leader

in temperance. For that reason, Athenion, the most distinguished (eldest?)

of sons, superior to others, honoured her, the prudent mother, with a grave

and a stele; for this is the reward of the dead.

The most recent editor of the text remarks on its spelling errors and

barely recognisable metre-Cappadocia, after all, was meant to be a

place where the people could not speak Greek properly (Philostratus,

VS II 13 (258))-but the final verse is culled correctly from Homer (I1.

16.457 = 675). We only know that Euthymia was Christian from the

cross and the alpha and omega surmounting the text.26 Homer and

Christ were not always so starkly opposed to one another in Cappadocia

as an unwary reading of the Vita Macrinae might suggest.

The picture of Macrina uncontaminated by classical learning in the

Vita is purely ideological. In this context one might note the intriguing

comment in a 14th century manuscript of four letters of the female

Pythagorean, Theano. The author says that he has not also included the

letters of Macrina, because of the great chasm, chronological and

theological, between the two. Yet, he says, both women were great sages

in their different ways.27

IV

It remains to illustrate the active role women played in defining

church teaching and moulding ecclesiastical organization in Cap-

padocia.

First, Nonna and Gorgonia, mother and sister of Gregory of

Nazianzus. He devoted more than fifty of his epigrams to the former

and composed a funeral oration in honour of the latter. Many of the

epigrams devoted to Nonna concentrate on the favoured manner of her

death, in mid-prayer, in church. But her most significant action was to

accomplish the conversion of her husband, the elder Gregory (Epig.

1 71



9/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

27).28 With regard to the oration in honour of his sister, Cameron has

argued that Gregory's praise is most enthusiastic when it imposes the

norms of female regulation most successfully ,29 but this does not do

justice to the positive picture of married life presented in the whole

work. The text is not so much concerned with the subordination of

female to male as with the minimizing of gender differences in the

common struggle for salvation (sect. 14). As Harrison has aptly com-

mented, The language of women 'becoming male' is a way of

transcending culturally entrenched misogyny, not a reaffirmation of

it .30 To be sure, Nonna and Gorgonia are held up by Gregory as

exemplars, but the rhetorical nature of their portrayal is firmly rooted

in their actual activity.

Macrina, Nonna and Gorgonia have become heroines of the orthodox

tradition. Yet had church doctrine developed otherwise, that place of

honour might have been filled by such as Eulampios, the mother of the

Arian church historian Philostorgius (HE IX 9). The family came from

Borissos in western Cappadocia. Eulampios was converted to Euno-

mianism by her husband Carterios. In her turn she managed to convert

her four brothers, her father Anysius, a presbyter of Borissos, and the

rest of his household. Western Cappadocia was an area where neo-

Arianism flourished. Note, for example, Basil, Ep. 239, concerning

episcopal struggles in the small town of Doara. There we read of a

'godless woman' who makes and breaks bishops. One envisages a

powerful local aristocrat, exercising powers of patronage in a way not

dissimilar from Basil's own family's grip upon the see of Ibora, near the

family estate in Pontus.

The second half of the fourth century also saw women becoming

more directly involved in the ecclesiastical structures of Cappadocia,

with the growth of various types of female asceticism. I wish to con-

clude by demonstrating how this activity lay at the heart of church life

at the time and not on the margins, as is sometimes alleged. It is striking

how many of the provisions in Basil's three canonical letters relate to

women, many concerning sexual discipline. In Ep. 188, canon 9 and Ep.

199, canon 21 Basil bows to the custom which prescribed less harsh

penalties for unfaithful husbands than for wives, but he does so reluc-

tantly, concluding canon 21 rather lamely, 'the reasoning is not easy.'31

Canon 18 (Ep. 199) is perhaps of wider significance. In discussing

fallen virgins Basil says that the previous practice used to be to receive

them back after one year. But now, he argues, stronger action is

1 72



10/16


necessary because the order of virgins is increasing as the church

becomes stronger. He goes on to say that, as virgins have a higher status

than widows, so should the penalties when they fall be correspondingly

greater. The point is this: as the ecclesiastical structure of the Cappado-

cian church developed and solidified at this time it is not especially

helpful a) to contrast female with male asceticism and b) to set it up in

symbolic opposition to the rest of the church. As Basil wrote in the

Institutio Praevia Ascetica (PG 31 624D-625A), women too join the

campaign at Christ's side, being enrolled in the campaign owing to the

manliness of their souls and not rejected for the weakness of the

body. 32 Basil's episcopate was not uniformly successful but one of his

achievements was to overcome the fissiparous tendencies of the ascetic

movement whether male or female.

