Sex Roles Among AIs Article 1973
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http://jos.sagepub.com/ Journal of Sociology
http://jos.sagepub.com/content/9/2/66The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/144078337300900214
1973 9: 66Journal of Sociology Rowland and D.J. Walmsley
David Biles, Brian F. McCoy, Leslie N. O'Brien, M. Goot, R.A. Schermerhorn, D.T.Research Reports
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What is This?
- Jan 1, 1973Version of Record>>
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66
RESEARCHREPORTS
SURVEY OF THE RESIDENTIAL
ENVIRONMENT OF CANBERRA
The aim of the survey was to investigatethe assessment of the physical and social
aspects of the residential environment byCanberra citizens. The survey represents partof the process of monitoring and evaluatingurban planning in Canberra.
Residential Environment
The residential environment was assumed
to be related to the following elements:
. dwellings and groundsenvironmental factors (such as noise,
safety, aesthetics)convenience or accessibility of the
dwelling location.
the people living in thearea.
SurveyStructured interviews were carried out
with heads of households covering a 5%
sample of residential locations in January1971. The overall response rate for the
survey was 87%. Excluding non-effective
selections and non-contacts a co-operationrate of 95% was achieved, with 1,432effective interviews.
The population was stratified beforesampling was carried out, as it was
considered that there might be significantdifferences between the environmental
assessment of inner Canberra, the developedareas of Woden and Belconnen, the
developing areas of Woden and Belconnen,and flats.
FINDINGS
DwellingsThe quality of dwellings is considered to
be very high although it was felt that there is
a lack of variety in housing types and to
some extent the dwelling size was considered
to relate poorly to needs. Flats are assessed
lowest in dwelling quality particularly with
respect to privacy, size and arrangement of
rooms and the size of outdoor areas.
Convenience
Overall convenience is rated highlyalthough nearly a fifth of the residents assess
convenience to entertainment to be below
average. The city centre, work and shopswere found to be most strongly related to
overall convenience. It is interesting to note
that a different aspect is considered to be
most important for each stratum, for inner
Canberra - the city, for developed areas -
the shops, for developing areas - the
primary school and for flats - work.
Local Environment
Although most Canberra residents
generally assess the local environment very
highly, flat dwellers are experiencing
problems with maintenance of the building,traffic noise and traffic congestion. A
significant number of households in all strata
consider pedestrian safety to be below
average in their locality.
PeopleCanberra residents seem well satisfied
with the type of neighbours living in their
area and assess the environment very highlyin this respect. There is not an active sense
of community at the neighbourhood scale
except for some sense of ’mateship’ or
’frontier bond’ in the developing areas.
Canberra residents seem to respect and to
feel little pressure from or conflict with their
neighbours rather than being activelyfriendly toward them.
General Residential Environment
Canberra residents considered all aspectsof their residential environment superior to
that of other cities. Tidiness, provision of
trees and lawns, convenience and quietnesswere considered considerably better than
elsewhere, while friendliness of neighbours,road safety, variety of dwellings and mixture
of people were considered only marginallybetter. Factors most important in improvingthe residential environment of Canberra
were considered to be increased variety in
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67
housing types, more open space and safer
road design.
City Environment At the larger urban scale the survey
indicates that the residents rank Canberra
more highly than other cities in open space
provision, tidiness, design of central area,
shopping and parking facilities and absenceof road congestion.
However Canberra’s cost of living is
assessed to be much worse and publictransport and provision of entertainment
facilities here are assessed as being worse
than that of other cities.
General Assessment. The results of the survey overall indicate
a high level of community support for
present residential planning policies. There is
a high level of satisfaction with the qualityof the residential environment which is
considered by the majority of Canberra
people to be superior to that of other cities.
Of the four environmental factors
examined in depth ’convenience of location’
is assessed highest and ’the quality of the
current dwelling’ lowest. Studies of the
relationship between the four factors and
the overall assessment indicate that thestrongest relationship is with ’the people in
the area’ and the weakest with ’convenienceof location’. This seems to indicate that
convenience is important but that concern
for residential areas as places in which
people interact and co-exist needs to bemore strongly incorporated in the Commis-
sion’s planning philosophy. The quality of
the residential environment is assessed
highest by those in developed and
developing areas and lowest by those livingin flats.
