Secret Histories: The Hidden Archaeology of the Graveyards of Killora & Killogilleen, Craughwell,...

8/3/2019 Secret Histories: The Hidden Archaeology of the Graveyards of Killora & Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway

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The hidden archaeology of

the graveyards of Killora & Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co.Galway

SecretHistories:

Robert M Chapple


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What I want to do:examine a number of quantifiable elements of gravestone

morphology:


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Going deeper ...Look at the apparentsexual and family politics of

commemoration.1) the problem of amale/female dynamic in commemorative

practice2) the social question of thefamily relationships between thedeceased and the individual commissioning the memorial


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In the beginning ...March 1995 to October 1997

Craughwell Community Council and FS

Job description: monitor cutting back of overgrowth and thtrimming of ivy at Killora & Killogilleen.

Also produced two books of gravestone inscriptions


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A little bit of history ...Killora and Killogilleen: typical of small Irish Medieval churches.

As such, theyrepresent thetwo chief,traditional burialgrounds for themodernecclesiasticalparish ofCraughwell and

Ballymanagh.


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Killora & Killogilleenstanding remains appear to date to

the late 15th to early 16thcenturies

evidence for construction andalteration from at least the late12th to early 13th centuries


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KilloraName: Cill Era (Church of St Eora) or Cill thra (church of

prayers)Earliest reference: 1333 (AFM records death of Archdeacon of

Killora disputed)1586: taxed at 1 6s 8d1588: lands leased to Bryan Fitzwilliams1593: lands leased to John Lye

1625-49: sold to Robert Blake for 51661: sold to John Eyre


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KillogilleenPapal letters of Innocent VIIIMarch 27th 1491: vacancy in the Canonry at Killogilleen. Dispute:

On the death of the perpetual vicar (Geoffery Ocuan) landsillegally taken over by Florence Ogerbayn

February 18th 1492: Florence & his brother (William) get Papalsanction to unite Killogilleen with the vicarage of Kilchreest.

Name: the church of the OKilleens


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The gravestonesKillora: 181 gravestones.Directly dated examples: 1619 to1987.

Killogilleen: 119 gravestones.Directly dated examples: 1654 to 1995.

55 stones removed, leaving a corpus of 245, on which theanalyses are based

Some removed: because they did not contain an extant or legible date sufficient tocategorise them by decade.

As the survival rate of the earliest gravestones is somewhat sporadic, three further stoneswhich date to before the 1740s were not included


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Problems & caveatsAccurately assess the decade of constructionfrequent delay in the erection of the gravestone after the initial

burial.

Reasons: FinancialEngineering - ensuring that the earth has sufficiently

settled to prevent the stone sinking or toppling forward


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Gravestone may include a date of erection below thecommemorative text - 14 recorded instances (6%) from 1795to 1865.

One stone bears the same date for both erection and the primarymemorial, the average hiatus is 9.43 years with a maximum

gap of 23 years.

Usually construction date was deduced from the primaryinscription. 90 cases (37%) commemorated a single individual

Majority: estimation based on the analysis carving techniquesetc. and on the order of commemoration.


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Total number of stones (all types)

erected by decade


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DifferencesKillora is characterised by a

rising series of peaksduring the 1810s, 1870sand 1970s


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DifferencesKillora is characterised by a

rising series of peaksduring the 1810s, 1870sand 1970s

with corresponding lulls inusage during the 1840sand 1930s


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DifferencesAlthough Killogilleen displays

a similar peak during the1970s, the primary periodof grave marker erection

appears in the 1790s andis relatively sustained untilthe 1830s, falling offsharply after this point

It is in this relict framework of gravestone erection and survival thatthe rising and waning of individual styles and fashions in popularreligion and culture must be observed


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Killora & Killogilleen are broadly similar to other parts of Irelandwhere the use of durable grave-markers did not begin to

flourish until the17th century , with a marked expansion duringthe first half of the 18th centuryThe reasons for this sudden increase in grave marker production

may be related to a number of factors, including theburgeoning of a relatively affluent middle-class oflocalmerchants , craftsmen , farmers etc. , keen to display theirwealth and importance in long-lasting, public forms.


