Second Tenses in Egyp7an-Cop7c and Some Other … Tenses in Egyp7an-Cop7c and Some Other African...

HelmutSatzinger

SecondTensesinEgyp7an-Cop7candSomeOtherAfricanLanguages

Abstract relative forms — “emphatic” forms —

Second Tenses

Why are Egyptian that forms

called “emphatic”?

For a secondary connection with

FOCUS.

FOCUS IN EGYPTIAN – COPTIC

1 The jn constructions In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable. Obviously only used for topicalising the agent.

Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun

or

• absolute pronoun

nominal sḏm·n⸗f (only till FIP)

Aorist —

Prospective prospective sḏm⸗f

1.1 with finite verb form


or


perfective participle

Aorist imperfective participle

Prospective —


1 The jn constructions In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable. Obviously only for topicalising the agent. 1.2 with participle


1 The jn constructions In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable. Obviously only for topicalising the agent. 1.1–2 mixed paradigm (from Middle Kingdom on)


or





1.1–2 mixed paradigm Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun

or





Perfect / Preterite m plus noun

or

absolute pronoun


Aorist imperf. participle of jrj + infinitive

Prospective prosp. sḏm⸗f of jrj + infinitive

© Satzinger 1981

1.1–2 The Mixed Paradigm

In LEgn.: only the perfective participle has survived, the other forms are replaced by auxiliary jrj + infinitive.


or





Satzinger2016

History Grammaticalised already in OEgn.: construction not explicable within contemporary Egn. (Otherwise, jn is agent marker with infinitive and passive constructions.) Does not survive beyond LEgn. Material 1.1: nominal personal verb forms („suffix conjugation“) 1.2: adjectival verb forms (participles) The verb forms involved are the perfect and aorist (imperfective) participle in 1.1a, of which only the first one survives into LEgn., though not later; in 1.1b, the involved forms are the nominal conjugated forms sḏm·n⸗f, and prospective sḏm⸗f.

Satzinger2016

2 The Cleft Sentences with pw. The template is the Nominal Sentence #Predicate pw Subject#, the focalised element being in predicate role, the remainder following in the form of an adjectival phrase (ntj clause, participle, relative form, …) in the function of the subject. The focalised element may be the agent or any other element of the basic sentence.

Satzinger2016

The focalised element may be the agent or any other nominal element of the basic sentence. Agent (the verb form is here the “perfective” participle): swt pw rḏj n.j sn ‘It is he who has given them to me’ (CT 2,402 b) ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲧⲙⲟⲟⲛⲉ ⲙⲟï ‘It is the Lord who pastures me’ (Ps 22.1) Object (the verb form is here the “imperfective” relative form): jnk pw mrrw nṯr sˁnḫ.f wj "I am he whom the god wishes to preserve" (P. Ebers 1, 10). ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲧⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲁⲁⲥ ‘They spent only one hour’ (Matth 20.12) Indirect reference (the verb form: past relative form with n): jnk pw ḏd.n n.f Šw ḥnˁ (Tfnt) "I am he to whom Shu and Tefnut have said" (CT 4,092k). ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲧϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲱⲥ ‘It is the future we seek’ (Heb 13.14)

Satzinger2016

• noun or


pw adjectival phrase:

ntj clause, participle, relative form, …

swt

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ pw

ⲡⲉ- rḏj n.j sn

(ⲉ)ⲧⲙⲟⲟⲛⲉ ⲙⲟï

jnk ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ

pw ⲧⲉ-

mrrw nṯr sˁnḫ.f wj (ⲉ)ⲛⲧⲁⲩⲁⲁⲥ

jnk ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ

pw ⲧⲉ-

ḏd.n n.f Šw ḥnˁ Tfnt (ⲉ)ⲧϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲱⲥ

History Freely formed in OEgn. after the template #Predicate pw Subject# of the Nominal Sentence, with variable pw in OEg., and with invariable pw in MEgn. Although the basic template of the Nominal Sentence is N. N. in Legn., the Cleft Sentence preserved its tripartite form: the element pȝ < pw (variable again) was interpreted otherwise. Similarly in Coptic. Material Any adjectival clause construction: participle, relative form, sḏm·tj⸗f(j), nty clause, etc. In LEgn. only the perfective participle, relative form had survived, in the later tenses no synthetic forms (with nty > ⲉⲧ-).