Reflection
Since the survey is a study of values,attitudes and preference rather than of
actual behaviour the results need to be
carefully interpreted if they are to be used
predictively. However surveys of this kind
can be used to assist the decision making
process by makingthe social values more
explicit.National Capital Development
Commission,November 1972.
POLICE ATTITUDES TO DEVIANCEIN VICTORIA
The question of whether or not
policemen have substantially differentattitudes to social deviance to those of thenormal community is one that may have
profound consequences for the operation of
criminal justice systems, and has conse-
quently prompted much research andspeculation. A recent comprehensive review,for example, of the evidence for and againstthe existence of a distinct and identifiable
&dquo;police personality&dquo; concluded that &dquo;the
controversy over the police mentality will
probably persist for some time to come
[and] there is simply not enough goodevidence to support or refute any side of the
controversy&dquo; (Balch, 1972). Notwith-
standing this
unsatisfactory conclusion,Skolnick (1966) argued from the basis of his
participant observation study that policemenare characteristically suspicious and authori-
tarian, and McInnes (1962, p. 74) has
dramatically written, &dquo;The true copper’sdominant characteristic is ... an ingrainedconservatism, an almost desperate love ofthe conventional.&dquo;
In the light of these comments it is
hypothesised that policemen are more
conservative, cautious and suspicious thannon-policemen, and, these characteristics
should- be reflected in their attitudes to
deviant behaviour. At a secondary level, if
such differences are found to exist, the
question of why they are so remains
unanswered. Police attitudes may be
different from those of the public as a
function of either social pressures within the
police organization or of selection of
particular personality types. This can be
tested by comparing the attitudes of policerecruits and those of older, more expe-rienced policemen. A questionnaire was administered to a
group of policemen, about a third of whom
were recruits, and to a control group (with a
similar mean age) from two adult education
classes who were predominantly white collar
workers, professionals or housewives.
Because of the lack of blue collar workers
thisgroup
is
heavilybiased towards the
middle class but it may be seen as typical of
the law-abiding section of the community on
whose behalf police action is often taken.
Nearly all of the 40 items in the
questionnaire revealed marked differences
between the police and the control group,but only those items specifically related to
deviant behaviour are analysed in detail,eight focused on punishment or correction
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68
(Table 1) and six dealing with sexual
behaviour (Table 2). -
Table 1 indicates that in each case the
police favour a more punitive approach to
the treatment of offenders than do the
control group and all differences are
statistically significant. The most strikingdifference is seen where 74% of the
policemen agree with the proposition that
deliberate murderers should be hanged,compared with less than 25% of the control
group. All items support the view that the
policemen are not only more punitive but
also have considerable faith in the traditional
application of law as a means of controllingdeviant human behaviour.
TABLE 1
Attitudes to Punishment and Correction
N = 227*
* Nine questionnaires (3 police, 6 control) where discarded on the basis of inconsistency,judged in terms of positive responses to both propositions ’deliberate murderers should be
hanged’ and ’capital punishment should be abolished’.
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TABLE 2
Attitudes to Sexual Behaviour
Table 2 indicates that the police tend to
be more conservative than the control groupin their attitudes to sexual behaviour. Onlyitem 8 does not yield a significantdifference, and this may be due to the fact
that the statement evokes ambivalent
emotions. Placement in an institution is
generally regarded as punitive but the words
&dquo;for their own protection&dquo; are positive and
supportive. It is possible that different
subjects were responding to differentelements of the statement. Notwithstandingthis one non-discriminating item, the overall
results provide strong support for the
concept of a distinct &dquo;police personality&dquo;,with policemen being’ more punitive, more
conservative and less tolerant of deviance
than the control group.When the attitudes of older and younger
policemen are compared we find that onlyfive of the fourteen yeild statisticallysignificant differences and these are at a
lower order of probability than that found
in the broader comparisons. Also these few
differences are not all in the same direction.
