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FALL GELB & THE GERMAN BLITZKRIEG OF 1940: OPERATIONAL ART?
A MONOGRAPH BY
Major Rick S. Richardson Field Artillery
School of Advanced Military Studies United States Army Command and General Staff
College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas
Second Term AY 98-99
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SCHOOL OF ADVANCED MILITARY STUDIES
MONOGRAPH APPROVAL
Major Richard S. Richardson
Title of Monograph: Fall Gelb and the German Blitzkrieg of 1940: Operational Art?
Approved by:
-7 ~ i : ~ & , y , , ~ .YAW$ Monograph Director
William J. Gregor, kb) .~.
Director, School of Advanced - LTC Robin P. Swan, MMAS Military Studies
p& J &U~L.-- Director, Graduate Degree Philip J. Brookes, Ph.D. Program
Accepted this 27th Day of May 1999
Abstract
Fall Gelb & the German Blitzkrieg of 1940: Operational Art? by Major Kick S. Richardson: l1.S. Army, 51 pages.
The ohjcctive of this study is to determine isthe German "blil~krieg" and 1:alI Gclb ol' 1940 wcrc an expression ol'operational art. Despite the mythology surrounding Vall Gclb, the campaign does not constitute a major breakthrough in operational art by the Germims. Fall Gelb was not an expression of operational art. This conclusion is based upon an analysis using the approaches posed by 1J.S. Army and joint doctrine, Dr. James Schneider and Dr. Shimon Navch.
'She purpose of this study is to examine more closely what is meant by "opcrational art" and to use those contcmporary insights to reexamine German military operations in France in May 1940, Fall Gclb. I'all Gelb was choscn becausc it is a campaign that is frequently studied and ofen used and abused to illustrate various points relating to military operations. The study orthe I'all ( A h campaign on'ers a glimpse of past operations through the lens of contemporary thought. That study provides thc contemporary military professional an opportunity to improve his undcrstanding ofopcrational art through the study of a historical campaign.
I:all Gelb must be analyzed using criteria derived rrom a modern understanding of opcrational art to objectively asscss the significance ofF'iil1 Gelb. 'l'here are three distinctive approaches to opcrational art. Onc way to approach the problem is to use contcmporary doctrine as a yardstick. Contemporary doctrine approaches the issue by using simple definitions and lists to describe the essential elements of opcrdonal art. Another approach is that taken by Dr. James Schneider liom the 1J.S. Army School ol' Advanccd Military Studies. Schncider's approach seeks to dcscrihe the phenomena associnlcd with the practice of' Operation Art. Schneider breaks down opcrational art into key attributes necessary for thc practice of Operational Art. A third approach to thc issue is that used by Dr. Shimon Naveh, an Israeli military theorist. Naveh's approach l'ocuscs on describing the cognitive process he . ~ identitics as operational art. I hcsc approaches to the subjcct of' operational art olT'er thrcc different stiindards by which to mcasurc German military opcrations. 'l'hc thrcc approaches share common elements and can be used to produce a set ol'conimon critcria ibr thc analysis oSFall Gclb.
German opcrations in 1940 rcvcal little insight into thc clcmcnls ol'operational art. The Germans failed to use a unified and holistic approach in their design, execution, and sustainment orcampaigns mostly due to their lack ofpolitical-strategic cognition. Hitler's overnowerinrr inlluence in the onerational and tactical levels of war sevcrelv limited the - German military's operational vision, which is a prcrcquisitc li)r opcrational art. Also, the German planners in the OKH and OKW failed to idcntilj a clcar sequence of ttictical and operational objectives to achieve strategic goals and thus did not practice operational art. The German Olficer Corps did not have a "broad and universal" theory of'blitxkrieg. 'l'here was no consensus within the military as to the operational substance of' blitzkrieg. The German's maneuvers lacked industrious relationships betwccn strategic, opcrational, and tactical actions. The operational design was ambiguous because the planners could see no Sarther than the tactical success. The High Command hoped that unfolding events would guide thcir thought for the second phase ofFall Gelb.
Table of Contents
Chapter I -- Introduction
Emergcnce of Opcnilional Art
The lssue
Significance of ihc Study
Chapter 2 -- A 'l'heory of operational arl
I JS . Army Doctrine
U.S. Join1 1)odrine
Dr. Schneidcr's 'I'heory
Dr. Naveh's Theory
Chapter 3 -- Operation Fall Gclb
The Setting
'l'hc Action
'l'hc Aflerrnalh
Analysis
Chapter 4 -- Conclusion
Appendix A -- Dr. Schneidcr's Attributes ol'Opertllional Arl
Endnotes
Uihliography
Chapter 1
Introduction
R'urjure is /hc! greu/es/ ujfuir o/'slure, /he husis of li/l! und deu~h, /he wuy /o survivtrl or ex/inc/ion. I / musr he thoroughly pondered un d tmulyzed. '
Sun 'l'zu
Emerpcnce of Operational Art
The concept ofoperational art arose during the late 1800s. 'I'he early military thcorists
Clausewitz and Somini did not use the term. In hct, thc tcrm carricd no special significance
prior to thc twentieth century. When it was used the term refcrred to the organifidtion of'
supplies and marches.' l'he history of operational art rcvcals that it cmerged as a
consequence ofchanges in classical stratcgy that wcre brought about through the evolution of
warfive. This evolution was the product of'a series of'changcs to the hndamcntal naturc of
warfare in latter part of the nincteenth century. Advances in weapon lethality. transportation,
communications, and the raising tmd organization ol' field armies altered the conduct ofwar.
Those advances forced adaptation to both the enhanced military capabilities and the
complexity born ofthc new changcs.
In a paper titled Vulcun 's Anvil: The Americun Civil Wur and /he limergence 01'
O~~erurionul Arr, Dr. Schncider further described thc specific origins of operational art. Dr.
Schncider explained that classical stratcgy had held for hundreds of years that decisive
military action occurred whcn armies camc together in a dcnsc mass on a singlc point within a
theater of operations. During the American Civil war that pattern of military operations
changcd as a ncw rnanncr ofwarf'ic emergcd. Technological advances allowed armies to
conduct dispersed maneuvers, which in turn expanded and emptied the battlefield. 'l'hc
increased lethality o f modern weapons, such as the breech-loading ritlc, and quick-firing
artillery, caused soldiers to disperse to avoid the efkcts ol'these weapons. This dispersion
crcated thc "empty battlefield." l'he dispersion of forces combincd with idvanccd
transportation and communications mcans propelled the emergencc ol'largc lield armies that
could efi'cctivcly usc distributed ~naneuvcr.~ Because ol'thesc changcs, it gap dcvelopcd
between tactics which tended to produce concentric niancuver in search of'a battle at a
decisive point and stratcgy which tended to deline war aims divorced from tactics. l'hat gap
in classical theory reprcscnted a large intellectual void that needed to be fillcd. 'l'hc physical
changes in thc conduct of war were thc prerequisites f i r operations at a level beyond tactics,
b ~ ~ t not quite strategy, and thus the art of linking strategy to tactics was born. The 1J.S. Army
has labclcd the art of linking strategy to tactics, operational art. The following table comparcs
classical strategy lo opcrational art. 4
1,ogistics is a consideration only in initial phases of campaign. Vigorous pursuit afcr battlc.
Maneuv~r to contact.
Armies collide in decisive battle.
Campaign ends.
Rattles and engagements hegin immediately at the national borders. Several armies light indecisive battles. l'he only decisive battle is the last battle of the war 1,ogistics considerations imposc pauses upon operations 0 t h before
gursuit can be decisive. Wars consist of several campaigns: campaigns consist of several distinct operations; operations consist of' several distinct battles and maneuvers.
Cicnerally war is also terminated. ( Operational art is strategy with thc
The commander sccs the entirc battlefield.
addcd dimension ofdepih. l'he commander sccs vcry littlc of thc many simulttuneous battles
The Issue
I listorians have spilled a large amount of ink arguing the significance ol'the German
western campaign of 1940 and the notion ofwarfare labeled "blil~krieg." The fall of I'rancc
has been used and abused to illustrate various points relating to military operations. Any
study of Fall Cielb, Case Yellow, must sort out the exaggerated claims from reality in order to
makc an objective assessment of the significance ol'Gcrman operations in contemporary
terms. Given all of the intellectual passion associated with studies of I'all Gclb there needs to
be a l'ramcwork to make an ob,jcctivc assessment. '1'0 makc an oh,jective asscssmcnt criteria
must he established that are independent of previous portrayals of the 1940 campaign. Thus,
to objectively assess the importance of the "blitzkrieg," the blitzkrieg must be analyzed using
criteria derived from a modern understanding ofoperational art. There arc thrcc distinctive
approachcs to operational art. One way to approach the problem is to use contemporary
doctrine as a yardstick. Contemporary doctrine approachcs the issue by using simple
definitions and lists to describe the essential elements ol'opcrational art. Another approach is
that taken by Dr. James Schneider from thc IJ.S. Army School ol' Advanced Military Studies.
Schncider's approach seeks to dcscribc the phenomcna associated with thc pri~ctice of
Operation Art. Schneidcr breaks down operational art into key attributes necessary for the
practice ofOperational Art. A third approach to the issuc is that used by Dr. Shimon Naveh,
an Israeli military theorist. Navch's approach ibcuses o n describing the cognilivc process he
identities as operational art. These approachcs to the sub,ject of operational art ofkr three
ditr'erent standards by which to measure German military operations. 'l'hc threc approachcs
share common elements and can be used to produce a set ofcommon critcria for the analysis
ofl:all M b .
'l'hc understanding of operational art is important for today's military leaders because
without the linkage of tactical rneans to strategic ends, tactical victories may fail to achicve
the nation's strategic purpose. The 1993 edition of Field Manual 100-5 Operations warns,
"without operational art, war would be a set ol'disconnected engagements, with relative
attrition the only measure ot'succcss or failure." 'l'his means that operational art providcs a
holistic or integrated approi~ch to the military planning. This holistic approach to the problem
docs not stem liom the tactics at the lowest level as the locus ol'military planning. Instead,
instead this approach works from the highest strategic aims, hack to the tactical actions. The
irrr is the bending and flexing of military means to effect a designed linkage tiom strategy to
tactics.