Satzinger2016

3 Adverb focalising: the “emphatic construction” The Egn. template for this task is originally the sentence with adverbial predicate (Adverbial Sentence): the focalised adverb in predicate role, in the second position; the remaining sentence = subject, its nucleus being a nominalised verb form, in the first position.

Subject

that clause:

sḏm·n⸗f, “imperf.” sḏm⸗f, prospective sḏm⸗f

Predicate

adverbial expression:

adverb, preposition phrase, subjunctive sḏm⸗f (with final meaning), clause of circumstance

Satzinger2016

History Grammaticalised already before OEgn.: Adverbial Sentence: predicate restricted to locative expressions, Emphasising construction: all kinds of adverbials possible. Adverbial Sentence: independent utterances are embedded in jw matrix, Emphasising construction: embedding in jw matrix is avoided. Survives in its grammaticalised form into Coptic. Its use is blurred in Coptic: not exclusively depending on adverbial nature of the focalised element; the focalised element may be a noun (ef-na-r-ou ‘what will he do ?’), or in the so-called autofocal construction (eu-raše ‘what they are doing is rejoicing’). Material Nominal personal verb forms („suffix conjugation“). The verb forms involved are the nominal conjugated forms sḏm·n⸗f, aoristic (vulgo “imperfective”) and prospective sḏm⸗f.

Satzinger2016

Standard Somali Focalising statements with focus marker baa. Use of the “restrictive conjugation”

Normal conjugation Restrictive conjugation

It’s a banana I’m eating It’s I who am eating a banana

1s muuska baan cunayaa aniga baa muuska cunaya

2s muuska baad cunaysaa adiga baa muuska cunaya

3sm muuska buu cunayaa isuga baa muuska cunaya

3sf muuska bay cunaysaa iyada baa muuska cunaysa

1p muuska baan cunaynaa annuga baa muuska cunayna

2p muuska baad cunaysaan idinka baa muuska cunaya

3p muuska bay cunayaan iyaga baa muuska cunaya

baan=baa+anbaad=baa+adEtc.

No focus: waan cunayaa muus ‘I‘m eating a banana’

waan=waa+anwaad=waa+adEtc.

H A U S A

Afroasiatic / Chadic / West-Chadic African language with most numerous speakers,

apart from Arabic. 25 mio speakers, mostly in Nigeria (15 mio) and Niger.

Hausa conjugation pattern: {Personal + TAM marker} + invariable verb;

yaa tàfí ‘he went’ Subjunctive: no TAM marker; yà zoo ‘may he come,’ etc. Progressive: {Personal + nàa ‘pertaining to’} + verbal noun; yanàa zuwàa ‘he is coming’

(no accent = high tone)

(no accent = high tone)

Perfect I Perfext II (relative perfect)

Progressive I Progressive II (rel. progressive)

Newman: completive preterite continuous rel. continuous I

Reconstructions after P. Newman, based inter alia on dialectal variation. 1sg naa — na — < *nakà — inàa — nakèe

2sg m kaa — ka — < *takà — kanàa — kakèe

2 sg f kin — kikà — < kinkà — kinàa— kikèe

3 sg m yaa — ya — < *yakà — yanàa — yakèe

3 ag f taa — ta — < *takà — tanàa — takèe

1 pl mun — mukà — < munkà — munàa — mukèe

2 pl kun — kukà — < kunkà — kunàa — kukèe

3 pl sun — sukà — < sunkà — sunàa — sukèe

impers. an — akà — < *akà — anàa — akèe

The two Second Tenses, or Relative Tenses, are found 1. in part clauses (temporal, …): introduced by dà ‘with,’

baayan dà ‘after,’ 2. in relative clauses: introduced by dà ‘with’; zanèn dà munkà ɗaukà ‘the tie-wrapper which you (pl.) took’ 3. in focus constructions with a fronted noun or pronoun, nàawa

nèe ya fi kyau ‘Mine is the best,’ 4. in questions with question word (“WH-questions”): yàushée

kukà gamàa ‘when did you (pl.) finish ?’; furthermore, obviously in contrast to Coptic,

5. in narrative (sequential, continuative) sentences: Muusaa ya taashì ya shigèe ‘Musa got up [and] went past.’

(All exx. from Newman 1937 / 2000, 572–73.)