As no clear pattern of difference emerges
from Table 3 it must be concluded that the
&dquo;police personality&dquo; is more a result of
selection than of socialization within the
police force. The only other possibility is
that acceptance of police attitudes occurs
very rapidly in the first few weeks of initial
training although this seems rather less
feasible. Not only are police attitudes more
punitive and more conservative but they are
held with more confidence. This is shown bythe fact that unly 7.7 per cent of the police
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TABLE 3
Differences in Attitudes between Recruits
and Older Policemen
responses are in the &dquo;don’t know&dquo; category,compared with 13.5 per cent for the control
group.To the extent that it is legitimate to
generalize from this small study, the
differences in attitudes shown to exist mustbe a cause of grave concern. It is ultimatelythe individual policeman who, defines who is
a criminal. The distinction between unusual,unconventional behaviour on one hand and
unlawful behaviour on the other is, in
practice, often blurred, and the policeman is
required to make this distinction on a
routine basis. If he is more conventional and
conservative than the general community he
will make this judgment in a way which is
often likely to cause resentment andhostility, and the ultimate consequence may
well be a lowering of public respect for the
police.
REFERENCES
BALCH, R. W.
1972 ’The Police Personality: Factor
Fiction?’Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police
Science, 63:106-119.
McINNES, C.1962 Mr. Love and Mr. Justice. London: New
English Library.
SKOLNICK, J. H.
1966 Justice Without Trial. New York: Wiley.
David Biles,Brian F. McCoy
Department of CriminologyUniversity of Melbourne.
THE HARE KRISHNA MOVEMENT
IN AUSTRALIA
Since its origins in 1966 The Hare
Krishna movement has formed 67 centers
around the world and claims 2000 devotees
in the U.S. alone. In Australia centers inSydney with 45 devotees, and Melbourne
with 30 have been established. This report is
based on observations made as an observer-
participant in the Sydney Temple and inter-
views with seven devotees.1
The Hare Krishna Devotee
All seven expressed extreme unhappinesswith their life prior to joining the sect and
all had used drugs to some degree. Five
stated their parents were either separated or
divorced. Aside from one male who had
completed training in a trade, they all had
poor educations and dim prospects formaterial success.
Julie is a typical case. She comes from a
middle class family in Sydney. Her parentsargued frequently while she was young but
later became reconciled to marriage. Julie
says she was spoiled and was never
disciplined. After leaving school at the
minimum age she worked in various office
1Copies of the paper on which this report is
based are available from the author — 57
Cobran Rd., Cheltenham, N.S.W. 2119.
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71
jobs before marriage at nineteen. By this
time she had three times received intensive
psychiatric treatment for nervous break-
down.
Soon after marriage Julie and her
husband joined a hippie commune in
Melbourne. Here they experimented with
free love and communal marriage but found
it led to continual quarrelling and conflict.On the verge of separation, they read some
Hare Krishna literature, visited the templeand joined the sect. Julie’s husband is now in
the Melbourne Temple while she and her
child are in the Sydney Temple. She believes
Krishna will soon decide for them to come
together and that their relationship will be
successful. This will be because sex will be
limited to procreation and &dquo;sex and lust will
no longer come between us, and my husband
will be able to return to the Godhead.&dquo;
Ritual & IdeologyKrishna Consciousness, in common with
other Eastern religions, promises oneness
with Krishna or God, The Supreme Being.Krishna Consciousness teaches that every-
thing is controlled and minipulated byKrishna. There is no other reality than
Krishna. The doctrine rejects rational
planning. The devotees relied on the
movement’s dogma in interviews. Vyasa Dasstated &dquo;what you know is nothing, and youare nothing, until you learn something, and
all that is worth learning is Krishna
Consciousness&dquo;. While perhaps meaninglessto the reader its significance may lie in its
very meaningless, for by meaning nothingthe ritual and ideology are not questioned.
Similarly while the ideology is full of
descriptions of utopia derived from Indian
conceptionsof ascribed
status,the devotees
seem to have given little thought to how this
applied to them.