This may be illustrated by consideration of Epp. 52 and 105. I have

already mentioned how Basil's own theological position was often ques-

tioned. There were essentially two criticisms. First, his early association

with the homoiousian faction, for example at the Council of Constan-

tinople in 359/60. Later, in the 370s, for his 'oikonomia' on the ques-

tion of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. Ep. 52 is addressed to the

canonicae in Colonia Archelais (mod. Aksaray) and has traditionally

been dated to the early years of the episcopate.33 The canonicae needed

reassurance concerning Basil's soundness on the homoousion. Basil,

while professing adherence to Nicaea, points out that the term

homoousion has been only grudgingly received by some, and not at all

by others. Interestingly he criticizes the reprobates on grounds of

disobedience, rather than the merits of the doctrine itself. However

what concerns me is not the detail of Basil's argument but the fact of

his justifying himself to such an audience. The canonicae of Colonia

Archelais are treated as informed participants in the contemporary

theological debate. In this respect also, they are not to be differentiated

qua women. Likewise in Ep. 105 we find female religious involved in,

not remote from, the theological controversies of the age. Here Basil

writes to the daughters of Terentius, who were deaconesses at

Samosata. The letter praises their steadfastness in orthodoxy. They have

not succumbed to the 'popular novelty of the day'.

One of the tensions of Basil's episcopate was that between the regular

clergy and the monastic movements. It was a split which cut across the

divisions of neo-Arianism. There were orthodox and heretical monks.

Contrast the followers of Eustathius and their aversion to the divinity

1 73



11/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

of the Holy Spirit with the militant orthodox monk whom Gregory of

Nazianzus (G. Naz. Ep. 58) heard criticizing Basil at a martyr-festival

for refusing to state outright that the Holy Spirit was God. Of late,

much scholarly attention has been focussed on the role of women in

some of these ascetic movements. The Synod of Gangra, in which the

followers of Eustathius were anathematized, laid down that women

were not to dress as men. Such passages as this have been used to con-

struct a model of asceticism which sees it as providing a means of libera-

tion for women.34 Similar material is provided by the stories of Aerius

and Glycerius. However I wish to argue that it is artificial to separate

the female ascetic element contained in this evidence.

We learn of Aerius from the Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis.35

Eustathius had placed him in charge of an alms-house in Sebaste. How-

ever Aerius became disillusioned with Eustathius, claiming that he had

become devoted to accumulating wealth, and headed off to the hills of

Pontus-Cappadocia with a band of like-minded men and women.

He and his fellowship were driven from the churches, fields, villages

and other cities. Often he and the large crowd of his followers would spend

their days in the country, covered with snow, camping in the open air and

under rocks and taking refuge in the woods (75.3.2).

Aerius' mad doctrines included the belief that bishops were in no way

superior to presbyters and also a cavalier attitude towards fasting and

the celebration of Easter-both condemned as Jewish customs. In

Easter week, they are out at daybreak, shopping for meat and wine,

stuffing themselves full, laughing raucously and poking fun at those

who celebrate the holy service of the Paschal week (75.3.8). There

seems to be an echo of this in Basil's Homily 14. In this sermon on

drunkenness, preached in the week after Easter, Basil attacks the

women of Caesarea who had been dancing at the martyrs' shrines. Mov-

ing out into the Cappadocian countryside the deacon Glycerius was

responsible for similar activities at Venasa (mod. Avanos).36 Basil cer-

tainly had his hands full but it is misleading to emphasise the female

dimension in all these movements. In Basil's eyes, heretical male ascetics

were just as bad. And, in any case, for every maenad accompanying

Glycerius there was an equivalent in the sober daughters of Terentius,

the obedient sisters in Macrina's convent, or the theologically literate

canonicae of Archelais.

I conclude with two further examples of the reconciliation of Cap-

padocian female asceticism within the approved hierarchical structures.