Other Chadic languages Mubi

Classification: Afro-asiatic / Chadic / East Chadic Normal prefix conjugation, ní wĕn báàb ‘I opened the door (ڊاب).’ But suffix conjugation: • If direct or indirect object is fronted: 1st suffix conjugation — báàb wĕn-na ‘It’s the door I opened’; • If one of two objects is fronted: 2nd suffix conjugation — ká wén-ndé báàb ‘It’s for you I opened the door’; • Adverbial complement fronted and one object postpositioned: 3rd suffix conjugation — íbrè ɗyémég-én bèdígí ‘It’ s with a needle (إڊرة) that I sewed the gown’; • Object fronted and adverbial complement postpositioned: 1st or 3rd suffix conjugation.

(After Jungraithmayr, in Fs Thausing 1981, 102ff.)

Suffix conj. 1:

dto., plur. object Suffix conj. 2:

Suffix conj. 3

1s -á-nà -á-nà -á-ndé -én

2sm -ká -á-gá -gát -ká

2sf -ké -á-gé -gét -ké

3sm -kuu -í-gú -gút -kú

3sf -kíi -í-gí -gít -kí

1p-i -á-naa -á-naa -á-nát -á-naa

1p-e -á-nee -á-nee -á-nét -é-nee

2p -kún -í-gún -gún -kún

3p -kóo -á-gó -gót -kó


Mubi

Bidiya Classification: Afro-asiatic / Chadic / East Chadic

Perfective Aorist Imperfective Progressive

I. Tense II. Tense I. Tense II. Tense 1s no tàl tàl-nó noo(ra) tàl-ga tàl-gí-nò 2sm ki — -kíŋ kinda — — -kíŋ 2sf ka — -káŋ kanda — — -káŋ 3sm ŋa — -yí ŋanda — — -y 3sf na — -tí nanda — — -t 1p-i ni — -yáŋ ninda —-yaŋ — -yàŋ 1p-e ni — -níŋ ninda —-yaŋ — -nìŋ 2p ku — -oŋ -kúŋ kunda — — -kùŋ 3p ŋu — -yó ŋanda — — -yò Focalised object Relative clauses tal ‘sehen’ Temporal clauses Question with interrogative pronoun Narrative


Dangaléat

Independent sentences:

subject pronoun — verb

(“prefix conjugation”)

Dependent sentences:

semantic dependency on previous utterance

verb — subject pronoun

(“suffix conjugation”)

no kata ‘I went’ kar kát-ino ‘then I went’

nà màte ‘he died’ ŋà gal — kar mát-dyo ‘he fell — and died’

Dangaléat

Spoken in: Mauretanien, Senegal, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Kamerun, Gambia Partly in: Tschad, Sierra Leone, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Zentralafrikanische Republik, Elfenbeinküste, Ghana, Togo

Fulfulɗe

Fulani-Dschihad-Staaten in West-Afrika, um 1830.

Alternate Names: Fulani, Boulbe, Ful, Fula, Fulata, Fulbe, Fulfulde, Palata, Peul, Peulh, Mbororo, Domona, Dzemay Spoken in: Mauretanien, Senegal, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Kamerun, Gambia Partly in: Tschad, Sierra Leone, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Zentralafrikanische Republik, Elfenbeinküste, Ghana, Togo 669,000 in Cameroon (1986). Possibly 13,000,000 speakers of all Fulfulde varieties. Classification Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Atlantic, Northern, Senegambian, Fula-Wolof, Fula

Fulfulɗe

Fulfulɗe is a class language, as are also the related languages Wolof and Serer of Senegal, and the Bantu languages which are only very distantly related. Cf. Ful-ɓe vs. Ba-ntu, Wa-tussi (person plural class)

14. ngal Various including Augmentative Singular ɗem-ngal ‘tongue’

15. ngol Various, often long things ɓog-gol ‘rope’

16. ngii/ngil Various including Augmentative Singular ɓog-gii/ɓog-gii ‘big rope’

17. ka Various laan-a ‘boat’

18. ki Various lek-ki ‘tree’

19. ko Various haak-o ‘soup’

20. kol 'Calf,' 'Western type of School' ñal-ol ‘calf’, lekkol ‘school’

21. ɗam mainly for Liquids lam-ɗam ‘salt’, ndiy-am ‘water’

22. ɗum Neutral maw-ɗum ‘big thing’

23. ɗe Non-human Plural juu-ɗe ‘hands’

24. ɗi Non-human Plural na'i ‘cows’

25. man all classes nagge man, na'i man ‘cows’

Anlautstufe Klasse 1. hes- (neu) 2. woɗ- (rot) 3. wor- (männlich) 4. wul- (heiß)