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Recumbent slabs & table tombs

sharp increase in their use in the period after 1760, culminating inthe 1770s & falling off sharply in the 1780s-1790s (though stillcomprisingc .50% of all monuments erected)


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Recumbent slabs & table tombs

The 1800s saw a resurgence in popularity for the type, with asteady decline over following decades


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Headstones

Killogilleen: headstones are a (relatively) constant feature 1740s-1980s

Killora: only effectively appearing during the 1820s & rise to dominati


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Rubrics (introductory phrases)Just like any other

aspect of mortuarypractice, thesephrases go through

phases of popularityand decline


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Pray for the soulof first appears: 1750s, disappearing in the followindecade before rising in popularity until the 1790s decline after.Minor resurgence: 1860s to 1920s.


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Sacred heart of Jesus have mercy on the soulof: 1900 to 1920.


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Sacred to the memoryof: 1870s to 1900sErected by: falls out of use: 1840s & 1950sPopular from 1770s to the 1960s.


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Erected byby implication, commemorates

less the deceased in favour ofthe individual responsible forcommissioning the memorial

now these points of data make a beautiful line '


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Lord have mercy on the soulof: from 1790s, to 1920s, with apeak in the 1840s

In lovingmemory : 1870s to 1980s.

now these points of data make a beautiful line


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IHS variously interpreted asIesous a rendering ofthe Greekorthography forJesus, Iesus Hominum Salvator (Jesus, saviour ofmankind) orIn Hoc Signo [Vince] (In thissign, conquer)

easily the most popular

single ideogramrepresented- occursin various styles onsome 151 examples(62%)


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continuing popularity from the 1760s until its sudden decline inthe 1870s.


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two graveyards show markedly different distributions of thesymbol.

Killora: defined peaks during the 1770s, 1840s and 1910s.


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Killogilleen: remained highly popular from the 1770s to the 1860with a secondary peak culminating during the 1930s and1940s.


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Changes to the IHS form

IHS with a cross (usually springing from the cross-bar of theH) first appeared in the 1760s and enjoyed a highpopularity until the 1860s


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IHS monogram with a cross where theIwas carved in theform of aJ appeared during the 1810s, peaking duringthe 1840s


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plain form of the monogram (without a cross) introduced:1860s, peaked: 1890s and 1940s.


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Entwined 'IHS': introduced 1880s, with peaks in the 1920sand 1940s.


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The omega Omega: most popular of the

shapes used for the cross-barof the 'H' in the IHS' monogram.

Omega may be construed as asymbol of death ormemento mori .

Represented on 25 gravestones (17%).Introduced: 1780sMost popular: 1810s.Decline: 1820s-1830s

Revival: 1850s.


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VariationOccasionally the omega is

inverted, so that theloop is open towards the top


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Does it have a meaning?Speculation: may be a deconstruction of a death symbol - turning

it into a symbol of life and resurrection.


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Any evidence?


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Any evidence? maybeAnalogy: in Medieval sculpture dragons and other mythical and

monstrous beasts are used as emblems of Satan, but areshown with knotted tails, indicating that they have beendefeated by Christianity.


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Carving at St. Nicholas'Collegiate Church, Galway(15th Century)

Inversion of monstershows same process:Red Crosse Knight

Slaying the Dragon -Illustration from "TheFairie Queen" (1590)


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St George & the

Dragon by GustaveMoreau 19th centuryFrench Symbolistpainter 19

th /20th centuryillustration


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21st century

'Primeval' TV show onITV!

19th /20th centuryillustration


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Hearts

The use of hearts has a long history within Christian symbolismas a whole. Plain, upright heart. Popular from 1780s to 1940s,peaking in the 1880s and 1890s.


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Earlier examples: usually inlow false relief

L f l i


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Later ones: frequently cut inhigh relief and displayadditional attributes including bands of thorns,gushing blood and puncturewounds to the heart.

This particular evolution of formmay be as much the result ofchanges in fashion asdevelopments in carvingtechniques and technology.