174



12/16


13/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

5 Harrison (n. 4), p. 449.

6 In the First Homily on the Creation of Man, sect. 18, a work found in both the manu-

scripts of Basil and of Gregory of Nyssa, it is argued that women make better ascetics than

men. In general, this sermon shares the positive attitude towards women already

illustrated and clearly sits happily in the Cappadocian milieu, even if certainty about its

author is unattainable. See the edition by A. Smets and M. van Esbroeck, Basile de

Cesaree. Sur l'origine de I'homme, SC 160 (Paris, 1970), esp. p. 212-16.

7 On Ambrosiaster see David G. Hunter, 'The Paradise of Patriarchy: Ambrosiaster on

Women as (not) God's Image', JThS 43 (1992), 447-469.

8 The Body and Society (New York, 1988), p. 277. At p. 285 Brown does acknowledge

the strong role that the women of Cappadocia played in maintaining and passing on the

faith

9Palladius, Lausiac History, 64 tells of one Juliana of Cappadocian Caesarea, who

looked after Origen during a two-year stay and presented him with the biblical commen-

taries of Symmachus, cf. Eusebius, HE 6.17. Crouzel, BLE LXIV 1963, 195-208 argues

that this visit took place in the early rather than mid third-century. Some believe the

Caesarea in question is really that in Palestine.

'0 Harrison (n. 4), p. 446-9.

M. Girardi, Basilio di Cesarea e il culto dei martiri nel IVsecolo: scrittura e tradizione

(Bari, 1990), 93 and U. Mattioli, 'AaivtLa e avpsita (Parma, 1983), 152, both comment on

the unusual nature of the sentiment, but, as Harrison (n. 4) has shown, it is not

unparalleled in a Cappadocian context. Contrast Clem. Hom. 20.2 = PG 2 449A where

men and women are of different rcpoqia.

12 A valuable animal in Cappadocia as B. Gain notes, L'Eglise de Cappadoce au IVe

siecle d'apres la correspondance de Basile de Cdsaree (Rome, 1985), p. 16, n. 48.

13 M. Hauser-Meury, Prosopographie zu den Schriften Gregors von Nazianz (Bonn,

1960), 158-60 distinguishes three Theclas in the letters of Gregory of Nazianzus. The name

is also found in inscriptions from Tyana. See REG 1958, p. 322, n. 492 quoting A.

Oikonomides, 'Inscriptions from the environs of Tyana', Mikrasiatica Chronica 7 (1957),

330-7.

14 G. Dagron, Vie et Miracles de S. Thecle, Sub. Hag. 62 (1978), 118 and 332-6 for

miracle 16, when Thecla provides an imaginary escort for an imperial messenger travelling

from Seleucia to Constantinople via Cilicia and Cappadocia, to protect him from

brigands. Dagron sees the genesis of the legend in the period of Isaurian incursions at the

beginning of the fifth century. Cf. Chrysostom, Letters to Olympias, 9.4.

15 As well as Cameron (n. 2) see A. Momigliano, 'The Life of St. Macrina by Gregory

of Nyssa', originally in The Craft of the Ancient Historian: Essays in Honor of Chester

G. Starr (New York, 1985), 443-58; reprinted in On Pagans, Christians and Jews (Mid-

dletown, Connecticut, 1987), 206-21. R. Albrecht, Das Leben der heiligen Makrina auf

dem Hintergrund der Thekla-Traditionen (Gottingen, 1986). E. Giannarelli, La Tipologia

femminile nella biografia e nell' autobiografia cristiana da IV secolo (Rome, 1980). G.

Luck, 'Notes on the Vita Macrinae by Gregory of Nyssa', The Biographical Works of

Gregory of Nyssa (ed. A. Spira, Patristic Monograph Series No. 12, Philadelphia Patristic

Foundation Ltd., Camb. Mass. 1984), 21-33.

16 For the best account of his career see J. Gribomont, 'Eustathe de Sebaste', Saint

Basile: Evangile et Eglise, Melanges I (Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1984), 95-106.

'7 Most scholars have dated the council of Gangra to c. 340 but T. D. Barnes, 'The Date

1 76



14/16


of the Council of Gangra', JThS 40 (1989), 121-4 argues for a date c. 355. Perhaps the

dates given in the heading of the Syriac translation of the canons, 343 and 341/2, should

not be too lightly dismissed.