'l'he reason ibr examining the western campaign of 1040 is to illuminate how historical
events can be reinterpreted. 'l'hc purpose ol' such an examination is not.just another re-look:
instead the purpose is a better understanding of contemporary doctrine and theory. Such an
examination also serves to dispel thc many myths surrounding the 1:ull Ciclb campaign that
have arisen over time. The more pcople arc fascinated with myths, the less they can focus on
the understanding thc reality of planning military opcrtions. The contemporary significance
of such an analysis of the Fall Gelb campaign can bc broken into two ptuts. First, what is the
significance of operational art'? Second, what is the value of historical study through the lens
of operationid art'?
Foremost, what is the signilicance of operational art'? Operational art is notable
bccausc of its recent incorporation into 1J.S. doctrine. Operational art is also significant
because the current intense doctrinal debate within thc [J.S. Army arises because operational
art has become morc significant to military operations. One reason for such debate is that
operational art is a relatively new concept lor the United States Army. The 1982 version of
Ficld Manual 100-5 introduced the operational level ol'war. l'he 1986 update to Field
Manual 100-5 further focused thc Army on operational art when it revised the broad divisions
of war to include military strategy, operational art, and tactics. That vcrsion defined the term
operational art as "the employment of military forces to attain strategic goals in a theatcr or
thcater ofoperations through the design, organization and conduct ofcampaignss and maior
operations6. The current 1993 edition of Ficld Manual 100-5 expanded the explanation of
operational art to several pagcs that covered the concept in much morc detail than the
previous cciitions. The 1999 dralt of Field Manual 100-5 continued that trend of expanding
the width and brcadth of IJS Army doctrine concerning operational art. Opcri~tional art was a
conspicuous feature ofthat drall. That vcrsion devoted an entire chapter of tifly-six pagcs to
explaining a more holistic theory ofoperational art.
Since "operational art" was added to the IJS Army's vocabulary many soldiers have
struggled to undcrstand it. An abundance of confusion continues to surround the mcaning and
signiiicancc oi'operational art. The current dralt of Ficld Manual 100-5 remains under
significant revision; however, the concepts presentctl in this draft reveal thc ascendancc of
operational art in Army doctrine. The consternation surrounding thc draft is cvidencc that thc
IJnitcd States Army still docs not know precisely what "operational art" mcans. Tlowcver,
regardless ofwhich definition is agreed upon in the linal edition of'I:ield Manual 100-5, the
elcvated prominence ofopcrational art will surely require increased study by an expanding
number ol' soldiers.
Ciivcn the importance of operational art in IJ.S. Army doctrine, how can soldiers
further their understanding of operational art'? A soldier can improve his understanding by
testing, evaluating, and challenging thc thcory ofopcmtional art through historical study. A
historical study synthcsizes his understanding of the theory of operational art by permitting
him to reexamine historical cvents through the lens ofoperational art. l'hc soldier achievcs a
better understanding ofthe concept following historical analysis, than is possible by studying
the concept alone.
Soldiers, scholar, and private citizens havc some understanding ofthc (icrman
blitzkrieg. Scholars have debated the significance of the blitzkrieg and whether thc camptiign
of' 1940 rcprcsented a h r m ofoperational art. Many arguments havc already been madc to
provc either viewpoint of the controversy. This study takes a fiesh look at the issue by
"peeling the onion back" on the cvcnts leading up to Spring 1940 to examine thc truths of
blitzkrieg through the lens ol'current rind emerging operational art theory.
Chapter 2
A Theory of Operational Art
Miliiury theory and history serve us /he chief vehicles wi/h which /o highligh/ and sketch /he e.wence qf'cperu/ionul ur/.'
Dr. .lames J. Schneider
Introduction
As previously stated, to properly analyze Fall Cielb in the context ol'opcrational art, it
is necessary to dctcnnine lirst what is meant by "operational art." Specilically. what arc the
clenients of military perbrmancc that distinguish operational art from stratcgy and tactics. IT
operational art can be clearly separated fiom stratcgy and tactics, then it will be possible to
assess objectively thc German campaign in France in 1940. Unhrtunately thcrc is no single
interpretation of the concept dctined as "operational art." There arc, however? three
distinctivc approaches to the subject. Each approach provides a different standard but all
three sharc common clemcnts. Thus, from examining the three approaches, it will be possible
to establish specific criteria ibr judging 17all (ielb. The lirst approach and perhaps the most
obvious is current I1.S. Army and ioint doctrine on operational art. 'fhis is an obvious starting
point bccause U S . Army and joint doctrine supposedly guides IJ.S. military planning and, by
extension, should represent a mature concept ofoperational art. Field Manual 100-5 dcfincs
operational art and lists the specific aspects of' military perfornmncc that are the essential
elements ol'opcrational art in distinction to strategy and tactics. 1J.S joint doctrine also
provides a definition of operational art and lists the essential elements ofoperational art in
distinction to stratcgy and tactics. These two doctrinal documents sharc the same
fundanlental definition ofopcrtdional art. The essential elements ol'the doctrinal delinition
7
remain the same. The major difference is that joint doctrine has a distinct emphasis on the
application of operational art as part of the joint cltmpaign planning process. Ihwcver, this
difYcrcncc is not significant in terms ol'thdamcntal approach. Therefore, there is no need to
separate the two approaches ibr the purpose ol'examining IFall Gelb.
'I'he second and third approaches lo operational art do not come liom doctrine.
Instead, thc latter two approachcs stem lkom the theorctical explanations of operational art
proposed by two ofthe foremost theorists in the academic study of operational art. 'l'hcsc
theoretical models are valid criteria bccttuse each arc published by qualified academicians in
the field ol'operational art theory. As a member ol'thc founding fiiculty ofthc School of
Advanced Military Studies at Fort l.eavenworth, Dr. James J. Schneider has inlluenccd the
development ol'U.S. operational doclrine. 'The second theoretical dcfinilion proposed by Dr.
Shimon Naveh is equally valid. Naveh's recent work, in I'urs~ri~ of'Mililrrry l<xxcellence: The
Evolulion qf'Operu/ional l'heory providcd a comprehensive study of operational art. Navch's
theoretical model ofoperational art is studied at both the [J.S. Army War College and the
School of' Advanced Military Studies.
U.S. Army Field Manual 100-5 & Operational Art
The first ofthree approaches to the subject ofoperational art is 1J.S. doctrine. I<ven
though operational art evolvctl in the late 1800s. the notion ofoperational art is a relatively
new conccpt in the IJ.S. military. 'l'hc adolescence orthis conccpt is manifested in the limited
understanding ol'operational art at all levels of the Army and thc hilure of current doctrinc to
explain sufficiently the essential elements of military performance necessary to practice
operational art. The reason Sor this hilure can be ibund in records ol'thc dcvclopment of'
doctrinc since 1976. The 1976 version ol'1:ield Manual 100-5 0perurion.c. was largely
8
focused on dcfcnding Western Europe fiom the hrmcr-Soviet Union. At that time. Army
doctrine largely ignorcd operational art. The clear focus ol'the Army's intellectual energy
was on the tactical problems presented by the Warsaw I'act. H
Following publication of the 1976 edition, the Army ibcused inward and i~lter much
reflection introduced operational art. Much likc today's attempt to clevatc thc prominence ol'
operational art, the 1976 Army operations doctrine was not well received. Many soldiers
debated the requirement for a ncw doctrinal construct bctwccn strategy and tactics. The
dcbatc centered on changing the relationship between tactical battles and strategic endstatcs.
The operational art debate was bcncficial bccause it sparked opcn debate over how to apply
doctrine to kst del'end against the Soviet threat. As thc operational art debate progressed
during thc dcvclopment ofthe 1982 vcrsion and the subsequent 1986 vcrsion ol'Field Manual
100-5, doctrine writers and lield leaders acccptcd a paradigm shift from solely a tactical focus
to addressing the relationship between tactical activities and their larger strategic objectivc.
'l'hc paradigm shift away lrom tactics was manifested in thc 1986 vcrsion ol'T:ield
Manual 100-5. 'I'hat version explained that the "structurc ol' modern warfare'' consisted ol'
military strategy, operational art, and tactics. It labeled this structure as the "broad divisions
of activity in preparing for war.'" The 1986 version of FM 100-5 was significant because, for
the first time, operational art was defined in 1J.S. Army doctrinc. Field Manual 100-5 defined
operational art as "the employment of military forces to attain strategic goals in a thcatcr of
war or theater of opcrations, through thc design, organization, and conduct ol'campaigns and
ma,jor operations.""' This new concept signified a lundamcntal shilt in the Army's base
tloctrinc. The tloctrinal thrust ofthe basc doctrine was slowly shilting away firom a tactical
paradigm of dcstruct ion to an operational paradigm of mult i-dimensional maneuvcr with
specific linkages to strategic aims.
Dr. Richard M. Swain bcst summcd up the evolution oSlJ.S. Army doctrinc on
operational art whcn he said, "operational art fills a significant void in 1I.S. Army thought. Tt
providcs a concept to rclatc tactical events to strategic outcomes. It provided a framework
within to think, cven tentatively about large unit opcrittions."" To hcgin to understand this
doctrinal concept of opert~tional art, onc must understand thc mental fiamework doctrine
provides. l'hc current version of I M d Manual 1 O O - ~ ' ' , and Field Manual 100-7,I)e~isive
l.i)rce: 7he Army in Theater Orxwtion.s'.' providcs U.S. Army doctrinc for operational art.
These manuals lay out a mental i'ramcwork for ordering and categoriing military operations
shown in Figurc 2. This framcwork is called thc lcvcls ofwar. A lcvcl of war is a conccptuitl
fiamework in which to organkc activities, resources, purposes, and areas of responsibility and
operations in a logical structure. These lcvcls provide a mcntal pegboard within this
continuum in which to "hang" activities within an area of responsibility and helps
commanders visualize a logical {low of operations, allocate rcsources, and assign tasks. Most
important, each level is deli ned by the outcome intended-not by the level of command or the
size ofthe unit. A common misconception is that the tactical level ofwar consists of Corps
and lower units; operational level consists of Armics and Joint unified and suh-unified
commands; and strategic is cvcrything abovc that. In fact, a particular unit or rigid boundaries
do not definc the levels ofwar; instead, the outcome or ohiecrives lo he achieveddefine thc
levcls of war.
STRATEGIC f - j I
I Thssnr slralegy
I Theater Campaign Plans
Subora~nate Jolnl Fone
OPERATIONAL
Figure
M a w Oporauono 3T-5 TACTICAL
Engagernenls
Levels of w a r t 4
'The three levels orwar are strategic, operational, and tactical. The highest lcvcl of
war is thc stratcgic icvcl. At the strategic level oi'war a nation or group of nations uses
national intcrcsts to determine their stratcgic goals. Strategy involves the art t~nd science of
employing armed Forccs with othcr instruments of national powcr to achicvc stratcgic goals.