This ideology is backed by a powerfuland time consuming ritual. The Doll-like
deities in the temple are fed six times a dayin half hour rituals. Devotees must also
chant the Hare Krishna mantra 200 times a
day. This involves a full two and a half hours
of sometimes disinterested chanting. It is
claimed to cleanse the spirit and commu-
nicate through transcendental vibraticrnswith Krishna.
Roles and IdentityInitiation into the sect takes place when a
person decides to join permanently. The
initiation is a complex ritual which gives the
person a new identity as a devotee and
dispels a former, life which is dismissed as an
illusion under the influence of Maya (evil).
The devotee receives an Indian name like
Vyasa Das and begins his journey back to
Godhead.
Within the temple there is great emphasisplaced on the tasks necessary to sustain its
existence, and the devotees seem to enjoytheir work. This co-operation and the
supportive social structure it engendersseems to play a significant part in integratingthe devotee to his new life style. Similarlythe distinctive clothing, shaven heads, andthe performance of Sankirtana - (thepractice of chanting in the street) - while its
intention is to tune people into Krishna
Consciousness, helps consolidate groupconsciousness. Devotees acknoweldged the
difficulty of handling public ridicule, butthis and frequent official harassment alsoreminds them how much the world is in an
age of Karli Yuga (sin and anxiety), and how
important their role is.
Interactions with Wider SocietyThe sect survives through donations and
literature sales during its Sankirtana
performances and via business activities. It
manufactures and sells incense, runs a store
at its temple where Indian clothing, perfumeand literature is sold and most recently has
begun small contact
printing jobson its
printing press.
Obviously the sect is capitalistic. Ques-tioned about the conflict between their
ideology of renunciation of materialism and
these business activities devotees stated that
this was permissable because &dquo;we are doingit for Krishna&dquo;. Further that people were
blessed by giving money to Krishna, makingit easier for them &dquo;to know Krishna and
return to Godhead&dquo;.
Conclusion At present the sect is increasing (from 6
in December 1971 to 45 in June 1972).Perhaps a pattern will emerge wherebyalienated individuals after a short time in the
sect, regain their self esteem throughproductive work and then return to the
wider society.On the other hand the sect does seem to
offer a life style which supplies an answer to
some
peoplewith little
prospectswithin the
wider society and who feel deeply alienated
from that society. The highly structured life
style, the integration of work, worship and
family life, and the indoctrination in an ideo-
logy proclaiming the individual to be one of
the enlightened, all contribute to the creation
and consolidation of a new and more
satisfying identity.R. Breckwoldt.R. Breckwoldt.
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FOOTNOTES1
See H. Taylor Buckner, ’Deviance, Reality and
Change’ (1971) for an elaboration of this
concept.2
See H. Toch (1965) for further elaboration.3
For example Adams & Fox ’Mainlining Jesus:
The New Trip’ (1972) and Robbins & Anthony’Getting Straight with Meher Baba’ (1972).
REFERENCES
ADAMS, R. L. & FOX, R. J.
1972 ’Mainlining Jesus: The New Trip’. Trans-action Society, Vol. 9, No. 4.
BUCKNER, H. T.
1971 Deviance, Reality and Change. New York:
Random House.
GOULDNER, A.1970 The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology.Heinemann.
MERTON, R. K.1965 Social Theory and Social Structure. New
York: Free Press.
ROBBINS, T. & ANTHONY, D.
1972 ’Getting Straight with Meher Baba’. Journal
for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 11, No.
2.
ROZAK, T.
1969 The Making of a Counter-Culture. New York:
Doubleday.
TOCH, H.1965 The Social Psychology of Social Movements.
Bobbs-Merrill.
Leslie N. O’Brien
Department of Anthropology and
Sociology,Monash University.