18 The identification of Eustathius of Basil, Ep. 1, with Eustathius of Sebaste was first

made by J. Gribomont, 'Eustathe le Philosophe et les voyages du jeune Basile de C6saree',

RHE 54 (1959), 115-24. B. Treucker, Politische und sozialgeschichtliche Studien zu den

Basilius-Briefen (Frankfurt, 1961), 60-1, reasserted the traditional view that the

Eustathius in Basil's letter was a pagan philosopher. G. Dagron, 'Les moines et la ville',

Travaux et Memoires 4, (Paris, 1970), 250, n. 109 is doubtful of Gribomont while P.

Brown, Body and Society, 301-2 sees no reason to doubt that Bas. Ep. 1 is addressed to

the pagan philosopher-diplomat. Those, like Brown, who think that the Eustathius of Ep.

1 is a pagan philosopher usually assume that he is identical, not only with the Eustathius

mentioned in Ammianus negotiating with Sapor, but also with the Eustathius who is

prominent in Eunapius' Lives of the Sophists, married to Sosipatra. But there is a problem

here not usually noticed. In Eunapius' account the life of Eustathius is closely connected

with that of his Cappadocian colleague, Aedesius. When he married Sosipatra (Wright,

p. 408; Giangrande VI.8.3) she said she would bear him three children but that he himself

would live only another five years, which, Eunapius avers, is what happened. Sosipatra

then returned to Pergamum where Aedesius helped her to bring up the children. Now in

his account of the education of Julian (Wright, p. 426f.; Giangrande, VII.1.5ff) Aedesius

is presented as an old man whose powers are failing, persuading Julian to be taught by

Maximus and Chrysanthius. Eunapius is presumably to be trusted on this since Chrysan-

thius was his own teacher. The crucial point is that Aedesius is said to be dead, 'AlEaCou

E teraoXXaSavTxo' (Wright, p. 438; Giangrande, VII.3.6) before Julian was made Caesar in

355. Therefore the Eustathius of Ammianus and of Basil, Ep. 1, cannot be the same as

the Eustathius of Eunapius. D. F. Buck in an unpublished Oxford D. Phil. thesis on

Eunapius (August, 1977) p. 142-3 saw the difficulty and argued that Sosipatra's prophecy

was not one of death for Eustathius but rather that he would be translated to the fifth

essence or ether, Eustathius cannot have died five years after the marriage for he was

corresponding with Julian the Apostate in 362 . (This of course begs the question). As

for the statement that Aedesius cared for the children, ,tvT& Tiv -&oxTpI a tv Eu:na0iou', in

Buck's view 'a&toXWcprlatq' cannot mean death and he therefore concludes that Eustathius

had deserted Sosipatra. The inner circle would have known the sordid truth, but

Eunapius deliberately used an ambiguous word in order not to sully Eustathius' reputa-

tion with his wider readership . It is very ingenious but I am not convinced.

19 S. Giet, 'St. Basile et le concile de Constantinople de 360', JThS n.s. 6 (1955), 94-99.

20 G. Prestige, St. Basil the Great and Apollinaris of Laodicea (ed. H. Chadwick, Lon-

don, 1956).

21 Cameron (n. 2) nowhere mentions Eustathius in her comments on the VM. Eustathius'

role is recognised by P. Rousseau, 'Basil of Caesarea: Choosing a Past', Reading the Past

in Late Antiquity (ed. G. Clarke, Australian National University Press, 1990), 37-58 esp.

p 50

22 V. Burrus, 'The heretical woman as symbol in Alexander, Athanasius, Epiphanius

and Jerome', HThR 84 (1991), 229-48.

23 E. Clark, 'Devil's Gateway and Bride of Christ: Women in the Early Christian

World', Ascetic Piety and Women's Faith: Essays on Late Ancient Christianity (Edwin

Mellen Press, Lewiston, 1986), 31-2, notes the injunction of Chrysostom, Discourse 4 on

1 77



15/16

PHILIP M. BEAGON

Genesis 1, that women should not teach. See also P. Wilson-Kastner, 'Macrina, Virgin

and Teacher', Andrews University Seminary Studies XVII (1979), 105-17.

24 These two inscriptions were first published by G. Jacopi, Esplorazioni e studi in

Paflagonia e Cappadocia (Rome, 1937), 33-6, figs. 135-7. See now N. Thierry, 'Un Pro-

bleme de continuite ou de rupture, la Cappadoce entre Rome, Byzance et les Arabes',

CRAI 1977, 98-145, esp. 114-7.