Relow the stratcgic lcvcl orwar is the operational level. 'I'hc operational level olwar
is that level at which forccs are used to attain tllcatcr-strategic objectives in a thcatcr of war
and operational ob.jectives in the thciitcrs ofopcnttions through dcsign, organimtion, and
execution of campaigns and major operations. The operational level is the vital link between
national and theatcr-strategic aims ttnd the tactical employment ol'lorces on the battlefield.
'The activities at the operational level of war ensure the logistic and administrativc support ol'
lactical lbrces. Thc activities at the operational level create conditions that place tactical
forccs at the proper location and time to cxccutc operations.
1 1
The lowest lcvel in the liamcwork is the tactical lcvcl. At this lcvel, battles atid
engagcments arc planned and executed to accomplish military objectives assigned to tactical
forccs. 7'hc sum of these individual victories produces opcralional rcsults. 'l'actics is the art
and science ol'employing forccs to win battles and engagcmcnts.'5
Given the fiamcwork provided by the levcls ofwar, the relationship betwcen thc
opcrational lcvel of war and opcrational art must bc clarified. The opcrational lcvcl ofwar is
the middle space in the "mental pegboard" betwccn the strategic and tactical lcvcls for
ordering and catcgorizing military operations. Operational art is the uclivily conducted at the
opcrational lcvel of war. At this point it is usefill to undcrstand why the word "art" is uscd in
the term. Art is thc cognitive thinking process ol'creating something as opposed to thc idea ol'
purely scientific or mathematical equation. In thc context of military operations, operational
art is the linchpin between mechanical aspccts ofmilitary science and the intangible essence
of military art. The analogy of a mosaic is usefill to clarify this concept of "art." Explained in
the context ol'a mosaic, operational arl takes pieces (time, spacc, capabilities, terrain, enemy,
rcquircmcnts, etc.) and arranges them in a coherent pattcrn that produces a strategic result,
just like a mosaic. This is in contrast to classical warfhre that is more like painting. In
painting, thc artist merely draws a strategic line to a point and puts the paint (armics) on that
"decisive point". Related to this concept ofoperational "art" is the notion of thc "operational
artist." The tcrnm opcrational artist suggests one who applics creativity in taking abstract
strategic goal and applies creativity to turn these abstract goals into missions and ob,iectives
for tactical action.
Field Manual 100-5 delines the concept of operational art used by the "artist" to
construct such a "mosaic:"
The skillfill employment of military lbrces to attain strategic andlor operational oh,jectives through the design, organization, integration, and conduct of theater strategies, campaigns, major operations, and battles. I"
Field Manual 100-5 expands this definition by explaining that operational art is the process of
translating theater strategy and design into an operational design which links and integrates
the tactical battles and engagements that, when fought and won over space and time, achieve
the strategic aim. I'ield Manual 100-5 warns, "without operational art, war would be a set 01'
disconnected engagements, with relative attrition the only measure of success or failure."17 In
other words, the application of operational art provides that tactical engagements are directed
toward aprrrpose so the tactical engagements are not inconsequential attempts to erode cnemy
fbrces.
IField Manual 100-5 identifics specific elements of military performance as the
essential elements ofoperational art. Opcrational art requires visualization, anticipation, and
ii thorough understanding ofthc relationship of means to ends. 'fhis means that the
operational artist must possess "broad vision" to see both "up" to the strategic goals and
"down" to the tactical actions necessary to achieve thcsc goals. In doing so, Field Manual
100-5 poses three questions for the opcrational artist:
What military conditions will achieve the strategic objectives in a theater of war or theatcr of operations'!
What sequence ol' actions is most likely to producc thcsc conditions'!
I low should the commander apply military resources within cstahlished limitations to accomplish that sequence ol'actions'?"
'l'hc answers to Lhesc questions provide the operational commander and his staf' the insight
into what actions to direct and what effccts must be achieved.
O~erational Art in Joint US. Doctrine
Joint doctrinc expands the operational art concepts previously stated. The Joint
dclinition of operational art is
. . I he employment ol'military hrccs to attain strategic andlor operational objectives through the design, organization, integration, and conduct ol' strategies, campaigns, major operations, and battles. Operational art translates the joint lbrces commander's strategy into operational design, and. ultimate1 , taclical aclion by integrating thc key activities at all lcvcls of war. z
Joint doctrine states that Joint Force Commanders employ operational art, in concert with
strategic guidance and direction received liom the National Command Authority or through
superior military commanders, when developing campaigns and opcrations. 'The key
differcncc between 1J.S. Army and Joint doctrine is the distinct joint emphasis on cnmptiign
planning at the theater-strategic and operational levels of war.
Joint doctrine l'or operations and planning lays out l'our specific military performance
standards that are thc essential elements of operational art. 17irst ihc operational artist must
possess broad vision, the ability to anticipate, and cH'cctivcJoint and multinational
cooperation. Second, scnior stalTofficcrs tind subordinate commandcrs must practice
operational art in addition to joint force commanders. Third, the operational artist must
consider not only thc employment ol' military l'orces hut also at the arrangcrnent of thcir
eiTorls in time, space, and purpose. Joint operational art fi)cuses in particular on thc
fundamental methods and issues associated with the synchronization of air, land, sea, space,
and special opcrations force^.^" Vourth, operationill artisls must answer the following
questions:
What military (or rclated political and social) conditions must be produccd in the operational area to achieve the strategic goal? (I'nds);
I4
What sequence of actions is most likely to produce that condition'? (Ways);
I low should the resources of the joint i'orcc be applied to accomplish that sequencc of actions'? (Means);
What is thc likely cost or risk to thc joint ibrcc in pcrlimning that scquence of 'a~tions'?~'
Furthermore, joint doctrine states the role ofoperational art during deliberate and crisis
planning is to link the "tactical employment of forces to strategic oh,jectives." According to
,joint doctrine, planncrs use opcrational art to determine when, where, and for what purpose
forces are employed. The application of operational art results in a campaign plan which
provides the common aim and lists major [asks, objectives, and concepts to subordinates to
achieve operational and strategic o b j c c t i v c ~ . ~ ~
Joint and U.S. doctrine on operational art is rclativcly rudimentary. 'l'hc fitcl thal
many field grade officers do not understand the concept of opcrational art shows thc doctrine
is still in its infancy. Also, the Army's keystone warfighting doctrine, Field Manual 100-5,
only mentions operational art on scvcn pages in the entire manual. 'I'hc immaturity of military
doctrine requires additional critcria by which lo assess Fall Gclb. The academic theories ol'
operational art will amplify thc limited insights provided by doctrine ttnd provide for a more
detailed analysis of Fall Gelb.
Dr. Schneider's Approach to Operational Art
In his papcr, Theorericul Paper No. 3: The 7heory of'0perafionul Arl, Dr. Schneidcr
stated "Operational art is the cmployment of military ti)rces lo attain strategic goals through
the dcsign, orgtmi/ation and execution ol'campaigns and major operations."2' Dr. Schneider
characteri~es operational ttrt as "the employment of forces in deep distributed operations.
'l'hcsc maneuvers consist ofdeep battles and cxtcnded maneuvers punctuatcd by periods of
,324 . inaction. I'hc dominant characteristic of Dr. Schneider's "modcrn war" is rli.s~rihu/ive
maneuver which some call operational art. Distributed mancuver is characterized by a series
ofdistributed battlcs leading to the dispersion ofcombat hrcc over space and timc.
Operational art is the planning, exccution, and sustainmcnt of temporally and spatially
distributed maneuvers and battles, all vicwcd in its entirety. Dr. Schneider's theory proposes
that operational art "in it's fullest expression. . . is inaniksted through scvcral key
, 325 . attributes. I'hc key attributcs arc distributed operation, distributed campaign, continuous
logistics, instantaneous command and control, operationally durable formations, operational
vision, and distributcd enemy (See Appendix A).
l'hc following attributcs are appropriate to use to cvaluatc i ; t ~ l l Gelb. Thc distributcd
operation is the dominant characteristic in Dr. Schneider's thcory ofoperational art.
Schncidcr characterized distributed operations as "an ensemble of dccp maneuvers and
distributed battlcs extendcd in space and timc but unilicd by ii common aim."2" The
distributcd operation is part o f a distributed campaign. 'I'he distributcd campaign was created
through the combination various simultaneous and successive distributed operations.27 The
distributed campaign is the controlling characteristic of Schneider's thcory.
In addition to the distrihutcd operation and campaign, Schneider's concept of
operational vision is an attribute relevant ibr judging Fall Gelb. Schneider called operational
vision "a unified and holistic approach in thc dcsign, excculion and suslainment ol'campaigns.
The gift of operational vision has often been associated with mental agility, the ability to react
to incoming information ihster than it arr i~es." '~ Napoleon and Ulysses S. (irimt had thc
ability to tirst envision the endstate of'a campaign, then to dcvelop a concept for how to
achievc the endstatc. Both Napolcon and Grmt were able to impart this vision to their
subordit~ates that produced a unified ctfort throughout their army.2' This concept ol'vision is
critical to linking simultaneous and sequenced operations that are distributed. Without
operational vision, the battlcs and engagemcnts o f a ciimpaign degeneratc into indepcndcnt
and unprofitable ventures.
'l'hc significance of these key attributes is that the attributes will provide the substance
ofthe sccond of the three approaches used in the following chapter to assess Fall Gclb in thc
context of operational art. Schneider's attributes add valuc to the doctrinal definitions already
discussed. That valuc is the illumination of the concepts alluded to in Army and Joint
doctrine. Il'Fnll (ielh meets these criteria thcn Fall Gelb is an expression of operational art in
the context provided by Schncider's theory.
Shimon Naveh's Amroach to O~crational Art
Shimon Navch's theory ofopcrational art rounds out both I1.S. doctrine and Dr.
Schneider's theory. Naveh providcs a theoretical perspective of the doctrinal concepts
already presented. In his recently published book, In l'ursuir o/'Mili /ary i~xcellence, Dr.
Naveh considcrcd thc evolution ofthe operational theory ofwarfare. Naveh seeks to
o lk r a scientific interpretation of thc intcrmcdiatc lield of military knowledge situated ktwcen strategy and tactics, better known as operational art, and to trace the evolution of operational awarcncss and its culmination in a full- llcdgcd theory.""