1. nde hesre woɗeere worde wulnde

1. ndu hesru woɗeeru wordu wulndu

1. nge hese woɗeeye worge wulnge

1. ngo heso woɗeewo worgo wulngo

1. ko heso woɗeeho worko wulko

1. ɓe hes'be woɗeeɓe worɓe wulɓe

2. ngal kesal boɗeewal gorgal gulngal

2. ngel kesel boɗeeyel gorgel gulngel

2. ngol kesol boɗeewol gorgol gulngol

2. ki kesi boɗeehi gorki gulki

2. ɗe kese boɗeeje gorɗe gulɗe

2. ɗi kesi boɗeeji gorɗi gulɗi

2. 'o keso boɗeejo gorko * gulɗo

2. ɗum kesum boɗeejum gorɗum gulɗum

Mutation of initial consonant

Anlautstufe Klasse 1. hes- (neu) 2. woɗ- (rot) 3. wor- (männlich) 4. wul- (heiß)

3. ndi kesri mboɗeeri ngordi ngulndi

3. nga kesa mdoɗeewa ngorga ngulnga

3. ngu kesu mboɗeewu ngorgu ngulngu

3. ka kesa mboɗeeha ngorka ngulka

3. kon keson mboɗeehon ngorkon ngulkon

3. ɗam kesam mboɗeejam ngorɗam ngulɗam

1. Sg. mi -mi

2. Sg. ’a -ɗa, -ta, -a

3. Sg. (Pers.cl.) ’o -ɗo

1. Pl. inkl. ’en -ɗen, -’en

1. Pl. exkl. men —sic

2. Pl. ’on -ɗon, -ton, -’on

3. Pl. (Pers.cl.) ɓe -ɓe

Subject pronouns of prefix and suffix conjugation

HansG.Mukarovsky,WienerZeitschriKfürdieKundedesMorgenlandesVol.53(1957),pp.161-180.

Suffix conjugation: the verb is preceded by — a) A relative pronoun: Suka ˀon mo piˀū mi ‘this child is it which I beat’ (mi pi’i ‘I beat’; mo: class pronoun as object); b) a question word: ndeye ngar ɗon ‘When did you (pl.) come?’ (’on war ‘you came’); c) an adverbial expression: jango kirsan mi nagge ‘tomorrow I‘ll slaughter a cow’ (mi hirsan nagge jango‘I‘ll slaughter the cow tomorrow’) d) a fronted object: ko gerlal maungal waru mi ‘It is a big partridge what I killed’ (mi wari ‘I kill’; ko ‘it is’)

In all exx. mentioned, the focalised element was fronted; often there is a deictic Element; and in all cases the verb form or construction is different from the normal utterances. The languages dispose of a special conjugation for the part clause. There are also many cases of languages where the focalised element is fronted, but the construction is otherwise the same as in the normal utterance. E.g., Yoruba (SW of Nigeria):

Aṣọ ni mo rà Mo rà aṣọ cloth it-is I buy I buy cloth ‘It was cloth I bought.’ ‘I bought cloth.’

• In situ focalisation is effected by acoustic means (stress), like Ger. Der Mann hat den Hund gesehen; not visible in writing. • Fronting the focal element (like Den Hund hat der Mann gesehen) is not possible in a language with rigid word order, like Egn., except for topicalisation. Rigid word order is, on the other hand, a must for languages that do not mark the complement (object) otherwise. • This leaves us with clefting: making the focal element predicate, the remainder assuming the form of relative clause or adjectival phrase, having the role of the subject: C’est le chien que l’homme a vu / ỉw pw mȝ·n z / pȝ-ỉw pȝ ỉ·ptr pȝ-rmt /ⲡⲉⲩϩⲟⲣ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟϥ /

(1)In-situfocus:normalwordorder;itisrealizedphoneticallybyanuclearpitchaccent.TypicalofLatin,Italian,German,Slaviclanguages.DidyouseetherePeterorTom?—IsawPeter!IchhabePetergesehen!ЯувиделПётра!

(2)Clefting:Thefocalisedelementispresentedinatheticexpression;theremainderofthesentencefollowsasarelativeclause.TypicalofFrenchandtheCelticlanguages,aswellasmanyAfricanlanguages.

C’estPierrequej’aivu!ItisPeterwhomIsaw!

IséPeadarchonaicmé!

Second Tenses in Egyp7an-Cop7c and Some Other … Tenses in Egyp7an-Cop7c and Some Other African...

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