UNIFORM SWINGS AND THE MEANING
OF THE CLASS VOTE
There is clearly a contradiction between
interpretations of class voting in terms of
opposing interest (e.g. Burns, 1961:77;
Pringle, 1958:47) and the existence of a
swing of uniform direction across electorates
varying widely in their class composition. In
1966, to take one of the most notable
examples, there was a swing to the
Government in the Liberal stronghold of
Wentworth and in the inner-city Labor
fortress of East Sydney. Again in 1969,when the swing was away from the
Government, it was felt not only in Sydney(which included parts of the dismantled East
Sydney) but also in the adjacent electorate
of Wentworth (Mackerrass, 1972:204-249).To what extent is the ecological analysis
underscored or refined by survey data? An
examination of pre-election Gallup poll data,
coveringeach of the states between 1946
and 1955, led Davies (1964:136) to the
conclusion that the minor tidal swings in ’fat
and lean years’ wash ’evenly across the
board’. On closer examination, however,such a judgment on these data seems
difficult to sustain. In Victoria, for instance,in three successive pairs of elections, there
were swings to the non-Labor parties within
three strata but swings away from the
non-Labor parties within a variety of four
others.Better data, with the work-force simply
divided in two, are furnished by Alford
( 1963 :184-187). These, covering Labor
support alone, derive from Gallup surveysbetween 1946 and 1961.
Alford’s figures certainly do suggest, for
most of the states and at the national level,that when the manual workers move one
way the non-manual side moves with them.
Onlyin
Victoria,where the D.L.P. bit
deepest, and where doctrinal politics may ormay not have flourished best (Rawson,1967), have the two halves tended to swingin opposite directions.I
What of the period since 1961?
Fluctuations in support for the Government
and Opposition are charted by the GallupPoll between July 1966 (when detailed
tabulations were first published) and
February 1972 are summarised in Table II.
The results are striking. Firstly, almost all
the relationships are positive.2 If the manual
are divided from non-manual workers the
rank-order correlations are .71 (L.C.P.) and
.73 (A.L.P.). Even more dramatic is the
correlation between the polar categories: a
solid .54 (L.C.P. or A.L.P.) between
professionals and owners or managers of bigbusiness on the one side, and the semi-skilled
and unskilled workers on the other.
Secondly, the figures are not interchangeablebetween the parties. Rather than switch
from one major party to another voters
may prefer one of the minor parties (notablythe D.L.P.) or remain undecided. Swings are
more uniform when computed in terms of
Government support; more independentwhen stated in terms of Oppositionsupport.3
3
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TABLE I
Rank-Order Correlations of A.L.P. Support Among Manual and Non-Manual Occupations
1946-19611
TABLE II
Rank-Order Correlations of L.C.P. and A.L.P. Support by Occupation:1966-1972
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Thus, while Davies’ evidence did not
prove his conclusion, evidence over a longerperiod shows it is true, or at least that at the
national level there are few opposingmovements in contrasted occupationalgroupings. This fits in with other aspects of
electoral choice: e.g. the fact that analysesof swing in terms of A.L.P. and L.C.P.
support do not fully accord; and the fact
that support for the Leader of the
Opposition does not rise as support for the
Prime Minister falls, or vice versa (Goot and
Connell, 1972:32). All of this brings into
question the idea that oppositions of interest
and preference are the key to social patternsof political choice in Australia.
FOOTNOTES
* For his comments on an earlier draft I am very
grateful to Bob Connell.1
Neither Davis’ (1960:620) nor Alford’s case
against the impact of ’regionalism’ on ’class
voting’ can be readily sustained. Davis’ claim is
hedged: each ’interest’ votes the same way in
every state ’... except, perhaps, in Queenslandand South Australia or in single elections.’ (butcf. Mayer, 1962:95). Alford (1963:182-183),argues that the ’absence of political regionalismis confirmed by lack of sharp differences
between regions in patterns of class voting in
the Australian States.’ Leaving aside the resultspresented in Table I, his figures reveal that in
1946, 1960, 1961 and 1962 (i.e. on four
occasions out of nine) the index of ’class voting’was at least twice as great in some states as inothers.
2Gallup data are also provided by Webb
(1954:108-09). He gives the 1951 and 1949
preferences, by occupation, of those voting in
1949; and the 1953 and 1951 preferences, byoccupation, of those who voted in 1951. Onboth occasions swings away from the L.C.P.were across the board.
3
Mackerras’ (1972:275) concept of swing isclearly limited in not allowing for this
possibility.
REFERENCES
ALFORD, R. R.
1963 Party and Society London: John Murray
BURNS, C.
1961 Parties and People Parkville: Melbourne
University Press.