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Inverted hearts

The form enjoyed popularity from the 1780s to 1850s, especiallyat either end of the period.


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The symbol is most often found appended beneath the cross-barof theH in the IHS monogram

The symbol may be interpreted as an image of death similar to


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The symbol may be interpreted as an image of death, similar tothe use of the omega.

Occasionally, the inverted heart occurs in conjunction with theinverted omega.Exact meaning of this combination is (at best) obscure.


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Hearts have largely gone out of fashion.Today: frequently incorporated into representations of Christ.


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Flowers (various forms) relatively rare & infrequent.Found from 1790s to 1940s.


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Flower as a symbol of resurrectionKillora cemetery - arrangement of the symbols presents an

explicit narrative of journey from death to resurrection.


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Symbol ofdeath or memento mori (a skull and cross-bones)the last day (Archangel Michael with a trumpet)


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Judgement (a set of scales)Salvation (rosette)

Central panel represents


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p pheaven?IHS & cross: JesusCherubimHand with key: St. Peter

Decorative border: the wallaround heaven (?)Revelations 21: 144 cubits

high (roughly 216 feet)

J li l id


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Just a little aside ...This stone: dedicated to Patrick Cloonan &

erected in 1839

Weighing of souls (Psychostasis): East Sideof the Muiredach's Cross, Monasterboice,

County Louth (900-923 AD)


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West tympanum of NotreDame Cathedral in Paris(1163-1250).

Origin? Egyptian theology? the heart weighed

against the feather Maat


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A few words about peacocks Ancient belief that theflesh of the peafowl

did not decay led toan association withimmortality adoptedin Early Christianity

H f ili ?


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Happy families?

165 memorials (67.35%) give details of family relationshipsbetween the deceased and the commissioner of themonument

Sons for parents (29.70%) Wives for husbands (20.60%)Husbands for wives (9.70%) Fathers for children (8.48%)Daughters for parents (8.48%) Families as a group for parents (6.06%)


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These figures arenot static through time, but display marked

changes.Detailing of family relationships isabsent before the 1780s, at

which pointsons begin to be included in the inscriptionscommemorating parents. Peaked: 1790s. Popular (if indecline) until 1880s.


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First instance of a daughter commemorating her parents did not

occur until the 1830s. Increasing until the 1910s (reached alevel comparable with the numbers of sons commissioningmonuments).


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Husbands commemorating wives : intermittent dedications fromthe 1780s to 1980sWives commemorating husbands: did not start until the 1800s, is

much higher, peaking in the 1890s.

Expectation:


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Expectation:The chief group responsible for the erection of stonesshould be

a close second generation relative, such as a son or daughter.True for sons commissioning monuments for parents (29.7%).But daughters comprise only the fourth largest named group

(8.48%).This is at variance with what should be expected if we are to

presume a roughly 50:50 male/female split in the population.

But why?


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But why?We should see these figures as evidence of the perceived

demands of graveyard (and societal) propriety where theeldest surviving son (or sons) was expected to shoulder thefinancial/organisational, burden of commemoration.

Simple advantages: choice ofsculptor ; type/variety ofsymbols usedopportunity to have theirown names included on the inscription.

But why?


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But why?More complex benefits: public display offamily continuityDisplay of continuedwealth and prestige on the parochial stage.

Economically: eldest son is most likely to inherit the bulk of thefamily property & therefore the one expected to commemoratethe deceased.

In this way, the act of commemoration of ones parents (inparticular ones father) becomes a very public statement thatthe role of head of the family had passed to the nextgeneration.

Problems with this approach


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Problems with this approachUndoubted stylistic element: times when such inscriptions were

considered appropriateOther factors:relative ages of husbands to wives (older males predeceased

their spouses)mothers dying in childbirthfamilies which produced no issue, or only female children.

A different approach


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A different approach ...The order in which the names of the deceased are placed withinthe inscriptions.

109 gravestones (44.49%) list a husband and a wife.

Of these, 81 (74.31%) list the deceased in the order in which theydied: husband predeceasing the wife (67 cases, 61.47%); wifepredeceasing the husband (13 cases, 12.84%).