In doing so, Naveh provides a third approach used in this monograph to assess 1:all (iclb in
the context of operational art. l i ke Schncider, Naveh sees the dcvclopment ofoperational art
arising out o f a growing gap between tactics and strategy. Also similar to Schneider, Naveh's
thcory slatcs that the gap created a vacuum that timed the developmcnt ol'a new component
ofthe military modcl to fill the void. Specifically, Naveh wrotc:
Tactics, focusing entirely on the mechanical dimension of warfare. totally lacked the cognitivc tools needed to merge and direct the numerous engagements toward attaining the strategic aims. On the other hand, strategy, leaning primarily on abstract definitions ofaims and policies, lacked the ability to translate its intentions into mechanical terms."
Ilere Navch agrees with Schncidcr concerning thc catalyst ofthe dcvclopmcnt ol'operational
art. Navch rccognizcs that chtmges to military mcitns made the classical concept ol'"dccisivc
battle" obsolctc and that thcsc changes created a gap between convcntional taclics and
strategy. 130th agree that the creative-intellectual process is the linchpin between strategy and
tactics. Naveh and Schncider agree thc csscncc ofoperational art is the crcativc usc of
distributed operations fi)r the purposes of strategy. Naveh's thcory has a distinct flavor,
however, emphasizing the "cognitive" aspect ol'operational creativity.
Unlike Schneider, Navch develops systcms thinking as the essential foundation to
practice operational art. Naveh argues that warfiare and the military possess thc charxteristics
of open complex systcms. These characteristics arc wholeness, growth, differentiation,
hierarchical ordcr, dominancc, control, and competition. Furthermore, Navch bdievcs that,
like any othcr system, an operation is defined by its elements. thc tlature ol'thosc elements
and by the interactions between the elements. 'I'he creativity inherent to operational art must
take on a holistic, or systems approach, while tactics is largely an analytical mechanistic
approach.'2 Operational art manifests ilsclf as a system because it "constitutes the entire
whole or complex ofwarlike actions governed by an identical concept, and dircctcd towards
attainment of the stune aim."" This unifiing aim provides direction, or purpose to the
activities of the military system.
In his theory, Naveh sets the following criteria for identifying a conccpt or plan as
operational art. First, the concept must reflect the cognitive tension caused by thc polarization
bctween the oricntation towards thc strategic aim and the accomplishment ofthe tactical
m i s s i o n s . ' ~ n other words, when developing an operational conccpt, Naveh feels that there
must be a conscious act of artistic creativity to bridge the gap between the sometimes
competing requircmcnts ol'the strategic aim and the series ol'tactical missions required to
achicvc those aims. Operational planncrs must undcrstanci systems theory and possess a
doctrinc encompassing an operational thcory. Systems thcory and operational doctrine are
ccntral to manifesting operational creativity and managing competing requiremcnts. Second,
the plan or conccpt must "he bascd upon industrious maneuver, expressing the dynamic
interaction bctween the various elements within the systcm, as well as the relationship
between the general action and thc strategic aim."'"hird, the plan or conccpt should be
synergetic. In other words, the overall operation should yield a result that is greater than the
linear sum ofthe individual t~ctions that nrake up thc operation. 'l'hcse actions must bc
focused toward a unifying aim. Thc actions should reilect a synthcsis through the aspects of'
combined arms to combine the various forms ofwarfire, and integrate thc various l'orccs and
I'ormations separated by spacc and time.'" Additionally, an operational plan should be non-
linear; mcaning it should be hierarchically structured and express depth. I:inally, Naveh's
critcrion requircs a concept or plan to be related to a broad and universal theory to be regardcd
as operational."
Naveh's operational theory is more comprchcnsive thcn doctrinc or Schneider's
theory. Naveh's study penetrates the deepcst into the underlying actions that arc inherent in
the manifestation of operational art. Naveh's approach to detining operational art imparts thc
most critical examination ofthe thought process used by the Germans to develop Pall Gclb.
Conclusion
'l'hc preceding description ofthrce conccpts of operational art is not cxhaustive. 'l'hc
three criteria used provide adcquatc criteria for at~alyzing the planning of Operation Fall Gclb
to determine whether the planners applied operational art. [IS. Army and Joint doctrine arc
adequatc criteria becausc those delinitions and concepts arc required knowledge tbr senior
military officers. Ilowcvcr, given the rudinicntary naturc ol'current U.S. Army and joint
doctrinc, (he conccpts must bc expanded. 'l'he works of two prominent operational art
theorists not only support thc concepts prescntcd in 1J.S. Army and joint doctrinc; they
provide the theoretical underpinnings that the doctrinc should be based upon.
Overall, thc three conccpts sec the application ot'opcrational art as "art." Specilically,
0 .S . docfrine, Naveh und Schneidcr all agree that the essence ofoperational art is ihe creative
usc of distributed operations for the purposcs ofslrategy. 'I'hc overall diffcrcnccs are [hat
1J.S. doctrine is the most basic, relying on a simple definition and amplifying statements.
Schncidcr echocs doctrine but f~lrther dcfincs the practice ofoperational art as a scrics of
attributes that must bc manifested as part of the operational design. Naveh also cchoes
doctrine, but stresses the mandatory act of operational cognition. Thus, now that a common
understanding of the operational art concept has bccn established and the aspccts ol'military
performance that are the esscntial elements ofoperational art havc been identilicd, the stagc is
set to examinc Operation Ihll Gelb and the "blitzkrieg."
Operation Fall Gelb
"l.ooking back is the surest way of looking f o r ~ a r d , ~ " ~
J.F.C. Fullcr
Introduction
The "blitzkricg" is typically associated with Fall Gelb. This tcrm must be explaincd
because the concept is sometimes conhsed with operational art. 'l'he blitzkricg was the
'6 popular" name givcn to the German military actions during the 1939 invasion ofl'olt~nd and
subsequent ollensives. l'herc is no "ofticial" definition o f blitzkricg; instead much ofwhat is
understood about blitxkrieg is bascd upon legend, myth, and journalistic license. 'l'imc
magazine appcars to have becn the first to use the expression in September 1939. 'l'hc
magazine referred to German combat in Poland as "no war ol'occupation, but a war ofquick
penetration and oblitcration blitzkrieg -- lighting war."3" Thc conscnsus is that blitzkrieg is
tactical action using combined arms, surprisc and speed to obtain an objective. Thcsc tactics
werc a mechanimtion of the "infiltration" tactics used t~gainst France in 1918. l'he actions in
Poland and France were merely the Lactical doctrine spccilicd in Die 'l'ruppenfiihrung (the
Troop Command), which was the standard German army tactical manual. 'l'hc intent ofthese
actions was to creatc a situation through flanking, penetration, infiltration, and maneuver to
encircle and destroy the enemy."" Blitzkrieg was n set ol'taclical techniqucs and not a modcl
for identifying operational objectives and linking battle and objectives together in a
premeditated sequence that supports attainment of'a strategic aim.
Germall Supreme Command Organization -May 1940
. . - - .- . ; Supreme Commander
1.. H~ller I - I , . . . ..all ...
High Command of the Armed Forces 1 Ch~et Keitel ChiefdOperatlons Slat Jadl I
CinC: Raeder . -.
Hdorc analyzing Fall Ciclb and opcrational art it is necessary to first set the strategic
context. Knowing the strategic context is mandatory for any study ol'Fnll (iclb and
operationd art hccause by definition, opcrAonal art results from strategy. Prior to the
(icrman invasion west, vigorous German attacks had seized I'olantl and a combination ol'
naval and ground action had seized needed resources in Norway. Even belore thc invasion of
Poland in September 1939, (krnman planners began to ponder how to deleat 1:rancc and
Britain. Once the I'olish campaign was over there were threc questions to consider. Could
the war he brought to ii hvorable conclusion using defensive tactics, or could that object be
achieved only by a victorious Cicrman olknsivc in the Wcst'! If such an offensive proved
necessary, when could it be launched? I low must the offensive be conducted to achicvc the
strategic aim?42 Hitler himsclfanswercd these questions instead of his OK1 I planners. Hc
developed the theater strategy as he implemented a new policy that greatly rcduccd the
OKI-1's planning role. I litler's decision was to attack as soon as possible to eliminate the
physical threats he perceived liom his wcstcrn European neighbors.
General Stratcav: "(;ro.v.s:sJeur.sc.hlcmJ, Lehensruum, and
IVellrnachr: A 'greater Germany' with sufficient 'living space' would incvitahly . ,743 acquire 'world power .
I'urpose: . ~ I he purpose is.. .to defeat as much as possiblc the i:rench Army and ol'thc li)rccs ol'the Allies lighting on their side and at the same time win as much tcrritory as possiblc in Holland, Belgium, and Norlhern I:rancc, Lo serve as a base ibr the succcsslul prosecution ol'the air and sea war against higland and as a wide protective area l'or the economically vital r t u 1 1 r . ~ ~
Ohicctive: 'l'hc ob,jcctivc.. . is to deny Ilolland and
Iklgium to the English by swillly occupying them: to defeat, by an attack through Belgium and 1.uxcmbourg tcrritory, the largest possible forces of the Anglo-French Army, and thereby to pave the way ibr the destruction ol'thc military strengh ofthc enemy."
Ohieetivea: "To defeat the largest possible clcmcnts
of the French and ~ i i e d Armies and simultaneously to gain as much tcrritory as possible in Holland. Belgium and Northern h n c e as a basis for succcssti~l air and sea operations against Britain and as a broad protective zone of the ~uhr.""'
Hcviscd Purpose: All available tbrccs will be committed
with the intention ofbringing to battle on lorth French iund Belgian soil as many iections of the French army and it's allies 1s possiblc. This will crcatc kworahle :onditions ibr the conduct ofthe war gainst England and France on land and in he air.""
Over a four-month period. thc German I ligh Command prepared lbur malor versions
ofplan fbr the invasion of Francc and the west. The evolution ofthcsc plans is not signilicnnl
in itself, however the examination ofthe planning activity is significant. The study of the
entirc planning process and the actions of the planners is Cundamcntal to thc asscssmenl ol' the
23
planners application of operational art. In October 1939 the German OK11 produced the
initial plan, named Fall Gclb. Fall Cielb established three strategic objectives: decisively
defeat the BIT, seize air and sea bases along the English Channel for later attacks against
lingland, and seize Ilolland to provide a buffer Tor the Ruhr area.
The original I'all (ielb plan divided Gcrman forces into two Army groups. Army
Group I3 was assigned the n~slin effort in the North into Holland. That plan was scrapped
hcceusc it wits viewed as too attrition oricntcd. It was too similar to the World War I
Schlieffen plan, and the German Generals ieared that the Dutch would flood the assembly
48 areas.