DAVIES, A. F.
1964 Australian Democracy Second Edition,
Croydon: Longmans,Green.
DAVIS, S. R.
1960 ’Diversity in Unity’.pp. 557-713 in S. R.
Davis (ed.) The Government of the Australian
States, Melbourne: Longmans, Green
GOOT, M. and CONNELL, R. W.
1972 ’Presidential Politics in Australia?’ The
Australian Quarterly 44 (June): 28-33
MACKERRAS, M.1972 Australian General Elections Sydney: Angusand Robertson.
MAYER, H.1962 ’Why Parties?’ pp. 77-100 in J. Rorke (ed)
Aspects of Australian Government Sydney:University of Sydney, Department of TutorialClasses.
PRINGLE, J. D.
1958 Australian Accent London: Chatto and
Windus
RAWSON, D. W.
1967 ’Victoria, 1910-1966: Out of Step, or MerelyShuffling?’ Historical Studies 13 (October): 60-75
WEBB, L.C.1954 ’The Australian Party System’. pp. 84-117 in
S. R. Davis et al., The Australian Party SystemSydney: Angus and Robertson.
M. Goot
Department of Politics
Macquarie University.
SEX ROLES AMONG THE
ANGLO-INDIANS
A series of interviews in the Anglo-Indiancommunity of Calcutta during May and
December revealeda
set of reciprocal rolerelations between the sexes that should be of
interest to students of family life. The
Anglo-Indians are a racially mixed minoritygroup stemming from the off-spring of
British fathers and Indian mothers, mostlyconceived during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.
At the time of my field research I found a
widespread stereotype of Anglo-Indianwomen as promiscuous. Pursuing the
historical reasons for this stereotype, Idiscovered that in a society where both
Hindu and Muslim women were strictlysecluded, Anglo-Indian girls, more Euro-
peanized on the whole, entered three
occupations which other women shunned:
nursing, teaching and office work. Of these
three, office work became predominantbecause of its higher pay. During the British
regime, recreation and festivity outside of
office hours were available to English men
primarily with Anglo-Indian girls who had
more freedom to mingle with the oppositesex than their Indian sisters. Intrigues,entanglements and transient affairs resulted
from these encounters, quite enough to start
tongues wagging; such gossip was heightenedby the unfortunate visibility of the Kareyaquarter of Calcutta where bordellos were
noticeably Anglo-Indian.
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The simple fact, however, was that
Anglo-Indian women were breadwinners in a
society where such a role was defined as
strictly male. To this day, the Anglo-Indianemployed woman pursuing this &dquo;deviant&dquo;role dresses in European style, is worldly-wise in the arts of make-up, has many and
continuous contacts with men outside the
home, and general freedom in social affairsdenied to Hindu or Muslim girls. Hence she
is under constant suspicion of being no
better than she should be. This stereotype is
diffused to Europeans as well as to the
indigenous population.Entrance of Anglo-Indian women into the
labor force was, more often than not, a
matter of necessity, since their men suffered
endemic unemployment from the 1920’s to
the 1970’s.
Though Anglo-Indianmales had
preferential employment in railway, tele-
graph postal and customs services duringcolonial days, they lost more and more of
these jobs with Indianization of the offices
before and after independence. Without the
nepotic advantages of family and caste, and
with no more than a high school education, Anglo-Indian males were slowly but surelyeliminated from the job market. This was
compounded by their self-image as too good
for menial work, and borrowed value-patterns from English gentlemen of leisure
whose interests centered in war and sports.With so many of their men taking leisure
at home, it has become customary for
Anglo-Indian parents to pressure their
daughters to work, not to marry too soon,
and to continue support of the older
generation. Conversely, Anglo-Indian girlsfrequently refuse marriage with men of their
own community, fearing that they will be
unemployed ne’er-do-wells who must be
supported, just as their parents were.
Since job opportunities for women are far
greater than they are for men, sex roles on
both sides are skewed away from the
traditional male dominance pattern. Amongthe Anglo-Indians it is the woman who playsthe role of competent, efficient achiever,while the male is a charming, convivial and
engaging host whose domain is the home
rather than the office. Such an
apparentreversal of roles throws interesting side-lightson the issue of women’s lib.