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Minor component: female who predeceased her husband is listedafter him (13 cases). Sporadically from the 1860s to 1980s

Gaps between deaths: four days to 36 years.


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Where a wife predeceased her husband (but is listed after him) was there no personal property available to be inherited bythe next generation? any private property went to thesurviving husband.

Result: no change in the fiscal power within the family structure.It would make greatestfinancial and social sense to wait untilthe (male) head of the family died before commissioning amemorial to them both.


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In the 13 cases where wives predeceased their husbands and

are listed chronologically within the inscription, all but onepost-dates the 1900s.The single example from the 1830s was erected by the daughter

of the family significant?


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Numbers of gravestones commemorating one individual only with the exception of the 1900s more men than womenreceived stones what does it say about how women werevalued in rural Ireland from the 1750s to the 1980s?


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The theme of familypower andprecedence are also reflected in thenon-chronological ordering ofchildren in relation to their parents.

21 instances (8.57%) where childrenwho predeceased one or bothparents are placed lower on theinscription than would be from asimple list.

These are considered as internalrelatives , such as sons, daughtersand grandchildren part of thelineal descent of the family.


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There are a further 4 cases(1.63%) where externalrelatives (i.e. uncles,aunts, brothers- and sisters-in-lawetc. of thecommissioners)predeceased the primaryindividual, but are listed in asecondary position.


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It should be noted that this is theonly position in which predeceasedchildren are commemorated, therebeing no instance where apredeceased child is listed before itsparents.

There is only one stone within the twograveyards where a child alone iscommemorated. The stone isparticularly small (0.93m high x0.51m wide) and commemoratesFrancy Cawley (d. 1884, age 4years). It may be significant that of allthe stones analysed, this is the onlyone to include a verse.

Worth a mention ...


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Worth a mention ...with the exception of the previous case; the three individuals whodied in the 1970s & one grandchild from the 1940s, all the

predeceased children werejuveniles to mature adults ,whose ages range from 8 to 32, (average: 20.42 years).

Probably a significant portion of the local dead (from post-baptismal infants to young juveniles) are wholly unrepresentedwithin the until the 1940s at the very earliest.

Those who are, are relegated to a secondary position within theinscriptions.

Final thoughts and conclusions


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Final thoughts and conclusionsObserved a rural community whoseconscious and

unconscious actions in choosing gravestones betrays someof their ideas & concerns about how they perceive theworkings ofintra-family power and organisation , and indeedwhat constitutes the family in the first place.


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Structure: father as head of the family , with wife and childrentaking upsecondary roles .

Family: clearly defined as a nuclear, linear unit where uncles,aunts, and various in-laws, or external relations are

accorded commemoration, but in a position inferior to theperceived head of the family and its core of internal relations(as viewed by the commissioning individual!).

Change: From the beginning of the 20th century, we see a slowdemocratisation entering (but not eclipsing) this view of thetraditional family structure - predeceased wives accorded theprimary position within the inscriptions.


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Study of decoration: image of how individuals sawthemselves within their communities.

My argument: examination of 'non-chronological ordering'within inscriptions allows us to see into local society.

Also: how individual familiessaw themselves and how theyunderstood theirinternal organisation and power structures- something that other avenues of research are largely unableto!

While this trend towards non-chronological ordering of theinscription is a veryminor element of the corpus as a whole, itstill warrants further investigation to establish its widertemporal and physical distribution.

Publications on the subject:


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j1995 The Church of Prayers: gravestone inscriptions from the

graveyard of Killora, Craughwell, Co. Galway .

1997 Cillogcilln: gravestone inscriptions from the graveyard of Killogilleen, Craughwell, Co. Galway .

2000 A statistical analysis and preliminary classification of gravestonfrom Craughwell, Co.Galway in Journal of the Galway

Archaeological and Historical Society Vol. 52, pp. 155-71.

2011 Rules, Rubrics and Relations: The conscious and subconsciouconstruction of family structures and public images througgravestone art in Craughwell, Co. Galway, Republic of Ireland

Academia.edu


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www.academia.edu

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