As a conscqucnce. in late October 1939, the OKH published a second plan that moved
the main attack to the south into Belgium and that largely bypassed llolland. Ilitlcr and the
OKW rejcctcd another revision in January 1940 because the objectives were too limited and
the OKW was felt that the operation would not result in a decision. General von Manstcin
summarized the January 1940 plan in these words,
The operational intention of both operations orders might best bc expressed by saying th* the Anglo-French elements we expected to meet in Belgium were to bc floored by a (powerful) straight right while our (weaker) lell fist covered up. The territorial objective was the channel coastline. What would ibllow this first punch we were not told.4"
24
Cicncral von Rundstcdt and von Manstein argued that the operation would l e d to a frontal
encounter between German and cncmy forces in Belgium. 'I'hc German attack might bc able
to secure the Channel Coast, however, the allied armies would still remain intact on a line
fiom Sedan to the Sommc
Manstein and von Kunstcdt proposed changing the rnain ei'fiort from Army Group 13 in
the north to Army Group C in the south. Army Group C was positioned against the weaker
French forces in the Ardennes ibrcst region. Numerous dclays in execution due to poor
weather bought Manstein and von llunstcdt timc to sell their recommended changes to the
OKFI and I litler. In February 1940, ibllowing additional analysis in ihc form o('wargames,
OKI-l conhcnccs, and debates with Hitlcr, General von Hrauchitsch and Halder changed l d l
Gclb to generally confbrm to the southern thrust advocated by Manstcin and von Runstedt.
Army Ciroup I3 would attack Holland and s e i x western Belgium. At the same timc Army
Ciroup A would attack through eastern Belgium and the Ardennes li)rest." l'he revised plan
for I h l l Gelb ("Manstcin's Plan") stated "All available l'orccs will be committed with the
intention ol'bringing to battle on north French and Belgian soil as many sections ofthc 1:rench
army and it's allies as possible. 'l'his will create hvorable conditions for the conduct ol'thc
war against England and France on land and in the air."52 'I'his campaign direclivc was
inadequate. The operational task and purpose ofthat directive was merely attrition. 'l'here is
no evidence in Fall Cielb ofclcar operational design. 'l'hc concept sought only to achieve the
initial tactical pcnetration.5"his campaign directive amounted to blurred operdonal vision
and design to achieve an equally unli)cused strategic aim. 'l'he idca of a deficiency in
operational vision will be expanded in the analysis contained in subscqucnt paragraphs.
The" Manstein Plan:' 1940
3 AlmoWUdlvbioM
24 lnllnlry dlnllons
, . , , ,
The Action
On May 10. 1940 the German's cxccuted the Manstein Plan with air attacks and
pilratroopcr drops in I lolland, l:rance, and Belgium. Army Group I3 attacked through the
Ardennes and by the evening ol'May 12"', had reached the Mcuse River along a line lrom
south of 1)inant down to Sedan. Due to tenacious pockets oifrcnch Resistance and the
natural barrier provided by the river, the bulk ol'the river crossing did not occur until May
4 Timid and uncoordinated Vrench resistance crumbled as the bulk of the German forces
crossed the river and continued to press their attack. Seven armored divisions continucd west
despite minor allied llank attacks. llnablc to match the speed of the German movcs in terms
of physical movement, situational awareness and the control oiiorces, the French con~mand
collapsed. By May 24"' Army Group I3 li)rccs threatened Dunkirk, the only remaining port
open to the bulk ol'the allied army. Ilitler and the OKW worried ahout the German rorccs
overwhelming succcss and mounting numbers of inoperable vehicles. FIitlcr and the O K W
issued orders to stop the advance, which allowed much oi'thc d i e d army to escape. On June
5"', Army Group A, B, and C: attacked south to seize France. Paris was captured on June 14'"
and on .lunc 17'" the French leadership askcd lor an arm is tic^.^"
26
The Aftermath
Following the success of thc German invasion of l'oland, 1:rancc and the low-
countries, llitler and his Gencrals began to believe thcir own propaganda. Abandoning his
hope o f a channel crossing to invade England, I-litler turned his attention cast. It wi1s the job
ol'thc Russian Army to teach IIillcr the lcssons he had failed to learn.
Analvsis
'1'0 determine iSMl Gelb and the "blitzkrieg" were an expression ol'operational art, it
is necessary to evaluate the planning decisions and operational concept as previously outlined.
The definitions presented in U.S. Army and joint doctrine, Schneider, and Navch provide the
mcans to ohjectivcly assess the cvents of thc campaign.
1)octrinc
Thc first approach to evaluating Fall Gelb comes from lJ.S. doctrinc. 1J.S. Army and
joint doctrinc explain that operational art is the process of translating theater strategy and
dcsign into an opcrational design which links and integrates the tactical battles and
engagements that, when i'ought and won ovcr space and timc, achicve the strategic aim.
Opcrationi~l vision is one ol'thc specific elemcnts of military perlbrmance. that empowers a
planncr to m d c this trmslation. Simply stated, operational vision is the "broad vision" to see
both "up" to the strategic goals and "down" to the tactical actions necessary. Without
operational vision to adequately undcrstand and influence the strategic ends, Ilitlcr's gcncrals
werc unable to develop plans that linked and sequenced tactical missions to meet the strategic
ends in a prcmedittdcd miinner.
I litler's strategic ends were specified in a series of directives. In 'Directive No. 6 for
the Conduct of the War,' dated 9 October 1939, Hitler stated his ob.jectives for the western
front. The purpose was:
To del'eat as much as possible the French Army and ol'the ibrces of thc Allies fighting on their side and at thc same time win as much territory as possiblc in Holland, Belgium, and Northern France, to serve as a base Tor the successful prosecution ol'the air and sca war against lhgland and as a wide protective area for thc economically vital l~uhr.~. '
A later directive No. 10, publishcd in February 1940 expanded this directive:
. . I he objective ... is to dcny Ilolland and Belgium to the lhglish by swillly occupying them; to defeat, by an attack through Belgium and 1.uxembourg territory, the largest possible forces of the Anglo-French Army, and thereby to pave the way Tor the destruction ofthe military strength orthe enemy.""
These directives were m;~rginally adequate ;is strategic concepts and inadcqunte as an
expression of operational design. These broad sweeping directives required tn~nslation into
an operational design consisting of a sct of tactical missions. Unfbrtunatcly, I Iitler's generals
lacked thc operational vision that current [J.S. doctrine stales is essential to apply opcriitional
art. Ilitler's generals did not fully participate in a dialogue between the political-military
powers so they did not conlpletely understand thc underlying rcasoning behind the strategic
ends specilied in these directives. From thc time Hitler bccamc Chanccllor hc had slowly
li~rccd his stratcgic and operational planners away fiom thc strategic level of'war. The OKI-T
Chicfof Staf'F, General Franz Haldcr, bclicvcd that strict separation between the political and
military establishment had proven to bc a drawbwk since the Polish Campaign." llalder
believed the ''OK11 ought to have exact knowledge of the political line and ofits possiblc
variations. Otherwise no planned action on our own responsibility is possible. OK1 I must not
be left at the mercy of the vagaries of politics, else the Army will lose conf id~ncc."~~ Thus:
despite I litler's strategic goals, Tlitler Forccd his OK11 planners away from thinking about
strategy and toward a greater emphasis on tactics." In doing so, the plttnners lost their "broad
vision" and along with it their ability to hlly understand thc relationship of means to ends.
I litler failed to lbstcr operational art through his leadership style. Over time, hc reached
lower and lower into the levels of war and made his staff dysfunctional. Gradually Hiller took
over planning at the strategic and operittional level and lelt only tactics for his generals. A
World War I1 cartoon depicted this trend. The cartoon's caption read "In the I'uturc, thc army
will he guided by my institutions." This cartoon shows llitler wearing fivc hats - showing the
multiple leadership roles he had assumed at the cxpcnse of his dismdyed ~cnerals.""
Ficld Manual 100-5 lists another clement of military performance that is required fi)r
the practice ol'opcrational art. Ficld Manual 100-5 statcs that the operational artist should
deline what military conditions will achieve the strategic ohjcctives in a theater ofwar or
thcatcr of operations. Aftcr doing so the artist should identify what scquence of actions is
most likcly to produce these conditions. Thc German planncrs in the OK11 and OKW Iiiled
to identify a clear scqucnce of tactical and operational objectives to achieve strategic goals
and, thus, did not practice operational art according to current I J X doctrine. 'I'he evidence
shows that most of their cognitive energy was spent on developing a plan to penetrate the
allied del'enses ;md rcach the Meuse River. German objcctivcs afler crossing the Meuse llivcr
wcrc ambigu~us .~ ' This ambiguity was a planning weakness. Thcrc is ample proof of this
ambiguity. First, Gcncral Manslein recalled that "even our own operation plan would not - - a s
Moltke put it . - extend with any certainty beyond thc first encounter with the main body orthe
enemy least of all if a lack ofadequate forces brought the attack to a standstill in its
preliminary stages."62 Second, during a planning conference, Hitlcr questioned Ciudcrian on
his plans ior establishing a river crossing at the Meuse River ncar Sedan. "And thcn what are
you going to do'?" he asked. Gudcrian recalled that "he [Hitler] was the lirst person who had
thought to ask me this vital question." later, Guderian recorded in his memoirs that "I never
received any f'urthcr ordcrs as to what to do once the bridgehead over the Mcusc was
.4,.3 . captured. I'hird, events during execution clearly indicated that there was no colicrcnt
operational design in the Fall Qelb plan. The plan failed to scqucnce tactical objcctivcs
during the latter portion of the campaign. General Gudcrian noted, "from now on. the panzcr
group rcccivcd cvcry day many mutually contradictory ordcrs, some ordering a swing towi~rds
the east, others a continuation ol'thc advance southward."" Although the plan was ilcxiblc, it
lackcd clearly defined objectives and demonstrates that German planncrs were coml'ortablc
with @ling tactical 3c l i~ns &side operational obiectives. This thought process is totally
opposite ofthe process stated in [J.S. doctrine. According to U.S. doctrine the operational
artist determines the strategic cndstate and plans hnckward to determine a clear sequence of
tactical and operational ob,jectivcs that will achieve the strategic objectives.