R. A. Schermerhorn
Department of Sociology,California State University,
Fullerton.
MAORI FAMILY STATUS AND
RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTIONS
Socio-economic status and family status
play major roles in determining the
distribution of Maoris in the Auckland urban
area. Differences between the relative
distribution of Maoris and Pakehas are
mainly attributable to the lower socio-economic status of Maoris, which has
obliged the majority of them to live in the
less desirable parts of the city, both old and
new (Rowland, 1972). Among the Maori
population alone, however, socio-economic
distinctions between people living in
different suburbs are not pronounced and
those that do exist, such as differences in
incomes and home ownership, are primarilya
productof life-cycle stage.
Familystatus
attributes have emerged as the principalitems differentiating the Maori populationsof Auckland suburbs, family status beingdefined as the degree of importance of the
family as a social and economic unit.
A detailed study of spatial variations in
Maori family status was made using Guttman
scaling to obtain a ranking of fifty-eightsuburbs in terms of seven variables. These
variables were of two types: the first,
consisting of measures of marital status,fertility and female employment indicated
the relative importance of the family as a
social unit in each area, while the second,which included measures of income and
tenure of dwellings, indicated the economic
standing of the heads of Maori households.
Low family status was shown by highpercentages of women working and by low
values for incomes, fertility, proportionsmarried and home ownership. A reversal of
this pattern of values denoted high familystatus. Then analysis identified fourteen
types of suburbs ranging between these two
extremes.
Mapping the distribution of Maori familystatus revealed a quasi-concentric pattern,outer suburbs ranking ’high’, inner city areas
’low’ and intermediate areas ’medium’. This
pattern was in accord with information on
the cityward and intra-city migration
patternsof Maoris. For
cityward migrants,areas of old housing, especially those
adjacent to the central business district are
the main receiving areas for single peopleand childless couples. Outer suburbs on the
other hand, are the main destinations of
migrantt families (Rowland, 1971). Maori
intra-urban migration consists mostly of
sorting within similar residential areas or
centrifugal movement from inner to outer
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suburbs (Rowland, 1972). The centrifugalmovement is both prompted and facilitated
by family growth, since parenthood creates
new housing needs and also makes possiblethe purchase of a house through capitali-zation of the family benefit. Thus as Maoris
increase their family status, they tend to
gravitate to the outer suburbs. Most of the
central areas of medium family status are
least attractive to cityward migrants and are
generally ’leapfrogged’ in the centrifugalintra-urban movement (Whitelaw, 1971).
REFERENCES
ROWLAND, D. T.
1971 Maori migration to Auckland, New Zealand
Geographer, 27, 21-37.
ROWLAND, D. T.
1972 Processes of Maori urbanisation. New
Zealand Geographer, 28, 1-22.
WHITELAW, J. S.1971 Migration patterns and residential selection in
Auckland, New Zealand. Australian GeographicalStudies, 9, 61-76.
D. T. Rowland;Department of Demography
Institute of Advanced Studies, Australian National University.
RESPONSE RATES IN FOUR SYDNEY SURVEYS
Response rates to structured interviews and
self-administered questionnaires were
studied in the course of four surveys in
suburban Sydney, three in Bexley (1.87 on
Congalton’s scale) and one in Killara (4.55on Congalton’s scale).’
IThe details are set
out in the following table.
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Although the variety of factors involved andthe differences between the surveys make it
impossible to unravel the trends entirely,there are two main findings. First that the
pre-circulation of a letter advising potentialrespondents of a forthcoming survey may be
counter-productive in that it may tend to
lower gross and net response rates. Second
that response varies with social status to theextent that more people were found at home
in Killara than in Bexley. However
respondents in the high status suburb
returned fewer self administered question-
naires than their counterparts in the lower
status neighbourhood.
REFERENCE
1See Congalton, S.A. 1961, Status
Ranking of Sydney Suburbs. Sydney:University of New South Wales, School
of
Sociology,Studies in
Sociology,No. 1.
D. J. WalmsleyDepartment of GeographyUniversity of New England
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