25 I. Sevcenko corrected Thierry's text in 'A Shadow Outline of Virtue', Age of

Spirituality: A Symposium (Met. Mus. of Art, New York, ed. K. Weitzmann, 1980),

53-73.

26 Another inscription may be suggestive. Found in the village of Kurden by H.

Gr6goire, 'Rapport sur un voyage d'exploration dans le Pont et en Cappadoce', BCH 33

(1909), no. 18, p. 52, it contains the name Pieris. Gregoire commented, Dans ce canton

perdu de la Cappadoce, ce nom, porte par une femme du pays, fait penser a un culte des

Muses particulierement florissant . Kurden lies some thirty miles nne of Kayseri near

modern Felahiye.

27 Maraval (n. 3) p. 273, thinks that perhaps the author was thinking of the De Anima

which often bears the MS heading ra Maxpivta, but the possibility of a collection of letters

remains.

28 Franca Ela Consolino, ZO)DIHE AMOOTEPHE n1PYTANIN: Gli Epigrammi

Funerari di Gregorio Nazianzeno (AP VIII)', Athenaeum n.s. 65 (1987), 407-25.

29 'Virginity as metaphor', 197-8.

30 Harrison, (n. 4), p. 447 for quote. P. 455 & 464-5 for the positive view of Gorgonia's

married state.

31 Gregory of Nazianzus by contrast, arguing from the premise of male-female equality,

demands equal standards of sexual fidelity in Oration 37. See C. Moreschini (ed.),

Gregoire de Nazianze. Discours 32-37, SC 318 (Paris, 1985), p. 51f.

32 Translation by W. Clarke, The Ascetic Works of Saint Basil, (London, 1925), p. 58.

33 Marina S. Troiano has recently argued for date in the mid-370s, 'Sulla cronologia di

Ep. 52, Ad alcune religiose, di Basilio di Cesarea', Vetera Christianorum XXVII (1990),

339-67. On canonicae see Gain, (n. 12), p. 119. J.-R. Pouchet, Basile le Grand et son

univers d'amis d'apres sa correspondance: une strategie de communion (Rome, 1992),

580-1 is hesistant whether Ep. 52 really is addressed to a group of female religious, poin-

ting out that there is nothing in the text itself to force this conclusion, and that the only

evidence is provided by the manuscript headings. Moreover in some Mss one can read

'xavov...' or 'xavovtx ', which might suggest that the letter is a rule of faith. However, P.

J. Fedwick, Corpus Christianorum. Bibliotheca Basiliana Universalis: A Study of the

Manuscript Tradition of the works of Basil of Caesarea: 1 The Letters (Brepols-Turnhout,

1993), 485-7 shows the reading 'xavovtxatg' is by far the most common, as well as being

found in the best manuscripts.

34 By, for example, E. Clark (n. 23), 'Ascetic Renunciation and Feminine Advancement:

A Paradox of Late Ancient Christianity', 175-208. The idea is also stressed in S. Elm, 'The

Organization and Institutions of Female Asceticism in Fourth-Century Cappadocia and

Egypt', D. Phil. Thesis, Oxford, 1987. See now Elm's Virgins of God: Making of

Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), published while this article was in proof.

35 English translation by P. Amidon, New York, OUP, 1990.

36 On the attribution of Basil, Epp. 169-71 to Gregory of Nazianzus see A. Cavallin, Stu-

dien zu den Briefen des heiligen Basilius (Lund, 1944), On Messalianism: J. Gribomont,

1 78



16/16

THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS, WOMEN AND ECCLESIASTICAL POLITICS 179

'Le dossier des origines du messalianisme', Epektasis, Melanges Patristiques offerts au

cardinal Jean Danielou (Paris, 1972), 611-25.

37 Maraval (n. 3), p. 86 compares Paula having bishops as pall-bearers, Jerome, Ep. 108,

29.

38 M. Alexandre, 'Les nouveaux martyrs. Motifs martyrologiques dans la vie des saints

et themes hagiographiques dans l'eloge des martyrs chez Gregoire de Nysse', The

Biographical Works of Gregory of Nyssa (n. 15), p. 53.

University of Manchester

The Cappadotian Fathers

Documents

Transcript of The Cappadotian Fathers