Overall, the planning procedures of the German High Command did not mirror those
set by contemporary IJ.S. doctrinc during the planning ofral l Cjelb. While planning, German
commanders did not develop rcalistic operational victory conditions in other than vague and
often grandiose terms. l'hcsc tcrms included "total victory on the European main~and"~' and
"bringing to battle on north Vrcnch and Belgian soil as many sections of the Frcnch army and
it's allies as possible.""" This unfocused ellbrt did not follow the standards set by
contemporary doctrinc. According to Field Manual 100-5,
Operational art helps commanders understand thc conditions for victory behre seeking battle, thus avoiding unncccssary battles. Without operational art, war would ht: 21 set of disconncctcd engagements, with relative attrition the only measure of success or fai l~rc.~ '
In 1:all Gclb, German actions resulted in unnecessary battlcs and disconnected engagements.
In this exceptional case, howcvcr, ticrmany succeeded due to luck, tactical cxccllcncc, and
allied error. 'I'he German's succccdcd dcspitc their lack of effective operational design pcr
U.S. doctrine. However, in the prolonged campaign against Russia the Germans Ibund
themselves in the trap of executing many unfocused and disconncctcd cngagcmcnts that
doomed thcir offcnsivc.
Schneider
Dr. Schneider's approach to operational art shares the same fundamental elements ss
doctrine. I lowcvcr, Th. Schncidcr chooses to address the essence o f operational art in terms
of kcy attributes. Dr. Schneider proposes that operational art "in it's fullest expression. . . is
manifcstcd through several key attributes:" distributed operation, distributed campaign,
continuous logistics, instantaneous command tlnd control, operationally durable formations,
operational vision, and distributed cncmy.(" l'hc attributes Schneider labeled as distributed
operation, distributed campaign, and operational vision are relevant to the examination of I:aH
(iclb.
The first of Schneidcr's attributes is thc distributed operation. I h l l Gelb was indeed a
planned distributcd operation. However, this practice by itself is not suficient to plave thc
Germans applied operational art. Dr. Schncidcr statcd that "A distributcd operation is a
coherent systcm of spatially and temporally extended relational movements and distributed
battles, that scck to seizc, retain or deny frccdoni of' action.""' l 'he German operational
planners did plan a spatially and temporally extended battle. However, the lbcus ol'thc
distributed battle was on ticedom ol'action at the tactical level. 'l'he tactical actions were not
linked together as part of a clear operational dcsign to achieve the statcd strategic objcctivc.
Although thc plan was tlcxible, the lack ofclcarly defined ob,jectives demonstrates that
German planners were comfortable with letting tactical actions decide operational objectives.
Second, thc natural partner to the distributed operation is thc distributed campaign.
I k l l (ielb did consist ofvarious distributed opcrations. Ilowever, these opcrations did not
amount to a distributed campaign. Dr. Schncider called distributcd opcrations the building
blocks ol'thc distributcd campaign. l'he distributed thrusts ofthc army groups and the
1.ullwat~c were thcsc building blocks. Specilically, Army Group A and 13 conducted
distributed ground operations north and south. Simultaneously the h t lwaffe attacked to
"destroy or at least put out ol'action enemy air forces, but also primarily lo hindcr or prevent
the enemy high command from plating its decisions into ct~cct."'" The German operationi~l
planners, howcvcr, focused their campaign plan on the Schliel'Sen derived tradition of battles
ol'annihilation. The aim of their opcrations was tactical deep battle to encircle and annihilatc
their cncmy without neccssarily linking thc action to accomplishing the overall strategic
aim." 'l'his produced a scrics of distributed operations which were loosely connected in task
and purpose, but did not coalcscc into a true unified and distributed campaign bcyond the
initial oh,jectives.
Third, the German High Command did not mcct Schncider's definition oroperational
vision. The German I ligh Command was unable to use a unified and holistic approach to
translate strategic ends into campaign design because of Hiller's overwhelming influence at
the operational level. As already stated, this was because I-litlcr's micro-management and
overpowering leadership style rorced his OKI-l pltinners away from thinking about strategy
m d more toward the operational and tactical level of war.72 I litler's personality caused strict
separation hetwcen the political and military establishment that proved tm impediment to
operatiowal planning.7h~espite the limitations at the operational lcvcl, the Germans were
masters at the tactical lcvcl. During Operation t'all Gclb, heavy cmphasis on command and
control apparatus and font-line lcadcrship allowed the German tactical leadership to rcccivc
inhrmation, rapidly assimilate this information, and decide what to do. l'hc ciYcctivcncss ol'
the tactical command and control is one ofthc key factors which allowed the Gcrmnns to
rapidly overrun the allies and achicvc thcatcr-strategic ob.jectives despite shortcomings at the
operational lcvcl.
To summarizc the German perlbrmance in light of Dr. Schneider's approach to
defining operational arl, the German planners railed to manifest opcrational art "in it's fullest
expression" in several "key attributes." Thc German's planned and executed distributed
operations, however these distributed operations were not designed to achieve operational or
strategic ohjectivcs. 'The (iermans were unable to cffcctivcly link their ttlctical tlclions to the
strategic aims in a distributed campaign. They also failed to use a "unified and holistic
approach in their design, cxccution, and sustainment of cttmpaigns" mostly due to thcir lack
ofpolitical-strategic cognition or awareness.
Navch
'l'hc last criterion in this analysis is fiom the approach used by Shimon Naveh. The
German planning of Fall Cielb docs not meet Navch's criteria lbr the practicc of operational
art in four arcas. The German High Command did not use a consistent holistic, or systems
approach in thcir planning and cxccution of Fall (iclb. I3esides a lack of systems thinking, the
German planners did not mcct Naveh's second critcrion either. Fall Gelb and blitzkrieg were
based upon maneuver warfare. IIowever, thc German campaign plan dcmonstratcd thc lack
of industrious relationships between strategic, operational, and tactical actions. Navch's third
critcrion requires a concept or plan to be related to a broad and univcrsal theory to be regarded
as operational. The Cicrman Officer Corps did not have a "broad iund univcrsal" thcory of
blitzkrieg. T'hcrc was no consensus within the military as to the operational substance of
blitzkrieg. Fourth, the Cierman plan achicvcd tactical synergism, but there was a lack of
dcsigncd synergy at the operational lcvcl.
First, the German I ligh Command did not design operational concepts with a
conscious act of artistic creativity to link tactical missions to achieve strategic aims. I laving
an understanding of systems theory and a doctrine encompassing an operational thcory arc
central to manifesting this crctdivity. The Gcrman's did not use ii consistent holistic. or
systems, approach in their planning and execution ofOpcration 1:all Gelb. According to
Naveh, this holistic approach is required for the practice ol'operational art. 'l'hc basis of'
Naveh's theory argues that war1'arc and thc military posses the characteristics of open
complex systems. Naveh asserts that operational cxpcricncc conhrn~s in its principles and
34
characteristics to the univcrsal phenomena ol'systems. Hc states that operational thought
must takc a holistic or systems approach whilc tactics is largely an analytical mcchanistic
approach.'" Naveh states that opcrational art is a system because it "constitutes the entire
wholc or complex ofwarlike actions governed by an identical concept, and dircctcd towards
attainment ol'the same i~im."'~ Based upon a review of primary source documents thcrc is no
evidcncc that the Cicrman lligh Command uscd a consislcnt holistic approach in their
planning and cxccution ol'Opcration Fall Gelb. Thc German High Command never
adcquately devcloped a realistic set of stratcgic aims and the military conditions necessary to
achicvc those aims. Because ol'Hitlcr's ovcrwhclming inllucnce and visions of grandcur, the
Cicrman military strategic and opcrational planners settled fbr broad swccping military
conditions which basically amounted to destroy all of the Allied armies on the continent, take
as much land as possible, and prepare li)r a next undetermined step.'"
The German planners ol'1:all (iclb did not mcct Naveh's second criterion cithcr.
Naveh asserted that to bc operational a plan must *'be based upon industrious meneuvcr,
expressing the dynamic interaction between the various elements within thc system, as wcll as
the relationship bctween the general action and the stratcgic aim."" 'I'his is similar to tllc
criteria stated in II.S. tloctrine. The concept must link tactical maneuvers, battles, and
objectives to s~ccomplish the stratcgic aims. Naveh cmphasizcs his systems approach here by
highlighting not just a static relationship, but the dynamic interaction between tactical,
operational. and strategic actions. Fall Cielb and blitzkrieg were based upon mttncuvcr
wartiarc. I lowever, German maneuver lacked meaningful rclationships bctwecn the strategic
aim and operational and tactical actions. Manstein agrced that there was si breakdown in thcsc
rclationships when hc acknowlcdged that the opcrt~tions plan developed lackcd adequate
linkage to the broad goal ol'"total victory on the European mainl~lnd."'~ 'I'hc operational
design was inadequate. Thc operational design was ambiguous because the planners could
see no l'arlhcr than the tactical success. While planning Fall (ielb, the German planners were
unable to plan the campaign or operation completely by anticipating the dilrercnt paths the
operation could take. l'hc High Command hoped that unlblding events would guide their
thought for the second phase of Fall Cielb.
Naveh's third criterion requires a concept or plan to be related to a broad and universal
theory.'" I'hc Ciernian Olliccr Corps did not have a "broad and universal" theory of'
blitzkrieg. l'hcrc was no consensus within the military as to the operational substance of
blitzkrieg. Nor was there a conceptual liamework of a written operationttl theory. The
gradual dcclinc of intellectual thought within the senior commanders and planmrs of the
German military causcd this intellectual void. Onc cause ol'thc void was the rapid expansion
of the German armed forccs that suppressed "thc surviving islands ofoperational perception
that ~xisted."~" I-litler's promised rcmilitari;?ation, the Ciermcun rcoccupation ol'(icrman
territories and their eventual conqucst, and the rise of greater Germany undermined
operational perception. llitler stressed the military oiknsivc as the only way to nchicvc
German greatness. This siren's song of conquest and glory attracted most of Germany's
professional otficer corps. The result was a split between those ofliccrs attracted by the
ideology and material improvement otTcrcd by Hitlcr and more traditional ollicers who
advocated military principles bascd upon intcllcctual thought." I:urthermore, whcn FIitlcr
himself bcgan to personally assume the role of strategic/operationaI planner hc causcd t'urthcr
decline ofoperational thinking within the German military. Hitler's military infucnce
combined with an extremely aggressive political climate rcsulled in the manipulation of
tactical patterns to achievc strategic ends. In short, the "blitzkrieg" pushed "tactical
excellence to the cxtrenle limits ofhuman perlbrmancc" without a conscious expression of
operatiollal art.'?
Another underlying causc of the Cierman I-ligh Command's lack operational theory
was Motkc's dictum that
N o opcration plan extends with any certainty beyond thc first encountcr with the main body ofthc cncmy. It is only thc layman who as a campaign develops, thinks he sees the original plan being systematically fulfilled in cvery dctail to its preconceivcd conclusion.'-'
Motlke's legacy had a profound inllucncc o n the thinking ofthe Gcneral Stafl; tacitly
providing a reason not to link thc tactical actions into a logical series to accomplish
opcrational and strategic objcctivcs. The end result was a military without an operational
doctrinc and an officer corps who had littlc understanding of opcrational thcory.
'I'he sum of'thcsc intellectual weaknesses causcci an imbalance in what Navch called
the cognitive tcnsion causcd by the polarization betwcen thc orientation towards thc strategic
aim and the accomplishment of thc tactical missions. The Germm's wcrc overly attriiclcd to
the tactical aspects of thc overall war plans. 'l'his was duc to i litlcr's overwhelming inllucncc
at thc strategic and tactical levels, the mental models produced by thc 191 8 oll'ensive tactics
that sccmed to succeed in World War 1, and the tactical excellencc that was the hallmark ol'
German military competencc. 'l'his imbalance comhincci with unfocused strategic aims and n
fundamental lack of intellectual underpinnings caused thc Germans to fail to consciously
apply cognitive creativity as operational artists. Instcad, German planners developed tactical
operations that accomplished strategic aims because ol'the dramatic mismatch between them
and thc allies and the small arca ofopcrations. I-lalder's diary and Manstein's memoirs
provide no cvidcncc of a opcrational concept for bringing about the military conditions
3 7
necessary to meet the strategic objectives should France and England put up prolonged
resistance. 'l'here was no long-range concept for how to deal with an undefeated England.
The proposed invasion plan, Operation Scalion was never more than a rough conccpt until
well into the invasion o~~:r;incc." That oversight dcrnonstrates that Germans devoted no
cognitive ellbrt to developing scquelsn5 to the initial campaign.
I:ourth, the Cicrman's lhilcd to produce a synergisticm6 efkct at the operational levcl.
Naveh's last primary criterion is that a plan or concept should be synergetic. I n other words,
the overall operation should yield a result that is greater than thc linear sum of'the individual
actions that mctkc up the operation. The individual actions must be focuscd toward a unifying
aim. I3y pursuing a wil l ing aim, the operational planner integrate thc various lbrces and
formations separated by space and t i~nc.~ ' The combincd aspects of' blitzkrieg did producc a
synergistic effect at the tactical levcl. I n other words, the whole of'the tactical
accon~plishment was generally greater than the sum ol'individunl actions alone. [lowcvcr: at
the opcrational levcl, thc employment ol'torces was not orchestrated to build upon one
anothcr in a tactical manner. (iuderian, Manstcin, and I-laldcr's accounts show that thc entire
planning process failed to assemble the discrete tactical missions into a "coherent and
continuous occurrcncc." Most ofthe German planning elliort fbcused on the lactics and
materiel necessary for thc initial push to the Mcuse ~ ive r . "
Chapter 4
Conclusion
By looking on euch engugement us port of'a series, ut leu.st insofur us even~s are predictuhle, the commander is al~vuy.s on rhe high road to hi.v
Carl von Clauscwitz
In his memoirs Ciudcrian recognized the slim margin by which thc Germans had
succeedcd. 1 le describes his visit to the heights overlooking the Meuse River. "At this
moment, I looked at the ground we had come over, the success of our attack struck me almost
,,Oil . as a miraclc. I'he Gcrnians succcss was not the result ofthe practice ofoperational art.
Instead, the "blitzkrieg" executed during 1:all Gelb was the product of luck, myth and hyper-
ofi.nsivc tactics. Thc German campaign succeeded due to the better training, tactical
leadership, and coordination ol'the German Army relative to the Allics. 'l'hcir victory was
derived as much from French weakness as from Gcrman strengths. French doctrine was
inadequate to dcfcat the rapid mancuver and cncirclement doctrine the <;ermans used in the
invasion. 9 I
The German campaign was not the result of operational art. 'I'his aim of the campaign
could he compared to the aim of'watcr flowing liom a burst dam. 'I'hc water mcrcly rushes
the fastest to areas where there is the lcast resistance. 'l'hc water rapidly flows around the
high points without guidance, encircles them, and gradually erodes thcm away. 'l'hcre is no
coherent plan to the water's movements that provides structure and controls thc distributed
flow to the ultimate goal. 'l'hc objectives speciiicd by I litler and the IIigh Command did not
form the clear shape of a strong, obtainable operational design. Instead, Fall Gclb expressed
the operational uncertainty of a concept that sccs no further than the initial tactical success
39
and hopes that events will guide fi~rther thought as they occur. Like the wntcr, blitzkrieg was
merely the tactical expression used to achieve the Gcrmans strategic ends. 'I'actical successes
on the battlefield dictatcd the ways to achicvc the campaign ends.
In the end, the blitzkrieg tactics were sul'ficient to overrun France. Ilowever, llitlcr
was unable to accomplish his statcd aim to engage and deftxat thc strongest portion of the
Allied Armies. t3litzkricg tactics worked in this scenario given the small sctilc of Northern
I:nuncc and the easily dislocated allied armies." Without learning their lessons, I litler and his
generals tried to apply the same tactics, again without adequiltc operational art, to the vast
expanses of Russia against an army who did not ripidly collapse and kept lighting over the
long term. And, in doing so, 'Titlcr and his generals failed. Perhaps Karl Fricser summed up
the Fall (ielb campaign best when he statcd that thc campaign ultimately was "an operational
act ofdesperation to get out ol'm unlivorable strategic situation.""'
Appendix A
Dr. Schneider 's Attributes of Operational Art
L)istributed Oucration: "an ensemble ol'dccp maneuvers atid distributed battles cxtcnded in space and timc but unificd by 21 common aim. 'I'htlt
common aim is thc retention or denial of freedom ofac~ion""~ 'fhc distributed operation is the dominant characteristic in Dr. Schncider's theory ol'opcrational art.
Distributed C ' a n i ~ a i ~ "charactcri;..d by thc integration ofscvcral simultaneous and successive distributed operations in a carnpaig~l.""~ This . - attribute with its integral attribute, the dishbuted operation, is the controlling chtracteristics of Schneidcr's theory. The concept of distributed operations and campaigns is firmly rootcd in 1J.S. Army and Joint doctrine.
C:onti!luous -- I.ogistics: In ordcr for a mocicrn industrial army to maintain tt .
military effective prcsencc, its logistics system must be continuous to supply and move large li)rmations. Without continuous lo ~istics, the movcmcnt temnos and the force densitv would evanorate.9k U.S. and Joint doctrine support the notion that continuous logistics provides the resourccs to manifest the activities the operational artist designs.
Instantaneous Commnand and Control; in ordcr to conduct distributcd -- operations as part of a distributed campaign the force must have the ability lo af'fccl instantiincous communications across thc force to integrate thc efforts of multiple-separate elements towards a common aim. "The operational significance of instantaneous means ofcommunications becomes annarent when one considcrs the distributed naturc of forces . . deployed in a thcatcr ofoperations. 1Jnlike classical conditions the distributed deployment of forccs crcates a greater variety of unexpected or unanticipated tactical and operational possibilities. As a result this vtlriety gencratcs greater information. Since inhrmation is thc bias ol'decision. the operational commander is contfontcd with many more decisions thiln his classical predcccssor was faced with. The operational commandcr thus requires an instantaneous means ol'communication to ad,just his distributcd times in rapid counteraction to the unexpcctcd actions of thc cncmy."" 1J.S. and Joint Doctrine address the wed for thc comniandcr to direct actions to forccs distributed in space and time as part of battle command. Schneider's concept of instantaneous commitnd and control dovetails nicely into doctrine.
Opcratiot~ally.D.~rablc I'orrnations; 'To execute a scrics of tactical missions over spatial and tcmporal depth, the Sorcc must be "capablc of conducting
indefinitely a succession of distributed operations. The opcrationally durable formation is the primary cnginc o f 0 eralional tlcsign: it is the hammer that drives the operational chisel."" 2 Operationa!.Visic?n: is "a unified and holistic approach in their design, execution and sustainment of campaigns. The gift of operational vision has oncn k e n associated with mental agility, the ability to react to incoming information lister than it arrives."" The concept Schncider describes is essentially the samc as [J.S. Army and Joint doctrinc.
Distributed h m y : "'I'he enemy must be opcrationally minded; he must bc similarly trained, armed, equipped, structure and commttndcd as the tikndly force. Without this "self-reflection" ... tremendous ambiguity and confusion ensures because the requisite crcativc mcdium does not exist."""' IJ.S. Army and Joint doctrine do not mention the requirement tbr a distributed enemy as a "medium" in which to practice operational art.
Endnotes
.. -. .
I Son 'l'zu, Art of' War, trans. Ralph D. Si~wycr (Boulder, CO.: Westview Press, Inc., 1904), 167
Jamcs J. Schncidcr, lY~eoreticul I'uper h'o. 3: 7he 7heory ~,f'Opercrrionul Arl (Fort L.cavcnworth: US. Army Command and Gcnerd Stall'Collcge, I M;ach 1088). X.
' James J. Schneidcr, Vulcun :v Anvil: 7Re Americun Civil IVur und the l~n~ergcnce r , f Operationu1 Arl (Fort 1.cavcnwortli: [J.S. Army Coninland imd General Staf'I'College, 16 .June 1991), 6-23.
Schncidcr, 7heorcticol IJuper No. 3: 7he lheorg of0percrlionul Art. 14.
A campaign is a series of related military operations designed to achicvc strategic objectives within a given time and space. Wartime campaigns are broad in scope m d usually involve the employment o f large forces. I'eacetime campaigns can be hroad in scope hut usually involve smidlcr lbrces antl, Inany times, nthcr 1J.S. Government agencies, international agencies, or llnitetl Nations 1:orces.
1, Mi jo r operations consist o f coordinated actions in i~ single phase ofa campaign and ~~sua l l y dccitlc the course ol'a c;rmp;~ign.
' Schncidcr, 7h~or~,ticuI P u p ~ r No. 3: 7he 7heory of'Operulionul Art. I.
' l l i u l t i Herbert. Ikci(1ing ivhal 17~s to he Done General Willirrm L. L)cpt!v rrndthe I976 l<dition of' I~7ddMunual100-j Operutions (I'ort Le;~venworth: U.S. Army C:ommand antl General Stall'(:ollcgc, IOXR), 9S- 07.
" 1)cpartmcnt ol'the Arniy. 1~7~:ldMunuul 100-5: Operutions (Washington, I)(:: 1J.S. (icrvcrnma~t Printing Ollicc. May 1986). 9- 1 I.
I" Ihid.. 10
'I Richard M. Swain, Filli~ig /he Void lhe Operulioncrl Arl und~he Army (I'ort Leavenworth: U.S. Army C'om~nantl and General Statf College, nndated), 44.
' I Lhtcd June 1093.
I" 1)cpartnient ofthe Army. Field Munuul 100-7: lkcisive I+,rcc: Ihc Army in lheuter ofOperurio~ls (Washington. DC: U.S. (iovernmcnt Printing Ollicc, May 1905). 4-2.
I' 1)epartmcnt of the Army. FieldMr~nurrl 100-5: Opercrtions, 0- 1 to 6-3. A baltle consists o f a series o f related engagements; it lasts longer t l i i~n an engegenient, involves larger forccs, and could affect the course o f the campaign. Ihttles occur when division, corps, or army comniimdcrs light for signilicant ohjcclivcs. I;ngagements arc small conflicts or skirrnishcs, usually hetween opposing maneuver ibrces; they are ~iormii l ly short in duriition and lialght at division and below.
16 Ihid.. 6-2
I' lbid,, 6-2
'"hid., 6-1 to 6-3
- -- -. . . . . . . . . . -. -. . .. . . - -. - -
"~oint Stall: .Joint IJ~rhlicirtion 3-0: 1)c~lrine Jiw .Joint 0~xrutif1n.s (Washington. I)(:: I I.S. Govcrnmcnt Printing Officc, Fchrunry IYYS), 11-2.
"' Summarized from Joint Staff. .Joint Puhlicotion 3-0: I)o~:rrine,p~r.Joint Orxr(~lion.s. II- I to 11-5, and 111-9.
" Joint StalT. .loin1 Publicorion 5-0: Ihctrine Jiw I'lunning .Joint 0perulion.s (Washington, I)C: U.S (iovernnient Printing Oflice, April 1905), 1-2.
" James J. Schneider, Vulcun k Anvil: The Amerieuw Civil Wur w ~ d the remergence f?fOpercrtior~ul Arr. 30.
"' Ibid., 39.
" I bid., 40
'"bid., 58
2') Epslein, Kobcrt M., NupoIeon'.s Lust Victory (Lawrcacc: University I'rcss of Kansas, IYYS), 25.
'O Shimon Naveh, In 1'ur.srrit ofMi1irrrry Excellence: The Evolulion ofOperationul Theory (I .ondon: Frank Cass, 1997), xiii.
" Ihid.. 10
" Sumtnnrized from Naveli, In I'ur,suif of Military ficellenc~.: lhe k'vdution ufOperutiond Themy, I - 10. For additional information on systems theory scc Ludwig v. I3ertanlanFFy, (;enerulS~.stems lheory (Ncw York: George nriviller Press, 1968).
'" Naveh, In Pursuit of'MiIilar)~ I<xccllenee: The Evolurion of Opcrutionul 7heory. 9
" Ibid., 13
2 1, Sulnmarizcd liwm Naveh, I n Prrr,suir of Militur)? L~cellence: 7 k Evolution ofOperi~tioncrl Theory. 13.
" Ihid., 12-14
I X J.F.C. Follcr, Quoted in John I:nglisli. OnInfirntry, (New York: I'racgcr, 1984). p. xx.
7 0 Naveh, I n I'ursuir ofMili/nry Fxellence: Ihe hL.voltrtion of'Opl,erotion~rl Theory, I 16,
"' Matthew Conpcr, Ihe C;crmunArrny (C:lielsca: Scarborough I Iousc Publishers, 1078), 1 14- 138.
' I ' J.F.C. Fuller, A Militcrry Histoiy ufrhe We.stern World: Volume Ill Mew York: Funk & Wuynalls Company, Inc., 1956). 378.
- . - . . . . . .
" Erich von Manstein, Lost Viclorit.~ (Novato: Presidio, 1982), $9.
'" Cooper. The (;ermon Army, 122.
" Manslcin, Lrm.vl Victories, 97,
.I5 Cooper, The (iertnan Armv, 195.
41, I l(~nii ld Ixwin, Hirl~,r:v Mi.vrukcs (Ncw York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1084). 107.
.I7 Cooper, The Germun Army, 195
" lhid,, 190-108.
'' Manstein, Lost Victoriev. 98,
'" Cooper, The Germnun Army, 199.
'I Sumninrized lion) Ctmpcr, 1Ac (;crmariArniy, 200-216 and Manstein, Lost Vidories, 98-126.
" Ronald I.cwin, H i t l c r :~ Mi.vrc~kc.v (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1084). 107.
" Len Deighton, Blitzhri~.g (New York: I\allantine Ilooks, 1970). 101-276. Manstein, Losl Viclories. 98- 126. I:ran~ Haltler, iVur./ournul r,f't.'runz Holder: Volume I1 (turopcatl Command, circa 1956). 18-55, R'aw I Itildcr, IVor .Iourncrl ofFrunz i-lolder: Volume 111 (liuropean Command, circa 1956), 10- 112. I:riw I laldcr, #'or .Iournul o / ' l * imz ilolder: Volunre IV(F.ur~~petin Commiuxl. circa 1956). 17-55.
5.1 Summarized fiom Cooper. ??re (iermun Army. 2 17-2513 i~nd Fuller, A Mililury iIi,slor:v c!/'lhe N'evrcrn World: Volume 1 hrw, 388-400.
'I' Ibid., 105
57 Manstein, Losl Vicloriicv. 87-88.
I V Manstin, I,o.vt Victories, 7 1
"' Peter Chrisp, Ulilzkrieg! (I low: Wayland Publishers Ltd., 1990), 43
6 1 Cooper, The Germun Army. 198-21 6
BJ Alistair I lornc, i b 1,oxe 11 11ol1le. (New York: Penguin 13cloks. 1984). 199-200.
61 Cooper. The (;ernrun Army, 242,
" Manstein. l.osr Viclori~'~, 114
"" Lewin, I1itler:v Misluke. 107
07 Ikparlmcnl of the Army. Field Munuid 100-5: Operutions. 6-2.
45
fin Schneider, V~r1cu11's Anvil: lhe Americun Civil Wur undthe I ~ , ~ ~ . r g m c c o/'Ol~erarionuI Art, 38.
"" Ihid.. 64.
7U Cooper, The (;errnun Air Force. I 12.
7 1 Deighton, Blitzkrieg, 101-2715, Manstein, I.o.~r VicIories, 98-126. Haldcr. Wor./o~rrnc~l o/'l.i.unz llcrldw: Volumc 11, 18-55. tlalder, War .lourncrl of'l.i.unz llulder: Volume 111, 30- 132. I h n z Haldcr. CVw .lournu1 o/'fifrnz Hulder: Volume IV, 17-55.
'' Manstein, Lost Vicrories, 7 1.
l3 lhid.. 87-88,
7.1 Naveh, In I'ursui~ o?/'Militcrrj~ ficellencc: The Evolution ($O~~.rurioncrl Theory. 3-5.
75 Ihid., 9.
11, Matlhew Cooper, The Germtm Army (Chlscs: Scarborough I louse I'uhlishcrs, 1978), 195
77 Naveh, In Plrrsuir ofMilitcrry LiceIIencc: The Evol~r~ion o/'Operutionul Theory, 13
" Manstein, Lost Victori~'.~. 1 15.
79 Naveh, 111 Pursuir o/ Military Iixcellence; The hevoluriot~ c?/'Oprutk~nul lh~or j? , 14,
'" Ihid., xvi-xvii.
" Ibid.. I 10- 12 I . Cooper. The (ierman Arm", 177- 194
" NIIVC~, In IJur.~uit o/'Mi/iturj' Excdlence: The Evolution ofOp~~rc~tioncrl Theory, xvii.
83 Manstein, Lost Victories, 100.
"' Deighton, Blilzkrieg, 19 1-276. Manstein, Losr Vicrorie.~. YX-126. tlaldcr, Wur.lournul e?/'Fronz Iluldi!r: Volunte 11, 18-55. I lalder, Wur .lourno/ oj'I*i.anz Haldm: Volume 111, 30-1 32. I laldw, IVur .101rrnd q/' I+unz Hulder: Volume IV. 17-55.
" Sequels arc suhscqucnt operations based on the possible outconles o f the cnrrcnt operation -victory, defeat or stalemate. Sequels are an integral component o f operational design in 1J.S. Army and Joint doctrine.
'" 'l'he action o f multiple agents whose end result is greatur thun the sun1 of lhc individual parts. This definition stcms from the biological dclinition, which is thc action o f two or more snbstances, organs, or organisms to achieve an etyect o f which each is individually incapahlu.
" S ~ ~ n i m a r i m l l iom Navch, In I'ursuil ($Military Lxcellence: 7he I~voIutiot~ o/'Operutione~l Theory, 13.
" I)eighton, I~litzkrii:~, 101-276. Manstein, I.osl Viclorirs. 98-126. Ilalder, Wrrr.lournr11 ofFranz Ilulder: Volurne 11, 18-55. 1 laltler, IVur .lournc~l efFranz Ilalder; Vohrme 111. 30- 132. Haldcr, Wur .lo~rrnul of' Frunz Hulder: Volrrrne IV, 17-55.
'"Carl von Clausewilz. On Wur (Princeton: Princeton IJniversity Press, 1976), 182.
- - -. - - . - - . - . - -. - . -. -. - - - . - . - -- - -- - - "' I-leinz Guderian trans. Constnntioe I:ilzgibbo~i, I'unzer ldudcr (New York: E.1'. Dullon & Co., 1952).
106.
'I1 . Summariwd liom Lkigliton, l~litzkricg, 19 1-276. Hornc, 7'0 IIJSC u ~rrlrle, 245-645. James S. Corum, Ilhe Hoots r!f'lllitzkri~g ((I.awrence: The ilniversity Press of Kansas. 1992), 203-205.
CJZ Summarized from Lkighton, Blitzkrieg, 275-270.
'' Karl-Heinz Frieser, Blifzkr~eg-LEgtnde: Dcr Wtr!fL;ldzu~ 1940 (Munich: It. Oldenbourg, 1095). 5-7.
'" Schneider. Vulcrrn 'k Anvil: The Americcm Civil Wur and the Emergence ofOperuti~nul Art, 39.
"5 Ibid., 40.
"" Ibid., 45-46.
'I1 Ihid, 53-54.
"n Ibid., 55-58.
061 Ibid., 58.
IIHI Ihid.. 60.
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